JAMES    K.MOFFITT 


PAULINE  FORE  MOFFITT 
LIBRARY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
GENERAL  LIBRARY,  BERKELEY 


Z3 


iTJ 


G    A    L    L    U    S 


ROMAN     SCENES 


THE     TIME     OF     AUGUSTUS. 


WITH     NOTES     AND     EXCURSUSES     ILLUSTRATIVE     OE 
MANNERS     AND     CUSTOMS     OF     THE     ROMANS. 


BY     PEOFESSOE     W.    A.    BECKEE. 


1KANSLATEI1    I'.Y    THE 

REV.    FREDERICK     METCALFE,    M.A. 

FELLOW  OF  LINCOLN   COLLEGE,   OXFORD,  AM) 
HEAD  MASTEB  OF  BRIGHTON  COLLEGE. 


THIRD    EDITION. 


NEW   .YORK: 

D.    AP  PL  ETON    &    CO.,    445    BEOADWAY. 

1866. 


Add  to  Lib", 
GIFT 


>G90 


B-4- 


ADVEETISEMENT 

TO 

THE    SECOND    EDITION 


SINCE  the  appearance  of  the  first  edition  of  Gall  us  in 
an  English  form,  its  learned  author,  as  well  as  the 
veteran  Hermann  of  Leipsic,  to  whom  he  dedicated  his 
Charlcles,  have  been  numbered  with  the  dead,  while  the 
irreparable  loss  thus  sustained  by  the  literary  world  was 
heightened  by  the  decease,  soon  after,  of  Orelli  at  Zurich. 

At  the  period  of  his  too  early  removal,  Professor 
Becker  was  engaged  in  collecting  the  materials  for  a 
second  improved  and  enlarged  edition  of  Gallus  :  the  task 
of  completing  which  was  consigned  to  Professor  Rein  of 
Eisenach,  and  the  deceased's  papers  placed  at  his  disposal. 
Besides  interweaving  in  the  work  these  posthumous  notes, 
the  new  editor  has  likewise  added  very  much  valuable 
matter  of  his  own,  correcting  errors  where  they  occurred, 
throwing  new  light  on  obscure  points  of  criticism  or  an- 
tiquarian knowledge,  and,  where  the  explanations  were 
too  brief,  giving  them  greater  development. 

He  has  further  adopted  the  plan  of  the  English 
editor,  whereby  the  Excursuses  were  thrown  together  at 
the  end,  so  as  not  to  interfere  with  the  even  tenor  of  the 
narrative ;  and  the  woodcuts  removed  from  the  end  to 
their  proper  place  in  the  body  of  the  text.  Much  matter 
has  also  been  extracted  from  the  notes  and  embodied  in 
the  Appendix.     These  changes  have  given  a  unity,  con- 

03G 


vi  ADVERTISEMENT. 

secutiveness,  and  completeness  to  the  work  which  must 
materially  enhance  its  literary  value.  Indeed,  so  great 
have  been  the  alterations  and  additions,  and  there  has 
been  so  much  transposition  and  remodelling,  that  this 
English  edition  has  required  nearly  as  much  time  and 
labour  as  the  preceding  one. 

By  the  advice  of  friends  many  of  the  citations  have 
now  been  given  at  length. 

The  Excursus  on  the  Buhlerinnen  has  been  entirely 
omitted. 

It  may  be  added,  that  the  first  edition  having  been 
for  some  time  exhausted,  in  order  to  lose  as  little  time 
as  possible,  the  proof  sheets  were,  by  the  kindness  of  the 
German  publisher,  forwarded  to  this  country  as  they 
issued  from  the  press.  The  editor  may  be  permitted  to 
observe,  in  conclusion,  that  he  is  glad  to  find  from  the 
extensive  circulation  of  Gallus  in  this  country  and  Ame- 
rica, as  well  as  from  the  opinions  of  the  press,  that  the 
praise  he  ventured  to  bestow  on  the  work  has  been  fully 
borne  out. 

Brighton  :  May  1849. 


TEANSLATOE'S    PEEFACE. 


'ALLUS  oder  Römische  Scenen  aus  der  Zeit  Augusts 
—such  is  the  German  title  of  Professor  Becker's 
work — was  published  at  Leipsic  in  1838.  The  novelty  of 
its  conception,  the  comparatively  fresh  ground  it  broke  in 
the  field  of  Eoman  Antiquities,  and  the  exceeding  erudi- 
tion brought  to  bear  on  the  subject,  at  once  arrested  the 
attention  of  German  scholars,  and  it  has  ever  since  been 
considered,  what  its  author  ventured  to  hope  it  would  be, 
1  a  desirable  repertory  of  whatever  is  most  worth  knowing 
about  the  private  life  of  the  Eomans.'  Soon  after  its 
publication,  a  very  lengthened  and  eulogistic  critique  ap- 
peared in  the  Times  London  newspaper ;  and  as  it  seldom 
happens  that  that  Journal  can  find  space  in  its  columns 
for  notices  of  this  description,  no  little  weight  was  attached 
to  the  circumstance,  and  a  proportionate  interest  created 
in  the  work.  Proposals  were  immediately  made  for 
publishing  it  in  an  English  dress,  and  the  book  was  adver- 
tised accordingly ;  but  unforeseen  difficulties  intervened, 
arising  from  the  peculiar  nature  of  the  work,  and  the  plan 
was  ultimately  abandoned. 

In  fact,  in  order  to  render  the  book  successful  in 
England,  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  it  should  be 
somehow  divested  of  its  very  German  appearance,  which, 
how  palatable  soever  it   might  be  to  the  author's   own 


viii  TRANSLATORS   PREFACE. 

countrymen,  would  have  been  caviare  to  the  generality  of 
English  readers.  For  instance,  instead  of  following  each 
other  uninterruptedly,  the  Scenes  were  separated  by  a 
profound  gulf  of  Notes  and  Excursuses,  which,  if  plunged 
into,  was  quite  sufficient  to  drown  the  interest  of  the  tale. 
The  present  translator  was  advised  to  attempt  certain 
alterations,  and  he  was  encouraged  to  proceed  with  the 
task  by  the  very  favourable  opinion  which  some  of  our 
most  distinguished  scholars  entertained  of  the  original, 
and  their  desire  that  it  should  be  introduced  into  this 
country.  The  notes  have  been  accordingly  transported 
from  their  intercalary  position,  and  set  at  the  foot  of  the 
pages  in  the  narrative  to  which  they  refer.  The  Scenes 
therefore  succeed  each  other  uninterruptedly,  so  that  the 
thread  of  the  story  is  rendered  continuous,  and  disen- 
tangled from  the  maze  of  learning  with  which  the  Excur- 
suses  abound.  These,  in  their  turn,  have  been  thrown 
together  in  an  Appendix,  and  will  doubtless  prove  a  very 
substantial  caput  ccence  to  those  who  shall  have  first  dis- 
cussed the  lighter  portion  of  the  repast.  In  addition  to 
these  changes,  which  it  is  hoped  will  meet  with  approba- 
tion, much  curtailment  has  been  resorted  to,  and  the  two 
volumes  of  the  original  compressed  into  one.  In  order  to 
effect  this,  the  numerous  passages  from  Roman  and  Greek 
authors  have,  in  many  instances,  been  only  referred  to, 
and  not  given  at  length  ;  matters  of  minor  importance 
have  been  occasionally  omitted,  and  more  abstruse  points 
of  disquisition  not  entered  into.  Those  who  may  feel  an 
interest  in  further  inquiry,  are  referred  to  the  Professor's 
work,  in  four  volumes,  on  Roman  Antiquities,  now  in 
course  of  publication  in  Germany.  At  the  same  time,  care 
has  been  taken  not  to  leave  out  any  essential  fact. 


TRANSLATOR'S   PREFACE.  ix 

The  narrative,  in  spite  of  the  author's  modest  esti- 
mate of  this  section  of  his  labours,  is  really  very  interest- 
ing, nay,  wonderfully  so,  considering  the  narrow  limits  he 
had  prescribed  for  himself,  and  his  careful  avoidance  of 
anything  not  founded  on  fact,  or  bearing  the  semblance  of 
fiction. 

The  idea  of  making  an  interesting  story  the  basis  of 
his  exposition,  and  of  thus  '  strewing  with  flowers  the 
path  of  dry  antiquity,'  is  most  judicious.  We  have  here 
a  flesh  and  blood  picture  of  the  Eoman,  as  he  lived  and 
moved,  thought  and  acted,  worth  more  a  thousand  times 
than  the  disjecta  membra,  the  dry  skeleton,  to  be  found 
in  such  books  as  Adam's  Roman  Antiquities,  and  others 
of  the  same  nature,  which,  however  erudite,  are  vastly 
uninviting. 

In  conclusion,  the  translator  will  be  abundantly  satis- 
fied if,  by  his  poor  instrumentality,  the  English  student 
shall  have  became  acquainted  with  a  most  instructive 
work,  and  thus  his  mind  stimulated  to  the  further  inves- 
tigation of  a  subject  fraught  with  peculiar  fascination — 

the  domestic  habits  and  manners  of  the  most  remarkable 

» 

people  of  antiquity. 
London:  May  1844. 


AUTHOK'S    PEEFACE. 


THERE  was  once  a  period,  when  no  portion  of  classic 
lore  was  more  zealously  cultivated  than  the  study  of 
Antiquities,  by  which  is  meant  everything  appertaining  to 
the  political  institutions,  worship,  and  houses,  of  the 
ancients.  Though  the  two  former  of  these  are  the  most 
important,  in  an  historical  point  of  view,  yet  objects  of 
domestic  antiquity  excited  still  greater  attention  ;  and  as 
it  was  evident  that  on  the  understanding  of  them  depended 
the  correct  interpretation  of  ancient  authors,  the  smallest 
minutise  were  deemed  worthy  of  investigation. 

The  greatest  philologists  of  the  sixteenth  and  seven- 
teenth centuries,  such  men  as  Lipsius,  Casaubonus,  and 
Salmasius,  took  great  delight  in  this  particular  branch  of 
archasology.  The  last-mentioned  scholar  has,  in  his  Exer- 
citt.  ad  Solinum,  in  the  notes  to  the  Scriptt.  Hist. 
Augusta,  and  Tertullian.  De  Paulo,  as  well  as  elsewhere, 
displayed  his  usual  acumen  and  erudition.  And  although 
more  recent  discoveries  have  often  set  him  right  in  the 
explanation  of  manners  and  customs,  still  his  must  always 
be  considered  as  a  rich  compilation  of  most  judiciously 
chosen  materials. 

It  however  soon  became  apparent  that  written  ac- 
counts were  frequently  insufficient;  and,  as  monuments 
were  gradually  brought  to  light  from  amidst  the  rubbish 


xii  AUTHORS    PREFACE. 

that  hid  them,  their  importance  grew  more  and  more 
manifest.  These  witnesses  of  departed  grandeur  and  mag- 
nificence, of  early  habits  and  customs,  were  canvassed 
with  increasing  animation ;  and,  in  Italy,  a  great  number 
of  works  appeared  descriptive  of  them ;  which,  however, 
often  evinced  rather  an  ostentation  of  extensive  learning 
than  real  depth  and  penetration.  The  Italians  possessed 
the  advantage  of  having  the  monuments  before  their  eyes, 
and  moreover,  the  Dutch  and  German  scholars  contented 
themselves  with  throwing  together  a  quantity  of  loose  and 
unconnected  observations,  without  bestowing  much  inves- 
tigation on  their  relevancy.  But  it  was  after  the  conclusion 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  that  this  fault  reached  its 
height,  and  the  writings  became  exceedingly  unpalatable, 
from  the  tasteless  fashion  of  jumbling  ancient  with  modern, 
and  Christian  with  heathen  customs. 

Even  up  to  the  present  time  not  much  has  been  done 
in  explanation  of  this  particular  branch  of  archaeology, 
and  little  as  such  works  as  Pignorius  De  Servis,  Ferrarius 
De  re  Vestiaria,  Mercurialis  De  Arte  Gymnastica,  Ciaco- 
nius  De  Triclinio,  Paschalius  De  Coronis,  &c,  are  calcu- 
lated to  give  satisfaction,  they  still  continue  to  be  cited  as 
authorities.  Whilst  the  political  institutions  have  been 
subjected  to  profound  investigation,  the  private  life  of  the 
Eomans  has  been  quite  neglected,  or  nearly  so ;  and  the 
hand-books,  which  could  not  well  be  entirely  silent  on 
this  head,  have  merely  presented  us  hasty  notices,  taken 
from  the  older  writers. 

The  works  of  Maternus,  Cilano,  and  Nitsch.  may 
have  been  useful  in  their  day,  but  they  are  now  quite 
obsolete.  Meierotto,  who  undertook  to  describe  the  cus- 
toms and  habits  of  the  Eomans,  has  confined  himself  to 


AUTHOKS   PREFACE.  xiii 

making  a  compilation  of  a  quantity  of  anecdotes,  culled 
from  the  old  authors,  and  deducing  some  general  charac- 
teristics from  them.  Couture  has  also  written  three  essays, 
entitled,  De  la  Vie  Privee  des  Romains  in  the  Mem.  de 
VAcad.  d.  laser,  i. 

The  most  important  work  that  has  been  written,  at 
least  upon  one  part  of  Eoman  life,  is  Böttiger's  Sabina, 
as  it  is  the  result  of  actual  personal  investigation.  This 
deservedly  famed  archaeologist  succeeded  in  imparting 
an  interest  even  to  less  important  points,  and  combin- 
ing therewith  manifold  instruction,  notwithstanding  his 
tediousness,  and  the  numerous  instances  of  haste  and  lack 
of  critical  acumen.  We  must  not  omit  to  mention  Mazois' 
Palace  of  Scaurus.  The  work  has  merits,  though  its 
worth  has  been  much  increased  by  translation,  and  it  is 
a  pity  that  the  editors  did  not  produce  an  original  work 
on  the  subject,  instead  of  appending  their  note's  to  a  text 
which,  though  written  with  talent,  is  hurried  and  uncri- 
tical. Dezobry's  Rome  du  Siede  d'Auguste,  may  also 
prove  agreeable  reading  to  those  who  are  satisfied  with 
light  description,  void  alike  of  depth,  precision,  and  scien- 
tific value.  It  would  be  still  more  futile  to  seek  for 
instruction  in  Mirbach's  Roman  Letters.  In  the  second 
edition  of  Creuzer's  Abriss.  der  Römischen  Antiquitäten, 
Professor  Bahr  has  given  a  very  valuable  treatise  on  the 
objects  connected  with  the  meals  and  funerals.  It  is  the 
most  complete  thing  of  the  kind  that  has  appeared,  though 
the  work  being  only  in  the  form  of  an  abstract,  a  more 
detailed  account  was  inadmissible. 

In  the  total  absence  of  any  work,  satisfactorily  ex- 
plaining the  more  important  points  of  the  domestic  life  of 
the  ancients,  the  author   determined   to  write    on    this 


xiv  AUTHORS    PREFACE. 

subject,  and  was  engaged  during  several  j^ears  in  col- 
lecting materials  for  the  purpose.  His  original  intention 
was  to  produce  a  systematic  Land-book ;  but  finding  that 
this  would  lead  to  too  much  brevity  and  curtailment, 
and  exclude  entirely  several  minor  traits,  which  although 
not  admitting  of  classification,  were  highly  necessary  to  a 
complete  portrait  of  Eoman  life,  he  was  induced  to  imitate 
the  example  of  Böttiger  and  Mazois,  and  produce  a  con- 
tinuous story,  with  explanatory  notes  on  each  chapter. 
Those  topics  which  required  more  elaborate  investigation, 
have  been  handled  at  length  in  Excursuses. 

The  next  question  was,  whether  a  fictitious  character, 
or  some  historical  personage,  should  be  selected  for  the 
hero.  The  latter  was  chosen,  although  objections  may  be 
raised  against  this  method ;  as,  after  all,  a  mixture  of 
fiction  must  be  resorted  to  in  order  to  introduce  several 
details  which,  strictly  speaking,  may  perhaps  not  be  his- 
torical. Still  there  were  preponderant  advantages  in 
making  some  historical  fact  the  basis  of  the  work,  par- 
ticularly if  the  person  selected  was  such  as  to  admit  of  the 
introduction  of  various  phases  of  life,  in  the  course  of  his 
biography.  A  personage  of  this  sort  presented  itself  in 
Cornelius  Grallus,  a  man  whose  fortunate  rise  from  obscurity 
to  splendour  and  honour,  intimacy  with  Augustus,  love  of 
Lycoris,  and  poetical  talents,  render  him  not  a  little 
remarkable.  It  is  only  from  the  higher  grades  of  society 
that  we  can  obtain  the  materials  for  a  portraiture  of 
Eoman  manners  ;  of  the  lower  orders  but  little  is  known. 
The  Augustan  age  is  decidedby  the  happiest  time  to  select. 
Indeed,  little  is  known  of  the  domestic  habits  of  the  pre- 
vious period,  as  Varro's  work,  De  Vita  Populi  Romani, 
the  fragments  of  which   are  valuable  enough  to  make 


AUTHORS   PEEFACE.  xv 

us  deplore  its  loss,  has  unluckily  not  come  "down  to  us. 
The  rest  of  the  earlier  writers,  with  the  exception  of  the 
comedians,  whose  accounts  we  must  receive  with  caution, 
throw  but  little  light  on  this  side  of  life  in  their  times, 
inasmuch  as  domestic  relations  sunk  then  into  insigni- 
ficance, compared  with  the  momentous  transactions  of 
public  life ;  a  remark  partially  applicable  to  the  age  of 
,  Augustus  also.  The  succeeding  writers  are  the  first  to 
dwell  with  peculiar  complacency  on  the  various  objects  of 
domestic  luxury  and  comfort,  which,  now  that  their  minds 
were  dead  to  nobler  aims,  had  become  the  most  important 
ends  of  existence. 

Hence  it  is,  that  apart  from  the  numerous  antique 
monuments  which  have  been  dug  up,  and  placed  in 
museums  (e.  g.  the  Museum  Borbonicum),  our  most 
valuable  authorities  on  Roman  private  life  are  the  later 
poets,  as  Juvenal,  Martial,  Statius ;  then  Petronius,  Se- 
neca, Suetonius,  the  two  Plinies,  Cicero's  speeches  and 
letters,  the  elegiac  poets,  and  especially  Horace.  Next 
come  the  grammarians  and  the  digests  ;  while  the  Greek 
authors,  as  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  Plutarch,  Dio 
Cassius,  Lucian,  Athenaeus,  and  the  lexicographers,  as 
Pollux,  still  further  enlighten  us.  The  author  has  made 
it  a  rule  never  to  quote  these  last  as  authorities,  except 
when  they  expressly  refer  to  Roman  customs,  or  when 
these  correspond  with  the  Grecian.  He  has  also  confined 
himself  to  a  citation  of  the  best  authorities,  and  such  as  he 
had  actually  consulted  in  person.  Their  number  might 
have  been  considerably  increased  from  Fabricius,  Biinau's 
Catalogue,  and  other  works  of  the  kind. 

In  dividingr  the  work  into  twelve  scenes,  the  author 
disclaims  all  intention  of  writing  a  romance.     This  would, 

a 

0 


xvi  AUTHORS   PREFACE. 

no  doubt,  have  been  a  far  easier  task  than  the  tedious 
combination  of  a  multitude  of  isolated  facts  into  a  single 
picture ;  an  operation  allowing  but  very  little  scope  to  the 
imagination.  It  was,  in  fact,  not  unlike  putting  together 
a  picture  in  mosaic,  for  which  purpose  are  supplied  a 
certain  number  of  pieces  of  divers  colours.  What  the 
author  has  interpolated,  to  connect  the  whole  together,  is 
no  more  than  the  colourless  bits,  indispensable  to  form 
the  ground-work  of  the  picture,  and  bring  it  clearly  before 
the  eye.  His  eagerness  to  avoid  anything  like  romance, 
may  possibly  have  rather  prejudiced  the  narrative,  but, 
even  as  it  is,  more  fiction  perhaps  is  admitted  than  is 
strictly  compatible  with  the  earnestness  of  literary  in- 
quiry. 

The  character  of  Grallus  may  seem  to  have  been 
drawn  too  pure  and  noble ;  but  the  author  does  not  fear 
any  censure  on  this  score.  His  crime  has  been  here  sup- 
posed to  be  that  mentioned  by  Ovid,  linguam  nimio 
non  tenuisse  mero;  and  indeed  the  most  authentic  writers 
nowhere  lay  any  very  grave  offence  to  his  charge.  Possibly, 
the  reader  may  have  been  surprised  that  Gallus  has  not 
been  introduced  in  more  intellectual  company,  since  his 
position  towards  Augustus,  and  friendship  with  Virgil — 
very  probably  with  Propertius  also — would  have  yielded  a 
fine  opportunity  for  so  doing.  But,  apart  from  the  hardi- 
hood of  an  attempt  to  describe  the  sayings  and  doings 
of  men  like  these,  nothing  would  have  been  gained  for 
our  purpose,  while  their  very  intellectual  greatness  would 
have  prevented  the  author  from  dwelling  so  much  on  the 
mere  externals  of  life.  Moreover,  it  is  by  no  means  cer- 
tain that  the  early  friendship  between  Virgil  and  Gallus 


AUTHORS    PREFACE.  xvii 

continued  to  the  close  of  the  latter's  career,  after  he  had 
fallen  into  disfavour  with  Augustus.  Such  persons  as  are 
here  portrayed,  abounded  in  Eome,  as  we  learn  from 
Juvenal  and  Martial. 

In  describing  Gallus  as  ccelebs,  the  author  wished  to 
institute  an  inquiry  into  those  points  of  domestic  life 
which  had  hitherto  been  little  attended  to,  or  imperfectly 
investigated.  As  far  as  the  customs,  occupations,  re- 
quirements, &c,  of  the  fair  sex  were  concerned,  Böttiger 
has  given  very  satisfactory  information  in  his  Sabina ;  so 
that  the  introduction  of  a  matron  into  Gallus'  family 
might  have  led  to  a  repetition  of  matters  which  that 
writer  has  already  discussed.  In  that  case  the  author 
must  also  have  entirely  omitted  Lycoris  —  a  personage 
affording  an  excellent  opportunity  of  introducing  several 
topics  of  interest  relating  to  the  sex.  The  relations  of 
marriage,  so  far  as  they  form  the  basis  of  the  household, 
could  not  be  passed  over  in  silence ;  but  it  is  only  in 
this  point  of  view  that  the  Excursus  on  Marriage  must 
be  considered,  as  it  makes  no  pretensions  to  survey  the 
matter  in  its  whole  extent,  either  as  a  religious  or  civil 
institution. 

The  author  was  desirous  to  have  introduced  an  ac- 
count of  the  public  shows,  theatre,  amphitheatre,  and 
circus,  but  they  required  such  a  lengthy  preamble,  that 
the  subject  was  omitted  entirely,  as  being  too  bulky  for 
the  plan  of  the  work. 

In  treating  of  matters  so  various,  it  is  quite  possible 
that  the  author  may  have  occasionally  offered  erroneous 
opinions;  nor  can  it  be  denied  that  some  chapters  have 
been  elaborated  with  more  inclination  than  others ;  all  he 


xviii  AUTHORS   PREFACE. 

wishes  the  reader  to  believe  of  him  is,  that  he  has  never 
shunned  the  labour  of  earnest  personal  investigation ;  and 
he  hopes  that  a  work  has  been  composed,  which  may  serve 
as  a  desirable  repertory  of  whatever  is  most  worth  knowing 
about  the  private  life  of  the  Eomans. 


CONTENTS. 


Advertisement  to  the'Seeond  Edition 
Translator's  Preface 
Author  s  Preface 


PAGE 

v 
vii 
xi 


GALLUS. 


SCENE   THE    FIRST. 

THE  EOMAN  FAMILY       .... 
Excuesus      I.     The  Women,  or  Eoman  Marriage 
„  II.     The  Children  and  Education 

III.     The  Slaves 
„  IV.     The  Eelations,  Friends  and  Clients 


1 
153 
182 
199 
226 


SCENE    THE  SECOND. 

THE  EOMAN  HOUSE  . 

Excursus      I.     The  Structure  of  the  Building    . 
„  II.     The  Manner  of  Fastening  the  Doors 

„  III.     The  Household  Utensils 

„  IV.     The  Manner  of  Lighting 

V.     The  Clocks 


14 
231 
281 
285 
308 
315 


CONTEXTS. 


SCENE    THE    THIRD. 

PAGE 

STUDIES  AND  LETTEES  .... 

.         28 

Excursus      I.     The  Library 

.     322 

IL     The  Books 

.     325 

III.     The  Booksellers 

.     334 

IV.     The  Letter 

.     338 

SCENE    THE    FOURTH. 


THE  JOUBNEY 


Excuesus      I.     The  Lectica  and  the  Carriages 
„  LT.     The  Inns 


39 

341 
351 


SCENE    THE    FIFTH. 
THE  VILLA 

Excursus.     The  Gardens 


57 
358 


LYCOEIS 


SCENE    THE    SIXTH. 


70 


SCENE    THE    SEVENTH. 

BATHS  AND  GYMNASTICS 85 

Excursus      I.     The  Baths  .  .  .  .  .366 

„  II.     The   Game  of  Ball,  and  other  Gymnastic  Ex- 

ercises .....     398 


SCENE    THE    EIGHTH. 
DEESS 98 

Excursus      I.     The  Dress  of  the  Men    ....     408 
II.     The  Dress  of  the  Women  .  .  .431 

Appendix.      Material,    Colour,    Manufacture,   and   Cleaning   of 

Garments  .....     442 


CONTENTS. 


SCENE    THE    NINTH. 


PAGE 

THE  BANQUET 

. 

.        110 

Excursus      I. 

The  Meals 

.     4.51 

II. 

The  Triclinium  . 

.     471 

III. 

The  Table-utensils 

.     476 

IV. 

The  Drinks 

.     485 

SCENE    THE    TENTH. 

THE  DRINKERS      .... 

Excursus      I.    The  Chaplets  and  Games 
II.     The  Social  Games 


125 

496 
499 


SCENE    THE    ELEVENTH. 


THE  CATASTROPHE 


134 


SCENE    THE    TWELFTH. 


THE  GRAVE 

Excursus.     The  Burial  of  the  Dead 

Index  .... 


142 
505 

525 


G  A  L  L  U  S. 


SCENE  THE  FIRST. 


NOCTURNAL    RETURN    PIOME. 

THE  third  watch  of  the  night  was  drawing  to  a  close, 
and  the  mighty  city  lay  buried  in  the  deepest 
silence,  unbroken,  save  by  the  occasional  tramp  of  the 
Nocturnal  Triumviri  \  as  they  passed  on  their  rounds  to 


1  The  nightly  superintendence  of 
Borne  soon  became  one  of  the  duties  of 
the  triumviri  or  tresviri,  treviri  capi- 
tals, who  had  to  preserve  the  peace 
and  security  of  the  city,  and  especially 
to  provide  against  fires.  Liv.  xxix. 
14  :  Trimviris  capitalibus  mandatum 
est,  ut  vigilias  disponerent  per  urban 
servarentque,  ne  qui  nocturni  castus 
fierent ;  utque  ab  incendiis  cavere- 
tar,  adjutores  triumviris  quinqyn  ifiri 
uti  eis  Tiherim  tunc  quique  regionis 
cedificiis  preeesscnt.  VaL  Max.  viii. 
1,  5.  M.  Malvius,  On.  Lollius,  L. 
Sextilius,  triumviri,  quod  ad  incen- 
dium  in  sacra  via  ortum  extinguen- 
dum  tardius  venerant,  a  trib.  pi. 
<!/<■  dicta  ad  populum  damnati  sunt. 
They  were  also  called  triumviri  -noc- 
turni. Liv.  ix.  46 ;  Val.  Max.  viii. 
1,  6.  P.  Villius  triumvir  nocturnus 
a  P.  Aquilio,  trib.  pi.  accusatus — 
quia  vigilias  negligentius  circumie- 
rat.  The  timorous  Sosias  alludes  to 
them,  Amphitryo  Plauti,  i.  1,  3  : 

Quid  faeiam  nunc.si  tresviri  me  in  carcerem 
compegerint  ? 

because  they  arrested  those  whom 

they  found  iu  the  street  late  at  night ; 


and  we  find  the  vigiles  discharging 
the  same  function.  Itaque  vigiles, 
qui  custodiebant  vicinam  regionem, 
rati  ordere  Trimalchionis  domum  ef- 
fregt  runt  jantiam  subito  et  cum  aqua 
seci/ribusque  tumultuari  suo  jure 
eeeperunt.  Cf.  Seneca,  Epist.  64. 
When  Petrandus  speaks  of  water,  we 
must  suppose  that  the  watch  were 
provided  with  fire-buckets ;  we  can 
scarcely  assume  that  engines  (sipho- 
nes)  are  alluded  to,  although  Beck- 
mann points  out,  with  much  proba- 
bility, that  one  of  the  means  of  extin- 
guishing fire  in  the  time  of  Trajan 
was  referred  to  in  Pliny,  Ep.  x.  42, 
and  Apollodorus  in  Vett.  Mathem. 
Opp.  p.  32.  V.  also  Isidor.  xx.  6 ; 
Schneider,  Eclog.  Phys.  i.  225,  ii. 
117;  Colum.  iii.  10;  denique  Nat. 
ii.  16.  Buckets  (liama,  Plin.  x.  42; 
Juv.  xiv.  305)  and  hatchets  (dolabra, 
Dig.  i.  15,  3)  were  part  of  the  ap- 
paratus for  extinguishing  fires.  Pe- 
tronii  Satires,  c.  78.  Augustus  re- 
modelled  this  nightly  watch,  forming 
seven  cohorts,  headed  by  a  prefect, 
called  Prcsfectus  Vigilum.  Suet. 
Aug.  30;  Paul.  Dig.  i.  15.     In  spite 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  I, 


see  that  the  fire-watchmen  were  at  their  posts,  or  per- 
haps by  the  footstep  of  one  lounging  homewards  from 
a  late  debauch.2  The  last  streak  of  the  waning  moon 
faintly  illumined  the  temples  of  the  Capitol  and  the  Quad- 
rigae, and  shot  a  feeble  gleam  over  the  fanes  and  palaces 
of  the  Alta  Semita,  whose  roofs,  clad  with  verdant  shrubs 
and  flowers,  diffused  their  spicy  odours  through  the  warm 
night-air,  and,  while  indicating  the  abode  of  luxury  and 
joy,  gave  no  sign  of  the  dismal  proximity  of  the  Campus 
Sceleratus. 

In  the  midst  of  this  general  stillness,  the  door  of  one 
of  the  handsomest  houses  creaked  upon  its  hinges;  its  ves- 
tibule 3  ornamented  with  masterpieces  of  Grecian  sculpture, 
its  walls  overlaid  with  costly  foreign  marble,  and  its  doors 
and  doorposts  richly  decorated  with  tortoise-shell  and 
precious  metals,  sufficiently  proclaimed  the  wealth  of  its 


of  these  precautious,  fires  frequently 
occurred  ;  and  although  the  Romans 
possessed  no  fire-insurance  offices,  yet 
such  munificent  contributions  were 
made  for  the  sufferers'  relief,  that 
suspicion  sometimes  arose  of  the 
owners  of  houses  having  themselves 
set  them  on  fire.  So  says  Martial, 
iii.  52 : 
Empta  domus  fuerat  tibi,  Tongiliane,  clu- 

centis ; 
Abstulit  banc    nimium  casus  in  urbe 

frequens ; 
Collatuni  est  decies ;  rogo,  non  potes  ipse 

videri 
Incendisss  tuarn,  Tongiliane,  domum  ? 

Juvenal  describes  the  zeal  of  those 
who,  not  content  with  rendering 
pecuniary  relief  to  the  sufferers,  also 
made  them  presents  of  statues,  pic- 
tures, books,  and  so  forth.     Sat.  iii. 

215: 

meliora  et  plura  reponit 
Persicus  orbor  urn  1  antissimus.  et  merito  j  am 
Suspectus,   tanquam  ipse  suas  incenderit 
jedes. 

On  the  method  of  extinguishing  fires, 
see  also  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiii.  7,  12 : 
Acetum  quoque  quod  exstingicendi  in- 


cendii  causa  paratur,  item  centimes, 
siphones,  pcrticas  quoque  et  sccdas. 

2  Probably  like  Propertius,  when 
he  had  the  pleasant  vision,  described 
in  ii.  29.  Morning  would  frequently 
surprise  the  drinkers.  Mart.  i.  29. 
Bibere  in  lucem  ;  vii.  10,  5,  coenare  in 
/"'■(■hi.  The  debauched  life  of  those 
who,  inverting  the  order  of  nature, 
slept  all  day  and  rioted  all  night,  is 
well  sketched  by  Seneca,  Ep.  122. 
Turpis,  qui  alto  sole  semisomnisjaccf, 
et  cujus  vigilia  medio  die  incipit.  Et 
adhuc  myitis  hoc  antelucanum  est. 
Sunt  qui  officia  lucis  noctisque  per- 
vertunt,  nee  ante  diducunt  oculos 
hesterna  graves  crapula,  quam  ap- 
peterc  non  ccepit.  He  terms  them 
Antipodes,  who,  according  to  a  saying 
of  Cato,  Nee  orientem  unquam  solan 
necoccidentemviderunt.  Cf.  Colum. 
Preef.  16. 

3  For  a  description  of  the  different 
parts  of  the  house,  accompanied  by 
illustrations,  see  the  Excursus  on 
The  Boinan  House. 


Scene  I.]  NOCTURNAL   RETURN.  3 

owner.  The  ostiarius,  rattling-  the  chain  that  served  as  a 
safeguard  against  nocturnal  depredators,  opened  the  un- 
bolted door,  disclosing  as  he  did  so  the  prospect  into  the 
entrance-hall,  where  a  few  of  the  numerous  lamps  were 
still  burning  on  two  lofty  marble  candelabra, — a  proof 
that  the  inmates  had  not  yet  retired  for  the  night.  At 
the  same  time,  there  stalked  through  the  hall  a  freedman, 
whose  imperious  mien,  and  disregard  of  the  surly  porter, 
even  more  than  the  attending  vicarius,  at  once  pointed 
him  out  as  one  possessing  much  of  the  confidence  of  the 
lord  of  the  mansion.  He  strode  musingly  across  the  thres- 
hold and  vestibule  towards  the  street,  and  after  looking 
anxiously  on  all  sides,  through  the  dim  light  and  the  sha- 
dows of  the  lofty  atria,  turned  to  his  attendant  and  said, 
'It  is  not  his  wont,  Leonidas;  and  what  possible  reason  can 
he  have  for  concealing  from  us  where  he  tarries  at  this  late 
hour  ?  He  never  used  to  go  unattended,  whether  to  the 
abode  of  Lycoris,  or  to  enjoy  the  stolen  pleasures  of  the 
Subura.  Why  then  did  he  dismiss  the  slaves  to-day,  and 
hide  from  us  so  mysteriously  the  place  of  his  destination  ?' 

'Lydus  tells  me,'  answered  the  vicarius,  'that  Gallus 
left  the  palace  in  evil  mood,  and  when  the  slave  who  was 
putting  on  his  sandals  enquired  whence  he  should  escort 
him  on  his  return,  he  bade  him  await  him  at  home,  and 
then  hastened,  clad  in  his  coloured  synthesis,  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Via  Sacra.  Not  long  before  his  departure, 
Pomponius  had  left  the  house;  and  Lydus,  impelled  partly 
by  curiosity,  and  partly  by  anxiety  at  the  unusual  excite- 
ment of  his  master,  followed  at  a  distance,  and  saw  the 
two  meet  near  the  Temple  of  Freedom,  after  which  they 
disappeared  in  the  Via  a  Cyprio.' 

'  Pomponius!'  returned  the  freedman,  '  the  friend  and 
confidant  of  Largus !  Xo  company  he  for  an  open  and 
frank  disposition,  and  still  less  at  a  jolly  carousal,  where 
the  tongue  is  unfettered  by  copious  goblets  of  pure  Setinian 
wine,  and  of  which  the  Sicilian  proverb  too  often  holds 
good  the  next  morning,  '  Cursed  be  he  who  remembers  at 

b  2 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  I. 


the  banquet4.  I  don't  know,  Leonid  as,'  continued  he,  after 
a  moment's  reflection,  *  what  dismal  foreboding  it  is  that 
has  for  some  time  been  pursuing  me.  The  gods  are,  I 
fear,  wroth  with  our  house  ;  they  hate  too  sudden  pro- 
sperity, we  are  told.  There  was  too,  methinks,  more  tran- 
quillity in  the  small  lodging5  near  the  Tiber  than  in  this 
magnificent  palace  :  more  fidelity,  when  the  whole  house- 
hold consisted  of  few  besides  ourselves,  than  is  to  be  found 
in  this  extensive  mansion,  filled  with  many  decurice  of 
dearly-purchased  slaves,  whom  their  lord  hardly  knows  by 
sio-ht,  ministers  of  his  splendour,  but  not  of  his  comfort. 
Above  all,  there  was  more  cordiality  among  those  who  used 
to  climb  the  steep  stairs,  to  partake  of  his  simple  fare,  than 
in  the  whole  troop  of  visitors  who  daily  throng  the  vesti- 
bule and  atrium  to  pay  the  customary  morning  greeting.' 


*  Mice'co  jjLvdfAOva  ffv/M-nSrav.  Plut. 
Sympos.  i.  1.  The  sense  in  which 
Martial,  i.  28,  applies  this  proverb  to 
Procillus,  is  certainly  the  only  correct 
one.     Lucian,  8ymp.  iii.  p.  420. 

5  The  Roman  of  wealth  and  dis- 
tinction occupied,  with  his  family, 
the  whole  of  his  extensive  mansion  ; 
the  less  affluent  rented,  in  proportion 
to  their  requirements  and  means, 
either  an  entire  house,  or  a  section  of 
some  larger  insula,  the  name  by 
which  all  hired  houses  went — and  the 
poorer  classes  took  a  small  mnacu- 
lum  in  an  upper  story,  though  at  a 
somewhat  extravagant  price,  pensio 
cdlce.  Mart.  iii.  30.  3.  The  poet 
himself  occupied  a  ccenaeulum  of  this 
description  in  the  third  story,  i.  118, 
7,  Scalis  habito  tribus,  sed  altis  ;  and 
he  says  of  the  miserly  Sanctra,  who 
•used  to  take  half  his  ccena  home 
with  him,  vii,  20,  20,  Hcec  per  du~ 
centas  domum  tldit  scalas.  As  in  an 
insula  of  this  description  the  lodgers 
might  be  very  different  persons,  the 


stairs  to  their  private  apartments 
often  led  upwards  from  the  streetout- 
side ;  an  arrangement  also  to  be  found 
in  the  private  houses.  The  ccenaeulum 
assigned  to  Hispala,  for  her  security 
after  she  had  discovered  the  mon- 
strosities of  the  Bacchanalia,  was  of 
this  description.  Liv.  xxxix. :  Consul 
rogat  socrum,  ut  aliquam  partem 
tedium  vacuam  faceret,  quo  Hispala 
immigraret.  Coenaculum  super  cedes 
datum  est,  scalis  ferentibus  in  publi- 
cum obseratis,  aditu  in  cedes  verso. 
We  learn  from  Cicero,  pro  Cozlio,  c. 
7,  that  lodgings  could  be  let  even  as 
high  as  30,000  sesterces.  Ccelius, 
however,  only  went  to  the  expense  of 
10,000,  i.  e.  £80. 

The  Kalends  of  July  were  the 
usual,  though  perhaps  not  the  only 
period  for  changing  lodgings.  Mart, 
xii.  32,  humorously  describes  the 
moving  of  a/amilia  sordida  amount- 
ing to  four  persons,  who  managed  to 
transfer  all  their  goods  and  chattels 
at  one  journey.  See  the  Excursus  on 
The  Roman  House. 


Scene  I.]  NOCTURNAL   RETÜBN.  5 

'  Alas  !  thou  art  right,  Chresimus,'  replied  the  slave ; 
'  this  is  no  longer  a  place  for  comfort,  and  the  gods  have 
already  given  us  more  than  one  warning  sign.  It  was  not 
without  an  object  that  the  bust  of  the  great  Cornelius  fell 
down,  and  destroyed  the  new  pavement  inlaid  with  the 
image  of  Isis.  Moreover,  the  beech  at  the  villa,  on  the  bark 
of  which  Lycoris  carved  the  name6  of  our  master,  has  not 
put  out  leaves  this  spring ;  thrice  too  have  I  heard  in  the 
stillness  of  night  the  ominous  hooting  of  the  owl.' 

Conversing  thus,  they  had  again  reached  the  vestibule, 
without  perceiving  a  man  who  approached  with  somewhat 
uncertain  gait,  from  the  Temple  of  Flora.  Over  his  under- 
garment he  wore  a  festive  robe  of  a  bright  red  colour, 
such  as  those  in  which  Roman  elegants  of  the  day  used  to 
appear  at  state-banquets.  His  sandals  were  fastened  with 
thongs  of  the  same  dye  ;  while  a  chaplet  of  young  myrtle 
and  Milesian  roses  hung  negligently  down  on  the  left  brow, 
and  appeared  to  be  gliding  from  his  perfumed  locks  " ;  in 
short,  everything  indicated  that  he  was  returning  from 
some  joyous  carousal,  where  the  amphoixv  had  not  been 
spared. 

"  Xot  till  he  had  gained  the  vestibule  did  Chresimus 
become  aware  of  his  approach.  '  There  he  is  at  last,' 
exclaimed  the  faithful  freedmaD,  with  a  lightened  heart. 
'  All  hail !  my  lord.  Anxiety  for  you  brought  us  out  of 
doors ;  we  are  unused  to  find  you  abroad  at  so  late  an 
hour.' 

'  I  was  with  true  friends,'  answered  the  master,  '  and 
the  hours  vanish  gaily  and  swiftly  over  the  wine-cup,  in 
familiar  converse:  Pomponius,  too,  svas  my  companion 
nearly  all  the  way  home.'  At  this  closing  remark  the 
visage  of  the  freedman  again  became  clouded ;  he  went 


Propert.  i.  18,  21.  Ergo  amor  et  modicum  circa  rnea  tempora 


Ah,  quoties  teneras  resonant  mea  verba  sub 
umbras, 
Scribitur  et  vestris  Cynthia  corticibus. 

7  Ovid,  Amor.  i.  6,  37. 


vin  urn 
Mecum  est  et  madidis  lapsa  corona  comis. 

Mart.  xi.  8,   10 ;  divitibus  lapsa  co- 
rona corals  ;  cf.  iii.  6-5,  8. 


6 


GALLUS. 


[Sc 


silently  towards  the  door,  and  having  opened  it,  he  and 
Leonidas  followed  their  lord  into  the  house.  While  the  osti- 
cxrmswas  engaged  in  bolting  the  door,  Chresimus  proceeded 
to  light  a  wax-candle  at  one  of  the  lamps,  and  led  the  way, 
through  saloons  and  colonnades,  to  the  sleeping  apartment 
of  his  lord.  Having  arrived  in  the  ante-room,  the  slave  of 
the  toilet,  who  was  in  waiting,  received  the  synthesis  and 
sandals,  whilst  the  cubicularius  threw  open  the  door  and 
drew  back  the  many-coloured  tapestry  of  Alexandria  which 
served  as  a  curtain.  Then,  after  having  again  smoothed 
the  purple  coverlet  that  nearly  concealed  the  ivory  bed- 
stead, and  remained  till  his  master  had  reposed  his  head  on 
the  variegated  feather  tapestry  covering  the  pillow  stuffed 
with  the  softest  wool,  he  quitted  the  apartment. 

He  who  returned  home  thus  late  and  lonely,   without 
the  usual  accompaniment  of  slaves,  was  Cornelius  G-allus8, 


8  The  scanty  accounts  we  possess 
respecting  the  personal  history  of 
Gallus,  are  to  be  found  in  Dio  Cas- 
sius,  Strabo,  Suetonius,  Virgil,  Pro- 
pertius  and  Ovid.  The  few  fragments 
of  his  poems,  even  if  authentic,  afford 
us  no  further  information. Gallus  was 
of  obscure,  at  least  poor,  ancestors, 
but  that  did  not  prevent  his  obtain- 
ing the  favour  of  Octaviauus,  and 
being  included  in  the  select  circle 
of  his  friends.  In  the  war  against 
Antony  he  was  general  of  a  division 
of  the  army,  and  Dio  Cassius,  li.  9, 
commemorates  his  skilful  conquest 
and  defence  of  the  port  of  Paraeto- 
nium.  After  the  subjugation  of 
Egypt>  Octavianus  appointed  him 
Prefect  of  that  country.  Dio  Cass.  c. 
17.  Ek  5e  tovtov  t)]v  5e  Kl-yvmov 
Ü7ruT€Af;  ejrui7)cr€.  Kal  tu  räWca  reo 
KopvqKiü)  iirerpe^e.  tto6s  re  yap  rb 
TroXvavSpov  Kal  ruv  Tr6\e<iiv  Kal  ttjs 
■%wpas    Kal    Trpos    rb     paSiou     rb     re 

KOV(pOV    TWV     Tpotrwv      ai/TWV,     TT)!>     T6 

otTOTTOu-xe'iav  Kal  -ret   XP17AtaTa   o-jSepl 


ßouAevTJi  ovx  oirus  ey^eipitrcu  avr't]v 
tTo\ixi)<j£v,  k.  t.  X.  We  have  no 
further  account  of  him  till  on  the 
occasion  of  his  unfortunate  end.  Dio 
Cass.  liii.  23.  6  8e  5);  TaXXos  Kopvrj- 
Atos  Kai  e^vßpiaev  virb  Tr,s  Tigris. 
TioXKa  ixii/  yap  Kal  fxaraia  is  rbv 
AvyovtTTOV  aneXiipei,  iroWa  5e  Kal 
fVaiTia  TraptnpaTTe.  Kal  yap  Kal 
sLKovas  eavTOv  iv  0A77,  ws  ei  e?v,  rfj 
Atyurncj)  ffcTTTjcre,  Kal  ra  epya  offa 
67re7roi'rjKei  es  ras  irvpa/j.i8as  iae- 
ypaipe.  It  was  probably  his  expedi- 
dition  against  the  rebellious  cities  of 
Heroopolis  and  Thebes,  which  caused 
his  downfall.  Strabo  thus  speaks  of 
his  end :  TdAAos  fiiv  ye  Kopvr,\ios, 
6  irpüros  KaracrTadels  tirapxvs  ttjs 
X<*>pas  virb  Kaiaapos  rr\v  Te  'Wpinuiv 
■koMv  aTroffTciffav  ZireXQuv  St'  oMywv 
eiXe,  <rra<ni'  re  yevijOelirav  eV  t?7  07)- 
ßa'tSi  Sia.  robs  <p6povs  iv  ßpay/l  Kar- 
eAvaev.  At  all  events  Valerius  Lar- 
gus,  formerly  the  confidential  friend 
of  Gallus,  made  these  suspicious  cir- 
cumstances the  ground  of  an  accusa- 


Scene  I.] 


XOCTURXAL   RETURX. 


a  man  received  and  envied  in  the  higher  circles  of  the 
Roman  world  as  the  friend  and  favourite  of  Augustus,  but 
secretly  hated  by  them  ;  for  though  not  ashamed  of  slavishly 
cringing  to  the  mighty  despot,  they  looked  haughtily  on 
the  exalted  pleheian.  He  was,  however,  among  the  friends 
of  the  soberer  as  well  as  brighter  Muses,  universally  prized 
as  a  man  of  much  learning,  and  celebrated   as  a  graceful 


tion  against  him.  and  in  consequence 
Aug\istus  forbad  Gallus  visiting  his 

>r  remaining  in  his  pro- 
(Suet.  Aug.  17.  Claud.  23.)  Imme- 
diately after  his  disgrace,  numerous 
other  accusers  appeared,  who  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  him  exiled  and  his 
property  confiscated.  Gallus  could 
not  endure  his  fall,  and  killed  him- 
self with  his  sword.  This  account 
agrees  with  that  of  Suet.  Aug.  66. 

.       temer    ex 
in  amicitia  i 

prater  SalvidienumSufum,  q% 
consulatum  usque,  et  Cor     '        '  •    - 
lum,  quern  ad  pra  Egypti, 

ex  infima  utrumque  fortuna  pro- 
vexerat.  Quorum  alterwi 
molientem  damnandum  senatui  tra- 
didit,  altert  ob  ingratum  et  malevo- 
limum  tin, nam  if  provinciis 
."His  interdixit.  Sed  Gallo  quoque 
it  accusatorurn   denunciation1! 

iultis  ad  necem  compulse 
■7  quidem  pietatem  ftnitopere 
pro  se  indignantium :  ceeterwm  et 
illacrimavit  et  vicemsuam  conquestus 
est,  quod  sun  soh  non  liceret  amicis, 
qua  ten  as  vettet,  irasci. 

That      his      highly    treasonable 
speeches  against  Augustus  were  the 
principal  cause  of  his  condemnation 
is  proved  by  Ovid,  Trist,  ii.  445  : 
Nee  fuit  opprobrio  celebrasseLyccridaGallo, 

Sed  linguam  nimio  non  tenuisse  mero ; 
and  Amor.  iii.  9,  63  : 
Tu  quoque,  si  falsam  est  temerati  crimen 

aniiei, 
Sanguinis  atque  aninwe,  prodige  Galle,  tuse. 


Ammian.  Mare.  xvii.  4,  brings  a  more 
severe  charge  against  him:  Lo  i 
anfent  posted    Com.    Gallus,   Octa- 

■■  s  tenente  Romanas,  A  ' 
•procurator,  exhausit  civitatem  (The- 
•ceptis,  rev(  masque 
usaretur  if  popu- 
lates provincice,  stn 
But  it  is  mentioned  neither  by  Sue- 
tonius. Dio  Cassias,  nor  Ovid,  as  the 
cause  of  his  disgrace  ;  and  that  Gallus 
ten  years  before,  at  least,  was  neither 
a  violent  nor  a  dishonest  man,  the 
friendship  of  Virgil,  who  inscribed 
his  tenth  Eclogue  to  him,  testifies  : 

Pauca  meo  Gallo,  sed  qua?  legat  ipsa  Ly- 

coris, 
Carmina  sunt  dicenda  :  neget  quis  cannula 

Gallo  ? 

The  contempt  too  with  which  Largus 
was  treated,  and  the   regret  of  Au-  ' 
gustus,  show  that  he  had  not  deserved 
such  a   fate.     Donat.    relates,    Vit. 
Virg.  X..39,  Verum  usque  adeo 

n  Virgüius  amarat,ut  quartus 
,  ,i  medio  usque  adjvm  m 
ejus  laudt  <<<  run  fim  n  f.  Qui  m  postea, 
jubente  Augusto,  in  Aristcei  fdbulam 
\tavit.     But   this    proves  less 
the   guilt  of  Gallus,  than  that  the 
recollection  of  his  end  was  painful  to 
Augustus.     His  passion  for  Lycoris 
about  nine  or  ten  years  before 
his   death,  and  the  circumstance  of 
his  renewing  the  connexion  with  her, 
after  her  infidelity,  is,  like  other  in- 
cidents, imaginary. 


8 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  I. 


and  elegant  poet;  while  in  the  more  select  convivial  circle 
he  was  beloved  as  a  cheerful  companion,  who  always  said 
the  best  of  good  things,  and  whose  presence  gave  to  the 
banquet  more  animation  than  dancers  and  ckovaulce.  Not- 
withstanding the  renowned  name  he  had  taken,  he  had 
in  reality  no  claim  to  the  glorious  family  reminiscences 
which  it  suggested.  The  trophies  indicative  of  former 
triumphs  which  decked  the  door  and  door-posts9  of  his 
mansion,  were  the  unalienable  adjuncts  of  the  house  itself ; 
earnest  mementos  öf  a  glorious  past,  and  serving  as  an 
admonition  to  each  occupier,  what  his  aim  must  be,  would 
he  avoid  the  humiliating  feeling  of  living  undistinguished 
in  the  habitation  of  renown.  His  grandfather  had  arrived 
a  stranger  in  Home,  a  little  before  the  reign  of  terror, 
when  Caius  Marius  and  L.  Cornelius  Cinna  profited  by 
the  absence  of  the  most  powerful  man  of  the  time,  to  effect 
a  reaction,  the  ephemeral  success  of  which  only  served  to 
prepare  more  securely  the  way  to  fame  for  the  ambitious 
Sylla.  It  was  through  Oinna  himself  that  Galhis  obtained 
the  right  of  a  citizen,  and  in  conformity  with  the  custom 
of  the  period  he  adopted  the  Cornelian  name,  along  with 
the  surname10  which  denoted  his  extraction.  But  the  hor- 
rors of  Sylla's  proscriptions  drove  him  from  Eome,  and 
he  returned  to  Gaul,  where  he  had  since  been  residing  in 


9  The  Triumphator  was  permit- 
ted to  suspend  the  spoilia  at  his  door. 
Liv.  x.  7,  xxxviii.  43.  These  marks 
of  valour  achieved,  remained  as  the 
unalienable  property  of  the  house 
which  they  had  first  rendered  illus- 
trious, and  could  not,  even  in  case  of 
sale,  be  taken  down.  Plin.  xxxv.  2  ; 
Alice  f oris  et  circa  limina  animorum 
ingentium  imagines erant,  affixishos- 
tium  spoliis,  qua  nee  emtori  refigcre 
liceret  ;  triumphabantque  etiam  do- 
minis  mutatis  ipsa  domus,  et  erat 
hmc  stimulatio  ingens,  exprobantibys 
tectis,    quotidie    imbcllem   dominum 


intrare  in  alienum  triumpkum.    Cic. 
Phil.  ii.  28. 

10  The  custom  by  which  the 
stranger  assumed  the  name  of  him, 
through  whom  he  obtained  the  right 
of  a  citizen,  is  generally  known. 
Cic.  ad  Fam.  xiii.  36.  Cum  Beiue- 
trio  Mega  mihi  vetustum  hospitium 
est ;  familiaritas  autem  tanta,  quanta 
cum  Siculo  radio.  Ei  (Cornelius) 
Dolabclla  rogatu  meo  civitatem  a 
Ccesare  impetravit,  qua  in  re  ego 
interfui.  Itaque  nunc  P.  Cornelius 
vocatur. 


Scene  I.]  NOCTURNAL   RETURN.  » 

ignoble  obscurity  at  Forum  Julii.  There  Grallus  passed 
the  first  years  of  his  childhood,  under  the  careful  auspices 
of  his  father,  who  saw  in  the  happy  disposition  and  lofty 
spirit  of  his  boy  the  harbingers  of  no  ordinary  future. 
Therefore,  although  he  could  not  be  accounted  wealthy,  he 
determined  to  make  every  sacrifice  in  order  to  give  his 
son  such  an  education  as  usually  fell  to  the  lot  of  the 
sons  of  senators  and  knights. 

When  the  boy  had  been  instructed  in  the  first  elements 
of  knowledge  by  an  accomplished  Greek  tutor,  his  father 
set  out  with  Gall  us  for  Eome,  and  after  carefully  search- 
ing for  a  suitable  person,  placed  him  under  the  tuition  of  a 
grammarian  of  great  repute.  Grallus  subsequently  attended 
the  school  of  a  celebrated  rhetorician,  and  also  took  les- 
sons in  Latin  elocution,  which  had  lately  become,  some- 
what fashionable;  nor  was  he  allowed  to  intermit  those 
studies  even  after  he  had  passed  the  threshold  of  boyhood 
and  put  on  the  toga,  the  symbol  of  riper  years.  At  the 
age  of  twenty  he  was  sent  to  Athens,  even  at  this  period 
the  nurse  of  all  the  profound  and  elegant  sciences,  in  order 
to  give  a  finish  to  his  education,  and  to  combine  in  him 
Attic  elegance  with  Roman  solidity. 

Grallus  was  still  at  Athens,  when  the  faithful  Chresimus 
brouoht  him  the  news  of  the  death  of  his  father,  who  after 
accomplishing  his  grand  object,  the  education  of  his  son, 
had  returned  to  Forum  Julii.  He  wept  tears  of  love  and 
gratitude  with  the  true-hearted  Chresimus,  and  left  Athens 
to  take  possession  of  the  small  patrimony  bequeathed  him 
by  his  father,  and  which  he  found  much  more  insignificant 
than  he  had  supposed.  There  was  just  enough  for  him  to 
live  on  with  tolerable  comfort  in  a  provincial  town,  but  it 
would  only  keep  him  like  a  beggar  in  Rome ;  nevertheless 
he  resolved  to  seek  his  fortune  in  the  focus  of  the  world, 
and  a  year  later  returned  to  Rome,  a  powerful,  resolute, 
and  highly-educated  man. 

There  the  terrific  scenes  of  the  second  triumvirate 
were  not  long  over,  and  the  republicans,  driven  from  Italy, 


10  GALLUS.  [Scene  I. 

were  preparing  beyond  the  sea  for  the  final  struggle. 
There  were  only  two  parties  to  choose  from,  and  Grallus 
did  not  long  hesitate  which  to  espouse.  It  was  not  any 
particular  inclination  to  the  ambiguous  Octavianus,  still 
less  to  either  of  the  other  potentates,  that  determined  him 
to  take  up  arms  for  the  cause  of  the  triumvirate.  He  was 
convinced  that  the  time  had  arrived,  when  the  crumbling 
edifice  of  the  republic  must  be  annihilated,  and  the  am- 
bition of  a  selfish  aristocracy  kept  down  by  the  mighty 
energies  of  one  supreme  ruler.  Perhaps,  too,  he  was 
actuated  by  the  hope  that  his  merits  were  more  likely  to 
be  appreciated,  and  meet  with  proper  acknowledgment 
from  one  raised  above  the  petty  consideration  of  rivalry, 
than  from  the  haughty  patricians,  who  were  accustomed  to 
look  down  upon  merit  striving  to  emerge  from  obscurity. 

He  first  took  part  in  the  campaign  against  Sextus 
Pompeius,  under  the  command  of  Salvidienus.  His  gal- 
lantry and  fortitude  at  the  unlucky  sea-fight,  which  took 
place  not  far  from  the  destructive  rocks  of  Scylla,  did  not 
fail  to  attract  the  eye  of  Octavianus.  whom  he  soon  after 
followed  to  the  decisive  battle  of  Philippi.  There,  too, 
his  warlike  deeds  were  adorned  with  fresh  laurels,  and  in 
returning  with  the  victor  back  to  Italy,  his  social  qualities 
soon  made  him  the  agreeable  companion,  and  before  long, 
the  intimate  friend,  of  Octavianus, — a  friendship  which  he 
had  tact  enough  to  keep  up.  The  proper  hours  of  re- 
laxation he  spent  in  familiar  intercourse  with  Virgil,  the 
younger  Propertius,  and  other  congenially-minded  friends 
of  the  Muses ;  but  he  by  no  means  neglected  the  more 
grave  occupations  to  which  his  distinguished  oratorical 
powers  called  him. 

The  war  against  Antony  and  Cleopatra  summoned  him 
again  into  the  field,  and  now  commenced  the  most  brilliant 
period  of  his  life.  The  able  manner  in  which  he  took  and 
held  the  important  seaport,  Parsetonium,  the  destruction 
of  the  hostile  fleet,  and  many  other  spirited  exploits,  raised 
him  so  high  in  the  estimation  of  Octavianus,  that  when 


Scene  L]  NOCTURNAL   RETURN.  11 

Antony  and  Cleopatra  atoned  for  their  long  intoxication  of 
pleasure  and  folly  by  voluntary  death,  and  Egypt  was 
enrolled  among  the  number  of  Roman  provinces,  he,  being 
in  the  undivided  possession  of  the  supreme  authority, 
made  Gallus  governor  of  the  new  province,  under  the  title 
of  Prefect.  The  command  of  so  rich  a  province  could, 
Octavianus  doubtless  thought,  with  more  safety  be  en- 
trusted to  him  than  to  a  senator. 

Was  it  wonderful,  then,  that  when  Gallus  found  him- 
self suddenly  placed  at  so  great  an  elevation,  his  sanguine 
and  fiery  disposition  carried  him  occasionally  beyond  the 
bounds  of  moderation,  and  that, — after  severely  chastising 
the  rebellious  cities,  especially  the  wondrous  Thebes, — he 
caused  statues  of  himself  to  be  erected,  and  the  record  of 
his  deeds  to  be  engraved  on  the  pyramids  ?  Was  there 
anything  unusual  in  his  carrying  off  the  treasures  and 
valuables  of  the  subjugated  cities,  as  a  fit  recompense  for 
his  exertions  ? 

Octavianus,  who  had  now  assumed  the  more  noble 
name  of  Augustus,  heard  the  report  of  these  acts  with 
a  concern,  which  the  enemies,  whom  the  good  fortune  of 
Gallus  had  raised  up  against  him,  did  not  fail  to  foment. 
So  without  being  actually  angered  with  his  former  friend, 
he  recalled  him  to  Eome,  and  nominated  Petronius,  a  man 
by  no  means  well-disposed  towards  him,  as  his  successor. 

Gallus  was  not  pleased  with  his  recall,  although  it  had 
been  made  in  such  a  manner,  as  in  a  great  measure  to 
efface  its  unpleasantness.  The  riches  which  had  followed 
him  from  Egypt  to  Rome,  enabled  him  to  live  with  a 
magnificence  hitherto  quite  unknown  to  him,  and  in  the 
superabundance  of  such  enjoyments  as  served  to  heighten 
the  pleasures  of  life.  Still  accounted  the  favourite  of  Au- 
gustus, and  always  admitted  as  a  welcome  guest  to  the 
select  circle  that  had  access  to  the  table  of  this  mighty 
sovereign,  he  now  saw  people,  who,  ten  years  before, 
would  scarcely  have  deigned  to  acknowledge  his  saluta- 
tion, vying  with  each  other  to  gain  his  friendship. 


12  GALLUS.  [Scene  I. 

Although  Gallus  was  advancing  to  that  period  of  life 
when  the  Koinan  was  considered  no  longer  a  youth,  he 
had  not  yet  prevailed  upon  himself  to  throw  constraint 
on  the  freedom  of  his  existence,  by  entering  the  bonds 
of  matrimony.  Indeed,  the  stricter  forms  of  marriage 
began  generally  to  be  less  liked;  and  no  law  inflicting 
a  penalty  on  celibacy  had  at  that  time  been  passed. 
At  an  earlier  period  of  his  life,  the  narrowness  of  his 
circumstances  had  led  him  to  look  with  shyness  on  mar- 
riage," in  consequence  of  the  expenses  attendant  on  such 
an  increased  establishment  as  the  grand  notions  of  the 
Eoman  ladies  would  have  rendered  unavoidable.  He  also 
even  more  dreaded  the  state  of  dependence  into  which  he 
would  have  been  thrown,  if  he  had  married  a  person  of 
fortune ;  and  beiDg  at  the  same  time  averse  to  concu- 
binage, had  preferred  contracting  an  intimacy  of  a  less 
durable  nature  with  certain  accomplished  Hetuirai,  who 
were  capable  not  only  of  admitting,  but  also  of  returning 
his  passion. 

Thus,  after  his  return,  he  continued  to  pursue  an  un- 
fettered course  of  life,  regulated  by  his  own  inclinations 
alone  ;  a  life  which  others  much  envied,  and  which  would 
have  been  a  happy  one,  had  it  not  been  for  his  impetuous 
and  passionately  excitable  temperament,  and  unsjDaring 
freedom  of  speech,  especially  in  his  cups.  These  causes 
were  beginning  to  throw  a  cloud  over  his  future  prospects  ; 
for,  although  raised  by  Augustus  from  the  depths  of 
poverty  to  honour  and  wealth,  he  had  nevertheless  too 
much  straightforwardness  not  to  express  frequently  his  loud 
disapprobation  of  many  arbitrary  proceedings  and  secret 
cruelties,  perpetrated  by  his  benefactor.  Clandestine  envy, 
which  was  busy  about  him,  had  dexterously  profited  bjr 
these  speeches,  and  there  was  even  talk  of  a  complaint 
secretly  lodged  against  him  by  his  former  friend  and 
confidant,  Largus,  on  the  score  of  misgovernment  in 
Egypt.  At  all  events,  Gallus  could  not  conceal  from 
himself,  that  for  some  time  past  a  coolness  had  pervaded 


Scene  I.]  NOCTURNAL   RETURN.  13 

Augustus'  manner  towards  him,  and  that  his  former  inti- 
mate familiarity  had  been  succeeded  by  a  tone  of  haughty 
and  suspicious  reserve. 

But  although  his  present  position  would  have  enabled 
Gallus  to  regard  this  alteration  with  indifference,  still  his 
estimation  among  the  higher  circles  of  Home  depended 
too  much  on  the  favour  of  Augustus  for  him  to  neglect 
using  all  his  endeavours  to  remain,  at  any  rate  in  outward 
appearance,  in  possession  of  the  emperor's  good  graces.  It 
was  for  this  reason  that  he  had  this  evening  been  supping 
at  the  imperial  board,  without  invitation,  as  he  had  always 
been  accustomed  to  do ;  but  he  had  found  Augustus  in  a 
worse  humour  than  ever,  and  among  the  company  his  bitter 
enemy,  Largus.  Some  caustic  remarks  touching  the  fate 
of  Thebes,  drew  forth  from  the  irritable  Gallus  an  acrimo- 
nious retort,  which  Augustus  replied  to  with  still  greater 
severity.  As  soon  therefore  as  the  latter  had  withdrawn11, 
according  to  his  custom,  Gallus  also  departed,  to  spend 
the  evening  more  agreeably  in  the  company  of  Pomponius 
and  other  friends. 


11  Suet.  Aug.  74.  Convivia  non- 
nunquam  et  serüts  inibat  et  maturius 
relinquebat,  cum  convives  et  ccenare 


incipt  rent,  priusquam  Me    discum- 
beret,  et  permanerent  digresso  eo. 


SCENE  THE  SECOND. 


THE   MORNING 


T'HE  city  hills  were  as  yet  imillumined  by  the  beams  of 
the  morning  sun,  and  the  uncertain  twilight,  which  the 
saffron  streaks  in  the  east  spread  as  harbingers  of  the 
coming  day,  was  diffused  but  sparingly  through  the  windows 
and  courts  into  the  apartments  of  the  mansion.  Grail  us  still 
lay  buried  in  heavy  sleep  in  his  quiet  chamber,  the  care- 
full}7  chosen  position  of  which  both  protected  him  against 
all  disturbing  noises,  and  prevented  the  early  salute  of  the 
morning  light  from  too  soon  breaking  his  repose  '.  But 
around  all  was  life  and  activity.  From  the  cells  and  cham- 
bers below,  and  the  apartments  on  the  upper  floor,  there 
poured  a  swarming  multitude  of  slaves,  who  presently 
pervaded  every  corner  of  the  house,  hurrying  to  and 
fro,  and  cleaning  and  arranging  with  such  busy  alacrity, 
that  one  unacquainted  with  these  customary  movements, 
would  have  supposed  that  some  grand  festivity  was  at 
hand.  A  whole  decuria  of  house-slaves,  armed  with  be- 
soms and  sponges,  under  the  superintendence  of  the 
atriensis,  began  to  clean  the  entrance  rooms.  Some  in- 
spected the  vestibulum,  to  see  whether  any  bold  spider 
had  spun  its  net  during  the  night  on  the  capital  of  the 
pillars,  or  groups  of  statuary ;  and  rubbed  the  gold  and 
tortoise-shell  ornaments  of  the  folding-doors  and  posts  at 


1  One  thing  that  the  Eomans 
especially  kept  in  view  in  planning 
their  sleeping-apartments,  was  that 
their  situation  should  he  removed 
from  all  noise.  Pliny,  Ep.  ii.  17, 
boasts  of  these  qualities  being  pos- 
sessed by  a  bed-chamber  at  his 
villa.  Junctwm  est  cubiculum  noctis 
et  somni.    Non  Mud   voces   scrvido- 


rum,  non  maris  murmur,  non  tem- 
pestatum  motus,  non  fulgurum  lu- 
men, acne  diem  quidem  sentit,  nisi 
fenestras  apertis.  Tarn  alti  i 
que  secreti  ilia  ratio,  quod  interjacens 
andron  par  idem  cubiculi  hortiquc 
distinguit,  atque  ita  omnem  sonum 
la  iii  a  nit  ate  consumit. 


Scene  II.] 


MORNING. 


15 


the  entrance,  and  cleaned  the  dust  of  the  previous  day 
from  the  marble  pavement.  Others  again  were  busy 
in  the  atrium  and  its  adjacent  halls,  carefully  traversing 
the  mosaic  floor,  and  the  paintings  on  the  walls,  with 
soft  Lycian  sponges,  lest  any  dust  might  have  settled  on 
the  wax-varnish  with  which  they  were  covered  2.  They  also 
looked  closely  whether  any  spot  appeared  blackened  by  the 
smoke  of  the  lamps  ;  and  then  decked  with  fresh  garlands'5 
the  busts  and  shields  which  supplied  the  place  of  the  ima- 
gines majorum  4,  or  waxen  masks  of  departed  ancestors. 


-  3Iany  of  the  colours  used  by 
the  ancients  for  vail -painting,  as,  for 
instance,  the  minium,  eould  not  stand 
the  effects  of  the  light  and  atmo- 
sphere, and,  to  make  them  durable,  a 
varnish  of  Punic  -wax,  mixed  with  a 
little  oil.  was  laid  on  the  wall,  when 
dry.  with  a  paint-brush  of  bristles. 
See  Vitruv.  vii.  9,  and  Plin.  xxxiii. 
7,  40. 

3  Although  the  stemmata,  which 
constituted  the  ancestral  tree,  could 
find  no  application  here,  still  it  was 
not  unusual  to  crown  with  chaplets, 
even  theportraits  of  strangers.  Mart, 
x.  32: 

Hase  mihi  qua;  colitur  violis  pietura  rosis- 
que, 
Quos  referat  vultus,  Caeditiane,  rogas  ? 

»4  The  beautiful  custom  of  olden 
time  of  placing  the  imagines  majo- 
rum in  the  atria  or  their  alee,  must 
have  lost  more  and  more  in  signifi- 
cancy,  and  even  grown  obsolete,  after 
so  manv  who  had  neither  majores,  in 
that  sense,  nor  any  title  whatever  to 
such  distinction — some  of  them  being 
persons  of  the  lowest  class,  and  others 
even  slaves — became  very  wealthy, 
assumed  high-sounding  names,  and 
lived  in  magnificent  edifices.  And 
again,  many  who  were  entitled  to 
imagines,  found  them,  perhaps,  too 


insignificant  in  appearance  to  consort 
with  the  magnificence  of  the  rest  of 
their  dwelling.  These  imagines  were 
waxen  masks,  formed  after  the  life, 
cere,  which  those  only  had  the  right 
of  setting  up,  who  had  borne  a  curule 
office,  viz.  from  that  of  eedile  upwards. 
Polyb.  vi.  53.  On  the  manner  of 
arranging  them,  Vitruv.  says,  vi.  5, 
Imagines  item  alte  cum  suis  orna- 
'inem  alarum  sint 
constitute.  The  ornamenta  are  clear- 
ly designated  by  Seneca,  Be  B 
iii.  28,  Qui  imagines  in  atrio  expo- 
nunt  et  nomina  familia  sua  longo 
stemmatum  illigata 
prima  tedim 
coat,  noti  magis  quam  nobilt 
Still  more  so  by  Plin.  xxxv.  2,  2,  /..  - 
pressi  cera  vultus  singulis  dispone- 
■  armariis. — Stemmata  vero  li- 
icurrebant  ad  imagines pictas. 
Polyb.  vi.  53  :  s.uMva  yaiSia  wepm- 
Qivres :  and,  ravras  5?;  ras  elhcSvas 
iv  rais  Srj,uoTeAe'<rj  Oua'tats  avoiyov- 
t( s  koi/j.ov(ti  (piXoTi/xws :  lastlv. 
Auct.  Meg.  ad  Mess.  30,  Quid$ 

dicat.  The  masks 
were  kept  in  little  presses,  placed  up 
against  the  wall,  under  which  stood 
the  name  of  the  deceased,  his  honours 
and  merits.  titvJi,  Ovid.  Fast.  i.  .391. 
[The  sever;)]  were  connect- 

ed with  each  other  by  garlands ;  for 


16 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  II. 


In  the  cavum  cedium  or  interior  court,  and  the  larger 
peristylium,  more  were  engaged  in  rubbing  with  coarse 
linen  cloths  the  polished  pillars  of  Tenarian  and  Numidian 
marble5,  which  formed  a  most  pleasing  contrast  to  the 
intervening  statues  and  the  fresh  green  verdure  of  the 
vacant  space  within.  The  Tricliniarch  and  his  subordi- 
nates were  equally  occupied  in  the  larger  saloons :  where 
stood  the  costly  tables  of  cedar-wood,  with  pillars  of  ivory 
supporting  their  massive  orbs,  which  had,  at  an  immense 


Pliny's  words,  stemmata  lineis  dis- 
currebant  ad  imagines  pictas,  do  not 
seem  capable  of  any  other  than  the 
literal  meaning ;  and  so  likewise  the 
sü  in  mate  in  flexures  of  Seneca.]  On 
festive  days,  when  these  armaria 
were  opened,  the  imagines  received 
fresh  crowns  of  laurel.  It  is  evident 
from  Pliny,  that,  at  a  later  period, 
instead  of  the  masks,  clypcatcp  imagi- 
nes, as  they  were  called,  and  busts 
were  substituted.  Irnaginum  qui- 
dem  pictura,  qua  maxime  similes  in 
csvum  propagabantur  figures,  in  to- 
tum  exolevit.  Mrei  poimntur  clypei, 
argenta  fades  surdo  figurarum  dis- 
crimine.  Again:  Aliter  apud  ma- 
jores in  atrüs  hmc  erant  qua  specta- 
rentur,  non  signa  externorum  urtifi- 
cum,  nee  <sra  nee  marmora  ;  expressi 
cera  vultus,  &c.  Those  persons  who 
had  no  images  to  boast  of  in  their 
own  family,  and  yet  wished  some  such 
ornament  for  their  atrium,  had  no 
course  left  but  alienas  effigks  colere. 

5  The  most  valuable  species  of 
white  marbles  were  the  Parian, 
the  Pentelican,  and  the  Hymet- 
tian ;  which  hitter  two  Böttiger 
mistakes  for  the  same.  Strabo 
expressly  says  fxaofxapov  8'  fVrl 
TTJs  re  'TjUrjTTias  Kal  rfjs  riei/reAi- 
kyis  KaATuffTa  /xeraAAa  irArjcn'oi'  rrjs 
iroXeais.     Horn.  Od.  ii.  18,    3;  Plin. 


H.  N.  xxxvi.  3.  If  it  be  correctly 
supposed,  as  was  first  imagined  from 
Pausanias,  that  Pentelicus  was  in 
early  times  comprehended  under 
the  name  Hymettus,  we  must  un- 
derstand Pentelican  marble  by  the 
Hymettiis  cdumnis  trabibus  so  fre- 
quently mentioned,  especially  by  the 
poets.  Besides  these  there  was  that 
of  Lima  in  Italy,  now  called  Carrara 
marble. 

Variegated  marbles  {marmor  ma- 
culoswm,  Plin.  II.  N.  xxxvi.  5;  in— 
gentium  macula  eolumnarum,  Sen. 
Ep.  115),  brought  not  only  from 
Greece,  but  even  from  Asia  and 
Africa,  became  afterwards  more  fa- 
shionable. The  most  precious  sorts 
were  the  golden-yellow,  Numidian  ; 
that  with  red  streaks,  Phrygian,  Syn- 
nadic,  or  Mygdonian ;  the  Tmnarian, 
or  Laconian,  or  verde  antico,  a  kind 
of  green  porphyry ;  and  the  Carys- 
tian  (from  Eubcea)  with  green  veins. 
But  even  this  natural  variety  was  not 
sufficient  for  the  demands  of  taste. 
In  Nero's  time  veins  and  spots  were 
artificially  let  into  the  coloured  mar- 
ble. So  says  Pliny,  xxxv.  1 :  Nero- 
nis  (principatu  inventum)  maculas, 
quce  non  essent,  crustis  inserendo 
unitatem  variarc,  v.t  ovatus  esset 
Numidicus,  ut  purpura  distinguere- 
tur  Synnadicus,  qualiter  illos  nasci 
aptarent  delicits. 


Scene  IL]  MOENIÜTG.  1  / 

expense,  been  conveyed  to  Rome  from  the  primeval  woods 
of  Atlas.  In  one  the  wood  was  like  the  beautifully  dappled 
coat  of  a  panther,  in  another  the  spots,  being  more  regular 
and  close,  imitated  the  tail  of  the  peacock,  a  third  re- 
sembled the  luxuriant  and  tangled  leaves  of  the  apium, 
each  of  them  more  beautiful  and  valuable  than  the  other  : 
and  many  a  lover  of  splendour  would  have  bartered  an 
estate  for  any  one  of  the  three.  The  tricliniarii  cau- 
tiously lifted  up  their  purple  covers,  and  then  whisked 
them  over  with  the  shaggy  gauswpe,  in  order  to  remove 
any  little  dust  that  might  have  penetrated  through.  Next 
came  the  side-boards,  several  of  which  stood  against 
the  walls  in  each  saloon,  for  the  purpose  of  displaying 
the  gold  and  silver  plate  and  other  valuables.  Some 
of  them  were  slabs  of  marble,  supported  by  silver  or 
gilded  ram's  feet,  or  by  the  tips  of  the  wings  of  two 
griffins  looking  in  opposite  directions.  There  was  also  one 
of  artificial  marble,  which  had  been  sawn  out  of  the  wall 
of  a  Grecian  temple,  while  the  slabs  of  the  rest  were  of 
precious  metal.  The  costly  articles  displayed  on  each 
were  so  selected  as  to  be  in  keeping  with  the  architec- 
tural designs  of  the  apartment.  In  the  tetrastylus,  the 
simplest  saloon,  stood  smooth  silver  vessels  unadorned 
by  the  ars  toreutica,  except  that  the  rims  of  most  of 
the  larger  bowls  were  of  gold.  Between  these  were 
smaller  vessels  of  amber,  and  two  of  great  rarity;  in 
one  of  which  a  bee,  and  in  the  other  an  ant,  had  found 
it^  transparent  tomb.  On  another  side  stood  beakers 
of  antique  form,  to  which  the  names  of  their  former 
possessors  gave  their  value,  and  an  historical  importance  ,;. 


6  The  passion  for  collecting  ob- 
jects curious  on  account  of  their  an- 
tiquity, or  from  having  belonged  to 
some  illustrious  persou,  had  become 
prevalent  in  the  time  of  Gallus ; 
V.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3,  21  ;  6i.  p.  3,  90 ; 
at    all    events   it    ■was   not  far   off. 


ridicidous,  when  ignorance  credited 
the  grossest  falsehoods  and 
rical  impossibilities.  The  instances 
we  have  mentioned  are  really  re- 
counted by  Martial,  viii.  6,  who 
ridicules  these  argenti  fumosa  stt  m- 
mata.     The  archetype  of  Trimalchio 


This    mania     became     still     more   i   are  still  more  laughable.     Petr.  52. 


18 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  II. 


There  was,  for  instance,  a  double  cup,  which  Priam  had 
inherited  from  Laomedon  ;  another  that  had  belonged  to 
Nestor,  unquestionably  the  same  from  which  Hecamede 
had  pledged  the  old  man  in  Pramnian  wine  before  Troy  : 
the  doves  which  formed  the  handles7  were  much  worn, 
—of  course  by  Nestor's  hand.  Another  again  was  the 
gift  of  Dido  to  iEneas,  and  in  the  centre  stood  an  im- 
mense bowl,  which  Theseus  had  hurled  against  the  face 
of  Eurytus.  But  the  most  remarkable  of  all  was  a  relic 
of  the  keel  of  the  Argo 8 ;  it  was  indeed  only  a  chip,  but 
who  could  look  on  and  touch  this  portion  of  the  most  ancient 
of  ships — on  which  perhaps  even  Minerva  herself  had 
placed  her  hand — without  being  transported  in  feeling 
back  to  the  days  of  old.  Gallus  himself  was  far  too  en- 
lightened to  believe  in  the  truth  of  these  legends,  but  every 
one  was  not  so  free  from  prejudice  as  he;  it  was  more- 
over the  most  recent  fashion  to  collect  such  antiquities. 

On  the  .other  hand,  in  the  Corinthian  saloon  stood 
vessels  of  precious  Corinthian  bronze,  whose  worn  handles 
and  peculiar  smell  sufficiently  announced  their  antiquity, 
together  with  two  large  golden  drinking  cups,  on  one  of 
which  were  engraved  scenes  from  the  Iliad,  on  the  other 
from   the    Odyssey 9.     Besides   these  there  were    smaller 


Habeo  scyphos  urnales  p>^us  minus, 
q  ue mad 'modu vm  Cassandra  occiditfilios 
suos,  et  pueri  mortmjacentsicuti  vt  re 
putes.  Habeo  capidem  quamreliquit 
Patroclo  Prometheus,  ubi  Dcedalus 
Niobem  in  equum  Trojanum  includit. 
V.  Lucian.  Pkilop.  19. 

'  Iliad,  xi.  632,  seq.  Martial,  or 
the  possessor  of  the  goblet,  no  doubt 
had  in  his  eye  the  passage  of  Homer 
which  runs  :  Aoial  8e  ive\eid5es  dp.cpls 
iKaffTov  xP^"retM  vefxedovTo :  and  the 
Eoman  poet  says:  Pollice  de  Pylio 
trita  columba  nitet. 

8  The  ancients  also  had  their 
relics,  and  looked  with  veneration  on 


a  chip  of  the  Argo.  Martial,  who  is 
so  fond  of  ridiculing  folly  and  credu- 
lous simplicity,  speaks  quite  seriously 
(vii.  19)  on  the  subject: 

Fraginentum  quod  vile  putas  et  inutile  lig- 
num, 

Ha?c  fuit  ignoti  prima  carina  maris. — 
Sascula  vicerunt :  sed  quam  vis  cesserit  annis, 

Sanctior  est  salva  parva  tabella  rate. 

But  perhaps  this  valuable  relic  be- 
longed to  Domitian  himself,  or  to 
some  other  patron  of  distinction,  and 
the  poet  for  this  reason  affected  to 
credit  the  story.  The  ancients  used 
also  to  collect  natural  specimens  and 
other  rarities. 

9  The  Corinthian  brass,  as  it  was 
called,  was  used  in  the  manufacture 


Scene  IL] 


MOEXIXG. 


19 


beakers  and  bowls  composed  of  precious  stones,  either 
made  of  one  piece  only,  and  adorned  with  reliefs,  or  of 
several  cameos  united  by  settings  of  gold.  Genuine 
Murrhina  vases  also, — even  at  that  time  a  riddle,  and 
according  to  report  imported  from  the  recesses  of  Par- 
thia, — were  not  wanting. 

The  Egyptian  saloon,  however,  surpassed  the  rest  in 
magnificence.  Every  silver  or  golden  vessel  which  it  con- 
tained was  made  by  the  most  celebrated  toreutce,  and 
possessed  a  higher  value  from  the  beauty  of  its  work- 
manship than  even  from  the  costliness  of  its  material10. 
There  was  a  cup  by  the  hand  of  Phidias,  ornamented 
with  fishes  that  seemed  only  to  want  water  to  enable 
them  to  swum  ;  on  another  was  a  lizard  by  Mentor,  and 
so  exact  a  copy  of  nature,  that  the  hand  almost  started 
back  on  touching  it.  Then  came  a  broad  bowl,  the  handle 
of  which  was  a  ram  with  a  golden  fleece,  more  beautiful 
than  that  brought  by  Phryxus    to  Colchis,  and  upon  it 


of  vessels  which  were  sold  for  high 
prices.  Respecting  the  composition 
of  it,  a  secret  which  was  lost  even  in 
the  time  of  the  ancients,  see  0. 
Müller' s  Archaeology,  translated  by 
Leitch;  and  Plin.  xxxiv.  2,  3,  and 
Petron.  50,  jokingly.  Connoisseurs 
detected  its  genuineness  by  the  pe- 
culiar odour  it  acquired  by  Oxydation. 
.Mart.  ix.  60,  11.  Consulerit  nares, 
an  <"<  "  nt  mm  Corwihon.  Beckmann 
even  affirms  that  the  money-changers 
had  recourse  to  their  noses  to  judge 
of  the  genuineness  of  the  coins,  as 
Axrian,  in  Epict.  i.  20,  6  hpyvpoyvw- 
\x.wv  TrpoffXpVTCU  Kara  ^OKijxanlav  tov 
votier fxaros  rrj  otyet,  rfj  acprj,  t? 
('xreppacria,  (but  apyvpoyvüfxwv  is  not 
a  money-changer).  The  marks  more- 
over of  having  been  long  in  use,  were 
not  unobserved.     Mart.  is.  58: 

Nil  est  tristius  ETedylilacernis : 
Xon  ans;e  veterum  Corinthiorum. 

10  The  most  celebrated  To1 


Mys,  Myron,  Mentor,  and  even  Phi- 
dias, had  often  to  lend  their  names 
to  the  relievos  cut  on  the  vessels, 
though  not  always  with  any  good 
reason  for  so  doing.     Mart.: 

iii.  35.    Artis  Phidiacae  toreuma  darum, 
Pisces  adspicis:  adde  aquam,  na- 
tabunt. 
iii.  41.    Inserta   phialoe  Mentoris   manu 
ducta 
Lacerta  vivit,  et  timetur  argen- 
tum. 
vi.  92.     Ceelatus  serpens  in  patera  My- 
ronis  arte, 
viii.  51.     Quis  labor  in  phiala  ?  docti  Mj  OS, 
anne  Myronis  ? 
Mentoris  haec    manus  est  ?   an , 

Polyclete,  tua? 
Stat  caper  ^Eolio  Thcbani  vellere 

Phryxi 
Cultus :   ab   hoc    mallet    vecta 
fuisse  soror. 

Goblets  by  Mentor,  who  also  imi- 
tated in  metal  the  pocula  Th 
were  very   highly  esteemed.    Plin. 
xxxiii.  11,  12. 


c  2 


20  GALLUS.  [Scene  II. 

a  dainty  Cupid.  The  name  of  tlie  artist  who  executed  it 
was  unknown,  but  all  were  unanimous  in  thinking  that 
Mys  and  Myron,  Mentor  and  Polycletus,  had  equal  claims 
to  the  honour.  No  less  worthy  of  admiration  were  the 
ingenious  works  in  glass,  from  Alexandria;  beakers  and 
saucers  of  superb  moulding,  and  imitating  so  naturally 
the  tints  of  the  amethyst  and  ruby,  as  completely  to 
deceive  the  beholder ;  others  shone  like  onyxes,  and 
were  cut  in  relief;  but  superior  to  all  were  spme  of 
the  purest  crystal,  and  uncoloured.  Still  there  was  one 
object  which,  on  account  of  its  ingenious  construction, 
attracted,  more  than  anything  else  the  eyes  of  all  spec- 
tators. This  was  a  bowl  of  the  colour  of  opal,  surrounded 
at  the  distance  of  a  fourth  part  of  an  inch  by  an  azure 
network,  carved  out  of  the  same  piece  as  the  vessel, 
and  only  connected  with  it  by  a  few  fine  slips  that  had 
been  left.  Beneath  the  edge  of  the  cup  was  written 
the  following  inscription ;  the  letters  were  green,  and 
projected  in  a  similar  manner,  supported  only  by  some 
delicate  props  :  Blbe,  vivas  multis  annis.  How  many 
disappointments  must  the  artist  have  experienced  before 
he  accomplished  the  labour  of  making  such  a  vessel,  and 
what  a  price  must  Grallus  have  paid  for  it ! 

In  the  Cyzicenian  saloon  no  such  ornaments  were  to 
be  seen;  but  the  slaves  had  more  work  in  cleaning  the 
windows  and  window-frames  which  reached  to  the  ground, 
and  in  preventing  the  view  from  being  obscured  by  dull 
spots  in  the  glass. 

Whilst  the  mansion  was  being  thus  cleansed  and 
adorned  throughout,  whilst  the  dispensator  was  busied 
in  recasting  the  account  of  the  receipts  and  expenditure 
during  the  last  month,  to  be  ready  for  his  master's  in- 
spection, and  the  cellarius  was  reviewing  his  stock,  and 
considering  how  much  would  supply  the  exigencies  of 
the  day,  and  the  superior  slaves  were  engaged,  each 
with  his  allotted  task — the  vestibulum  had  already  begun 
to    be  filled  with  a  multitude  of  visitors,   who    came   to 


Scene  IL]  MOEXIXG.  21 

pay  their  customary  morning  salutation  to  their  patron. 
The  persons  who  presented  themselves  differed  not  only 
in  their  grades,  but  also  in  the  motives  of  their  attend- 
ance11. Citizens  of  the  inferior  class,  who  received  sup- 
port from  the  hand  of  Gallus  ;  young  men  of  family,  who 
expected  to  make  their  fortunes  through  the  favourite  of 
Augustus  ;  poor  poets  and  idlers,  who  looked  to  a  com- 
pensation for  these  early  attentions,  by  a  place  at  the 
board  of  Gallus,  or  contented  themselves  with  a  share  of 
the  diurnal  sportula  :  a  few  friends  really  attached  to  him 
by  gratitude  or  affection.  Amongst  the  number  were,  no 
doubt,  some  vain  fellows,  who  felt  so  flattered  at  having 
admission  to  a  house  of  distinction,  that  they  disregarded 
the  inconvenience  of  dancing  attendance  thus  early  before 
the  door  of  their  dominus  or  rex,  and  waited  impatiently 
for  the  moment  when  they  were  to  be  admitted.  For  this 
was  not  the  only  visit  of  the  kind  they  intended  to  pay  this 
mornino- :  and  there  were  some  even  with  whom  this  made 
the  second  or  third  door  visited  already.  As  soon  therefore 
as  the  ostiaritis  let  them  in,  each  one  pressed  forward  to  the 
atrium,  or  became  lost  to  view  in  the  colonnades,  beguiling 
the  interval  with  gazing  about  them,  and  conversing  with 
one  another. 

Meanwhile  Gallus  had  risen  from  his  couch,  though 
later  than  he  usually  did  :  he  was  not  however  inclined  to 
receive  the  crowd  of  visitors,  about  whom  he  was  perfectly 
indifferent.  Accordingly  the  nomenclaior,  who  had  already 
arranged  the  order  of  those  who  were  to  be  introduced,  was 
instructed  to  say  that  bis  lord  was  indisposed,  and  would 
not  make  his  appearance  to-day.  At  the  same  time  he 
was  ordered,  if  Pomponius,  or  any  other  intimate  friends 
should  call,  to  admit  them  into  the  cubiculum;  but  all 
other  visits  were  to  be  declined. 


11  On  the  subjects  of  Salutatio  and  Sportula,  see  the  fourth  Excursus  on 
the  1'irst  Scene. 


22  GALL  US.  [Scene  II. 

The  throng  had  long  taken  its  departure,  when  to- 
wards the  end  of  the  second  hour  of  the  day  Pomponius 
arrived.  He  was  a  man  near  upon  forty  :  his  hollow  but 
gleaming  eye,  his  pale  and  sunken  cheeks,  the  half  sensual, 
half  scornful  expression  about  his  mouth,  as  well  as  the 
negligent  folds  of  his  voluminous  toga,  at  once  pointed 
him  out  as  one  of  those  dissipated  men,  who  are  accus- 
tomed to  riot  all  night  in  wild  revelry  and  forbidden 
gambling,  or  in  the  orgies  of  the  Subura.  Although  of 
distinguished  parentage,  and  left  heir  to  a  fortune  of  nearly 
two  millions  of  sesterces,  usurers  and  harlots  had  long  since 
sung  the  dirge  of  his  patrimony12.  Instead  of  his  parental 
mansion,  he  now  inhabited  a  lodging  near  the  Tiber,  hired 
for  three  thousand  sesterces,  while  his  attendants  were 
limited  to  a  few  shabby  slaves.  Household  stores  he  had 
none :  his  bread,  and  wine  fresh  from  the  vat,  were  brought 
from  the  nearest  tavern13.  Notwithstanding,  however,  he 
possessed  sufficient  wit  and  intelligence  to  make  htm  wel- 
come even  in  the  best  circles.  An  adept  in  every  kind  of 
amusement,  ever  ready  to  enter  into  any  jovial  scheme, 
and  fully  acquainted  with  the  ways  and  means  of  insuring 
its  success ;  unequalled,  besides,  as  a  director  of  a  feast, 
and  a  perfect  connoisseur  in  wines  and  dishes,  he  managed 
to  make  people  forget  the  less  recommendatory  points  in 
his  character,  and  (which  was  an  enigma  to  many)  was 
not  excluded  from  the  table  even  of  Augustus.  He  had, 
in  like  manner,  by  his  pleasantry  and  merry  disposition, 
and  by  a  thousand  little  kindnesses,  and,  as  it  seemed  too, 
by  some  more  important  tokens  of  genuine  friendship, 
contrived  to  become  indispensable  to  the  freeliving  Grallus. 
It  is  true  that  the  cautious  Chresimus  was  not  the  only 


Thus  PlauhiB,    True.   ii.   1,    3,   I    211.   was   the   rent    paid    also    by 


says :  Hide  Jwmini  amanti  mea  hcra 
apud  nos  dixit  nceniam  de  bonis. 

13  The   description    is   borrowed 
from  Cic.  in  Pis.  27.     3000  HS.  or 


Sulla,  before  he  arrived  at  wealth  and 
power.  Plut.  Sulla,  1.  For  more 
about_  the  price  of  hired  lodgings, 
and  the  houses  themselves,  see  Mei- 
erotto, ii.  p.  104,  seqq. 


Scene  IL]  MORNING.  23 

one  who  shook  his  head  at  this :  and  some  affirmed,  that 
before  the  recall  of  Gallus  to  Eome,  Pomponius  had  lived 
in  familiar  intercourse  with  Lycoris,  and  that  he  had  sworn 
to  effect  the  downfall  of  the  former  in  revenge  for  being 
supplanted  by  him.  It  was  certain  that  he  had  of  late 
been  a  most  intimate  associate  of  Largus,  from  whom  it 
was  surmised  that  he  received  considerable  pecuniary  aid. 
On  the  other  hand,  Pomponius  had  himself  concerted 
measures  with  Gallus  for  gaining  the  confidence  of  his  most 
dangerous  foe,  and  thus  becoming  apprised  of  any  peril 
that  might  threaten  him,  and  had  moreover  frequently 
warned  him  about  the  other's  plans.  How  then  could 
G-allus  consider  the  cautions  which  reached  him  as  any 
thing  else  than  empty  fears  and  calumnies  ? 

Two  other  men  had  entered  at  the  same  time  as 
Pomponius,  so  different  in  manner,  thoughts,  and  actions, 
that  it  required  all  the  versatility  with  which  their  companion 
was  gifted  to  fill  up  the  chasm  between  them.  Lentulus, 
young,  vain,  and  wealthy,  was  the  exact  prototype  of  those 
well-dressed,  self-sufficient,  shallow  young  men  of  our  own 
day,  so  graphically  described  by  a  modern  French  author, 
as  being  belles  bourses  d'ctalage:  qa'y  a-t-il  au  fondf 
du  vide1*.  No. one  dressed  with  more  care,  or  arranged 
his  hair  in  more  elegant  locks,  or  diffused  around  him  such 
a  scent  of  cassia  and  stakte,  nard  and  balsam.  No  one 
was  better  acquainted  with  the  latest  news  of  the  city : — 
who  wTere  betrothed  yesterday,  who  was  Cams'  newest 
mistress,  why  Titus  had  procured  a  divorce,  on  whom 
Neaera  had  closed  her  doors.  The  whole  business  of  his 
day  consisted  in  philandering  about  the  toilets  of  the 
ladies,  or  strolling  through  the  colonnades  of  Pompeius,  or 
the  almost  completed  Septa,  humming  Alexandrian  or 
G-aditanian  songs,  or,  at  most,  in  reading  or  writing  a  love 
epistle  :  in  short,  he  was  a  complete  specimen  of  what  the 


L.  Desnoyers,  Les  Beotx  •>,  Livre  des  Cent  et  un,  iii.  p.  61. 


24 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  II. 


Eomans  contemptuously  called  bellus  homo™.  It  can  be 
easily  imagined  that  Grallus  was  not  very  anxious  for  the 
society  of  such  a  person ;  but  Pomponius  saw  only  that 
Lentulus  was  rich,  that  few  gave  better  dinners,  and  be- 
sides, he  liked  his  folly,  which  often  served  as  a  butt  for 
his  own  wit  and  sarcasms. 

What  a  strong  contrast  to  this  smooth  coxcomb  was 
Calpurnius !  whose  lofty  stature  and  manly  bearing,  free 
alike  from  stiffness  and  negligence,  commanded  respect; 
while  the  simple  throw  and  scanty  gatherings  of  his  toga, 
in  the  highly  drawn  up  sinus  of  which  his  right  arm  rested, 
reminded  one  of  the  orators  of  the  republic.  In  his  dark 
eyes,  overshadowed  by  lofty  brows,  there  glowed  a  tran- 
quil fire,  and  if  you  watched  at  the  same  time  the  earnest 
folds  of  his  forehead  and  the  bitter  curl  of  his  lips,  you 
almost  believed  that  you  saw  before  you  one  who  had 
fallen  out  with  fate,  or  meditated  revenge. 

'  Welcome,  friends ! '  cried  Gallus,  as  they  entered  the 
peristyle,  where  according  to  custom  he  was  enjoying  the 
fresh  morning  air.  '  And  you  too,  Lentulus  ?  What,  are  you 
not  afraid  lest  the  dampness  of  the  morning  air  should 
destroy  the  ingenious  edifice  of  your  locks  ? ' 

'  Joke  away  ! '  replied  Lentulus,  '  who  knows  whether 
I  live  not  happier  under  it  than  ye  do  in  many  a  new 
state  fabric,  built  only  in  your  thoughts  ?  But  enough 
of  that.  I  will  leave  you  directly  to  your  momentous 
consultations,  and  only  come  now  to  propose  that  we 
should  not  breakfast  with  you  to-day,  as  we  agreed  yes- 


15  Such  a  bellus  homo  Martial  ad- 
mirably describes,  iii.  63  : 

Bellus  homo  est,  flexos  qui  digerit  ordine 
crines : 
Balsama  qui  semper,  cirmama   semper 
olet. 
Cantica  qui  Nili,  qui  Gaditana  susurrat ; 

Qui  movet  in  varios  brachia  vulsamodos. 
Inter  fcemineas  tota  qui  luce  cathedras 
Desidet,atque  aliqua  semper  in  aure  sonat. 


Qui  legit  hinc  illinc  missas,  scribitque  ta- 
bellas. 
Pallia  vicini  qui  refugit  cubiti. 
Qui  seit  quam  quis  amet ;  qui  perconvivia 
currit  ; 
Hirpini  veteres  qui  bene  novit  avos. 

Well  may  we  say,  after  casting  a 
glance  upon  the  bellus  homo  of  our 
own  day,  '  Men  are  now  as  men  ever 
were.' 


Scene  IL]  MORNING.  25 

terday,  but  that  you  come  instead  to  my  house.  Nut 
merely  for  the  sake  of  the  excellent  oysters  that  I  received 
this  morning  from  the  Lucrine  lake,  ami  the  splendid 
rhombus  sent  me  yesterday  from  Ravenna — these  would 
at  most  be  an  attraction  fur  Pomponius  alone — hut  for 
the  purpose  of  admiring  a  work  of  art  of  surpassing  grace 
and  beauty.  You  know  Issa,  Terentia's  lap-dog16?  I 
have  had  the  little  imp  painted,  sweetly  reposing  upon  a 
soft  cushion  :  it  was  only  finished  yesterday,  and  the  illu- 
sion is,  I  assure  you,  complete.  Place  it  by  the  side  of 
the  delicate  little  animal,  and  you  will  think  either  that 
both  are  painted,  or  both  alive.'  Gallus  laughed  loudly  at 
this  enthusiasm  about  a  lap-dog,  and  even  on  the  visage  of 
Calpurnius  a  smile  gradually  got  the  better  of  his  habitual 
scowl.  '  I  believe  you,  my  Lentulus,'  replied  the  first ; 
'and  it  grieves  me  to  be  able  neither  to  make  acquaint- 
ance with  the  Lucrine  and  Ravennan  strangers,  nor  to 
enjoy  the  high  artistic  treat.  Cogent  reasons  induce  me 
to  spend  a  few  weeks  in  the  country,  and  I  have  just 
determined  to  set  off  this  morning.' 

« Into  the  country?  To  the  villa?'  cried  Pomponius 
'  and  Calpurnius,  in  astonishment,  whilst  Lentulus  affectedly 
supported  his  chin  with  his  left  hand. — '  So  it  is,'  said 
Gallus  ;  '  and  I  had  already  ordered  my  slave  to  make 
my  apologies  for  not  breakfasting  with  you,  and  to  invite 
you  to  my  villa  instead.' 

'Well,  well,  if  such  be  the  case,'  said  Lentulus,  'I 
have  nothing  to  do,  but  wish  you  a  pleasant  journey 
thither.     But  I  make  one  condition,   that  you  take  your 


16  The  äcHäcB  of  the  Roman  ladies   i   as  such  favourite  objects,  bubo,  cm.    - 
are  known  through  the  passer  of  Les-      la,    cercopithccos,    ichneumon,    pica, 


bia,  and  the  parrot  of  Corinna.  The 
Issa  here-  mentioned  belongs,  it  is 
true,  to  a  later  period,  and  to  no 
lady,  but  to  the  painter  Publius,  who 
had  painted  her  for  himself.  Mart.  i. 
110.     The  same  poet,  vii.  87,  names 


draco,  luscinia.  The  lap-dog  of  the 
lady  was  naturally  an  object  of  tender 
blandishment  to  the  lover.  Indeed 
this  is  enjoined  by  Clsereta, — Plaut. 
Asin.  i.  3,  32.  Cf.  Mart,  xiv.198 ;  Juv. 
vi.  654 ;  Petron.64,  71 ;  Plin.£)>,  iv.  2. 


26  GALLUS.  [Scene  II. 

first  meal  at  my  house  after  your  return.  I  am  only 
sorry  that  you  will  not  see  Issa,  for  this  very  day  will 
Terentia  receive  this  proof  of  my  affection.'  Having  thus 
said,  he  sped  away  through  the  halls  and  atrium,  carefully 
avoiding  the  busy  slaves,  lest  they  should  soil  the  snowy 
whiteness  of  his  garments,  and  hastened  to  arrange  the 
breakfast :  since  Pomponius,  at  all  events,  would  not  forget 
the  Lucrine  oysters  and  the  rhombus. 

'  So  to  Capua,  then  ? '  said  Pomponius,  musingly,  after 
the  departure  of  Lentulus,  and  appearing  at  the  same  time 
to  be  occupied  with  other  thoughts  than  the  recent  in- 
vitation. 

'Into  the  lap  of  enjoyment  and  idleness!'  put  in  Cal- 
purnius  gloomily. 

1  And  Lycoris  ?  '  asked  Pomponius  inquiringly,  whilst  he 
involuntarily  held  his  nether  lip  between  his  teeth. 

'  Will  grant  my  request,  I  hope,  and  spend  these  weeks 
in  BaiaB.' 

'  And  the  fine  plans  of  yesterday  ? '  interrupted  Cal- 
purnius :  '  are  we  children  that  we  swear  death  to  the 
tyrant,  and  within  twelve  hours  afterwards  quietly  repose 
on  the  soft  pillow  of  pleasure  and  voluptuousness  ? ' 

'  Calpurnius,'  said  Gallus  earnestly,  '  the  incautious  ex- 
pressions cajoled  from  the  tongue  by  the  Setinian  wine 
must  not  be  interpreted  too  literally  the  next  morning. 
I  have,  it  is  true,  been  grievously  insulted,  and  by  the 
ver}T  man  from  whose  hand  I  received  all  my  fortune ; 
but  I  will  never  forget  what  is  due  to  gratitude,  and  for 
the  same  reason,  that  I  feel  how  easily  I  can  be  provoked, 
I  will  withdraw  into  the  retirement  of  the  country  for  a 
while.  Virgil  and  Propertius  have  already  left  Eome  to 
enjoy  the  charms  of  nature,  and  I  too  pine  for  a  more 
simple  way  of  life.' 

'  Grallus  is  right,'  cried  Pomponius,  as  if  awaking  from 
a  dream,  '  he  is  right ;' — while  Calpurnius,  turning  away 
his  head,  bit  his  lip.  '  He  will  thus  best  show  that  he 
has  no  desire  to    take  part  in  any  movement  that   may 


Scene  II. J  MORNING,  '2  I 

be  made,  and  he  leaves  true  friends  behind  him  to  avert 
any  danger  that  may  threaten  him  in  his  absence.  But 
since  the  hour  of  departure  is  so  near,  his  time  must  be 
precious,  Calpurnius.  Let  us  therefore  now  depart.  Fare- 
well, Gall  us  !  happy  omen  be  thy  speed  ! '  With  this  he 
went,  forcing  the  silent  Calpurnius  away. 


SCENE  THE  THIRD. 


STUDIES    AND    LETTERS. 


GALLUS  had  for  some  time  past  kept  as  much  as  pos- 
sible aloof  from  the  disquieting  labours  of  public  life, 
and  had  been  accustomed  to  divide  his  time  between  the 
pleasures  of  the  table  and  of  love,  the  society  of  friends, 
and  the  pursuit  of  his  studies,  serious  as  well  as  cheerful1. 
On  the  present  occasion  also,  after  his  friends  had  departed, 
he  withdrew  into  the  chamber,  where  he  used  daily  to 
spend  the  later  hours  of  the  morning-,  in  converse  with  the 
great  spirits  of  ancient  Greece—  a  pursuit  animating  and 
refreshing  alike  to  heart  and  soul — or  to  yield  himself 
up  to  the  sport  of  his  own  muse.  For  this  reason,  this 
apartment  lay  far  removed  from  the  noisy  din  of  the  street, 
so  that  neither  the  rattling  of  the  creaking  wains  and 
the  stimulating  cry  of  the  mule-driver,  the  clarions  and 
dirge  of  the  pompous  funeral,  nor  the  brawlings  of  the 
slaves  2  hurrying  busily  along,  could  penetrate  it.     A  lofty 


1  In  this  description  of  the  mode 
of  life  to  which  Gallus,  after  a  long 
continuance  of  active  exertion,  had 
resigned  himself,  reference  has  been 
principally  had  to  Cic.  Fam.  ix.  20. 
Omnem  nostrum  de  republica  euram, 
cogitationem  de  dicenda  in  st  natu 
sententia,  commentationem  causa- 
rv/m  ahjecimus.  In  Epicuri  nos  ad- 
versarii  nostri  castra  conjedmus. 
No  doubt  this  Epicurism  would  as- 
sume a  different  form  in  Gallus  from 
that  of  Cicero,  yet  the  latter's  account 
of  his  morning  occupations  might 
very  well  be  transferred  to  Gallus  : 
H(bc  igitur  est  nunc  vita  nostra.  Mane 
salutatus  donä  et  bonos  vivos  multos, 
sed  tristes,  et  hos  Icetos  victores,  qui 
me  quidem  pcrofficiose  et  peramanter 
observant.        Ubi   salutatio  defluxit, 


Uteris  me  involvo ;  aut  scribo,  auf 
lego.  In  the  retirement  of  country- 
life  (Plin.  Ep.  ix.  9,  36),  there  was, 
no  doubt,  more  likelihood  of  sxich 
quiet  enjoyment  than  amid  the  num- 
berless interruptions  of  the  bustling 
metropobs,  which  Pliny  describes, 
Ep.  i.  9  :  Si  qui  m  intt  rroges :  Hodie 
quid  egisti  ?  respondeat :  Officio  togcs 
virilis  interfui,  sponsalia  aut  nuptias 
frequentavi :  Ule  me  ad  signandum 
testamentum,  Ule  in  advocationem, 
Ule  in  consilium  rogavit.  So  also 
Hor.  Epist.  ii.  2,  65.  Even  at  the 
country  house  many  were  subjected 
to  the  solicitations  of  their  neigh- 
bours.    Plin.  Ep,  ix.  15. 

2  The  characteristic  bustle  of  the 
slaves,  as  they  ran  along  the  street,  is 


Scene  III.]  STUDIES    AND    LETTER-.  20 

window,  through  which  shone  the  light  of  the  early  morn- 
-nut'y  illuminated  from  above  the  moderate- 
sized  apartment,  the  walls  of  which  were  adorned  with 
elegant  arabesques  in  light  colours,  whilst  between  them, 
on  darker  grounds,  the  luxurious  forms  of  attractive  danc- 
ing girls  were  seen  sweeping  spirit-like  along.  A  neat 
couch,  faced  with  tortoise-shell  and  hung  with  Babylonian 
tapestry  of  various  colours — by  the  side  of  winch  was  the 
acriniwm  containing  the  poet's  elegies,  which  were  as  yet 
unknown  to  the  majority  of  the  public,  and  a  small  table 
of  cedar-wood,  on  goat's-feet  of  bronze,  comprised  the 
whole  of  the  supelleos,  i 

Immediately  adjoining  this  apartment  was  the  library, 
full  of  the  most  precious  treasures  acquired  by  Gallus, 
chieflv  in  Alexandria.  There,  in  presses  of  cedar-wood, 
placed  round  the  walls,  lay  the  rolls,  partly  of  parch- 
ment, and  partly  of  the  finest  Egyptian  papyrus,  each 
supplied  with  a  label,  on  which  was  seen,  in  bright  red 
letters,  the  name  of  the  author  and  title  of  the  book. 
Above  these  again  were  ranged  the  busts,  in  bronze  or 
marble,  of  the  most  renowned  writers,  an  entirely  novel 
ornament  for  libraries,  first  introduced  into  Eome  by  Asinius 
Pollio,  who  perhaps  had  only  copied  it  from  the  libraries 
of  Pergamus  and  Alexandria.  True,  only  the  chief  repre- 
sentatives of  each  separate  branch  of  literature  were  to  be 
found  in  the  narrow  space  available  for  them  ;  but  to  com- 
pensate for  this,  there  were  several  rolls  which  contained 
the  portraits  of  seven  hundred  remarkable  men.  These 
were  the  hebdoinades  or  peplography  of  Varro,  who,  by 
means  of  a  new  and  much-valued  invention  3,  was  enabled 


•well  known  from  comic  writers,  and 
tes  is  their  peculiar  epithet. 
Terence,  Eun.  Pro!.  36  ;  Beaut. 
Pro!.  31.  Examples  occur  in  almost 
every  one  of  the  comedies  of  Plautus. 
So  hast;  a  paee  was  not.  however. 
becoming  to  a  respectable  free-man. 


Liberos  homines  per  urbem  modico  magis 

par  est  gradu 
Ire ;  servuli  esse  dico,  festinantem  currere. 

3  The  question  as  to  what  was  the 

■  n    Varronis   inventwm, 

a  lately  revived.     The  chief 

passage  in  Pliny,  xxxv.  2,  bearing 


Plautus,  Pce/i.  iii.  1/19.  on  the  matter  is  certainly  in  a  tone  of 


30 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  III. 


in  an  easy  manner  to  multiply  the  collection  of  Lis  por- 
traits, and  so  to  spread  copies  of  them,  with  short  biogra- 
phical notices  of  the  men,  through  the  whole  learned  world, 


admiration.     Zmaginum  amove  fia- 

grasse  quondam  testes  sunt  Atticus 
/!!<■  Ciceronis,  edito  de  Ms  volumine, 
et  Marcus  Varro  benignissimo  in- 
vento  insertis  vohcminum  suorum 
faecunditati  non  nominibus  tantum 
septingentorum  illustrium,  sed  et 
aliquo  modo  imaginibus,  non  passus 
intercidere  figuras,  aut  vestustatem 
eevi  contra  homines  valere,  inventor 
mum  ris  etiam  Biis  invidiasi,  quando 
immortalitatem  nan  solum  dedit,  ve- 
rum etiam  in  "tunes  terras  misit,  ut 
preBSi  ntes  esse  ubique  et  claudi  (?) 
possent.  It  was  an  Iconography 
(consisting  of  one  hundred  rolls  and 
sheets,  each  one  of  -which  contained 
seven  pictures,  with  short  biogra- 
phies, epigramma,  Gell.  iii.  11 ;  epi- 
grammatum  adjectione,  or  elegiis, 
Symmach.  Ep.  i.  2.  4),  unquestion- 
ably the  same  book  that  Cicero,  ad 
Attic,  xvi.  11,  calls  ri€irA.07pa^toi/ 
Varronis,  and  that  bore  the  name 
Hehdomades  (Gell.  iii.  10,  qui  in- 
scribuntur  (libri)  hehdomades  s.  de 
imaginibus) ;  biit  opinions  are  divid- 
ed as  to  wherein  consisted  its  novelty 
and  remarkableness.  Brotier  and 
Falconnet  suppose  that  they  were 
drawings  on  parchment,  or  canvas. 
Visconti  calls  them  des  portraits 
feints  sans  doute  sur  parchemin. 

On  the  other  hand,  De  Pauw  be- 
lieved that  it  was  an  invention  for 
the  multiplication  of  the  portraits, 
and  that  it  was  copper-plate  en- 
graving, which  Ottfr.  Müller  con- 
siders most  probably  to  have  been 
the  case.  Quatremere  de  Quincy 
sets  up  a  similar  hypothesis,  which, 
however,  rests  on  a  very  insecure 
basis.  •Raoul-Kochette  gives  the  fol- 


lowing account  of  it :  '  M.  Quatre- 
mere de  Quiney  n'est  point  occupe 
de  cette  discussion  preliminaire. 
Fidele  ä  sa  methode  de  traiter  les 
questions  d'antiquite  d'apres  les 
seules  textes  antiques,  sans  avoir 
egard  aux  opinions  des  critiques  mo- 
dernes, qui  ont  pu  s'exereer  sur  les 
memes  sujets,  l'illustre  auteur  n'a 
fait  aucune  mention  des  idees  de 
Brotier,  de  Falconnet  et  de  Pauw. 
Encore  moins  aurait-il  pu  citer  l'ex- 
plication  d'un  autre  savant,  laquelle 
rentre  pourtant  a  peu  pres  dans  la 
sienne,  mais  qui  se  trouve  en  quelque 
sorte  cachee  dans  un  ouvrage  d' ar- 
ch eologie  chretienne,  ou  Ton  ne 
s'aviserait  pas  d'aller  la  chercher. 
Je  veux  parier  de  l'idee  de  Mun- 
ter, qui  rappelant,  au  debut  de  ses 
recherches  sur  l'iconographie  chre- 
tienne, l'invention  de  Varron,  sup- 
pose qu'elle  consistait  en  portraits 
graves  aux  traits  sur  des  planches 
de  bois,  et  imprimes  sur  parchemin, 
tout  en  repoussant  1' opinion,  que  ces 
portraits,  ainsi  imprimes,  aient  pu 
etre  colories  ou  enlumines  en  pin- 
ceau,  de  la  main  de  Lala,  comme  on 
pourrait  le  croire  d'apres  un  autre 
passage  de  Pline  (xxxv.  11,40):  Lala 
Cyzicena — Marci  Varronis  invt  nta 
Bornes  et  penicülo  pinxit  {et  cestro  in 
ebore).  Le  docte  antiquaire  Danois 
n'admet  pas,  en  effet,  dans  le  texte 
de  Pline,  la  lecon  inventa,  qu'il  sup- 
pose une  correction  de  quelque  criti- 
que moderne,  au  lieu  Aejuventa,  qui 
lui  parait  la  lecon  originale.  Mais  il 
se  trompe  certainement  en  ce  point ; 
les  mots  :  M.  Varronis  inventa,  de  ce 
passage  de  Pline,  s'aecordent  trop 
bien  avec  le  Varronis  benignissimum 


SCBHB   III.] 


STUDIES   AND    LETTERS. 


31 


On  the  other  side  of  the  library  was  a  larger  room,  in 
which  a  number  of  learned  slaves  were  occupied  in  tran- 
scribing, with  nimble  hand,  the  works  of  illustrious  Greek 


m  de  l'autre  texte,  pour  quil 
y  aitle moindre  lieu  de  douter,  qu'ils 

n'expriment  Fun  et  l'autre  la  pensee 
de  Pline,  et  qu'ils  ne  se  rapport  en  t 
l'un  et  l'autre  un  procede  de  Yarron ; 
la  lecon  inventa  est  d'ailleurs  celle 
des  meilleurs  editions,  compris  1' edi- 
tion princeps  de   1469.     Cela  pose, 
l'hypothe-e    de    M.   Quatremere  de 
Quincy  acquiert  le  plus  hau; 
de  probability ;  il  suppose,  que  Var- 
ron  fit  executer  &v 
par  la  main  de  Lala,  les  portraits  de 
son  ieonographie,  dont  eile  avait  peint 
les  modeles  au  pinceau  ;  et  que  ces 
portraits,  imprimis  sur  toile,  se  mul- 
tipliaient  au  moyen  d'une  pression 
mecanique,  dont  le  procede  etait  trop 
simple  et  trop  facile  a  trouver  pour 
qu'il  ait  puoffrir  le  moindre  embarrae 
ä  l'industrie  Eomaine  de  cette  age.' 
The   chief  points    of  this   hypo- 
thesis, with  which  Eaoul-Roehette 
coincides,    are,    that    the    im 
Varronis  was  a  means  of  multiplying 
portraits  ;  that  Lala  of  Cyzikos  fur- 
nished  the   designs,    and  engraved 
them  on  ivory  ;  and  that  tinted  en- 
gravings of  them  were  made  on  can- 
v  means  of  several  plates  ;  but 
the  last  assumption  rests  on  a  pure 
misapprehension.    Cicero  names  the 
work    TleTr\oypa<pia.  analogously   To 
the  Pa  Peplos:    of  which 

Suidas  under   UtirXos  says  :    TliirAov 
eiroirjccw    TJj    'Adriva     Kal    evtypaipav 
rovs     äpiffTOvs      eV      avr'£. 
Equit.    566.    6.v8pfs    &£toi    rod    iti- 
■nhov.    Aristotle  named  thus 
nealogy  of  the  Homeric  her<    - 
word  theref  -  aothing  mure 

than  a  gallery  of  remarkable  persons. 
as  Popma,  and  after  him   \ 


have  sufficiently  shown.  As  for  can- 
vas, or  any  substance  whatever,  on 
which  the  pictures  were  painted,  ir 
is  not  to  be  thought  of. 

The  process  with  the  cestrum  may 
have  been  merely  a  species  of  en- 
caustic engraving — but  as  to  whether 
it  was  a  simple  burning  in  of  the  out- 
line, or  in  some  way  a  kind  of  stip- 
pling.we  are  still  in  the  dark — whilst 
the  drawing,  by  means  of  this  1  naming 
in.  was  to  receive  its  tint 
ance  or  its  consistency  as  an  engra- 
ving on  the  ivory,  in  order  to  bring 
forth  the  ivory-pictures,  Pliny  rather 
obscurely  describes  xxv.  11.  41.  En- 
causto   p  fuii 

guitus   genera    constat,   ■ 

id  est,  L-irlculo. 
•unt. 
The  other  suppositions  also  appear 
very  untenable.     And  it  woidd  ap- 
pear very  strange  if,  for  the  purpose 
of  engraving,  they  had  taken  • 
fragile  material  as  ivory,  whilst  cop- 
per or  other  durable  metal  pres 
itself.     Besides,  the  reading  of  in- 
venta for  juventa  is  very  unsai 

3  so  like  one  of 
Pliny's  own,  that  we  may  entirely 
decide  in  favour  of  it. 

Letronne   opposed    this    hypothe- 
sis :    but  the  grammatical    scruples 
that  he  raise-  are  totally  S 
He  denies   that   the  invention   con- 
in   a   means    of  multi] 
and  supposes  painted  portra 
that  in   thai  would 

simpiv  mean   a   new  idea.     But  the 
words  of  Pliny  are  clearly  in  oppo 
to  him;  for  besides  that  the 
epithel  imnm   convi  - 

idea  of  communi  cation  and  common 


32 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  III. 


and  the  more  ancient  Roman  authors,  both  for  the  supply 
of  the  library,  and  for  the  use  of  those  friends  to  whom 
Gallus  obligingly  communicated  his  literary  treasures. 
Others  were  engaged  in  giving  the  rolls  the  most  agree- 
able exterior,  in  gluing  the  separate  strips  of  papyrus 
together,  drawing  the  red  lines  which  divided  the  dif- 
ferent columns,  and  writing  the  title  in  the  same  colour ; 
in  smoothing  with  pumice-stone  and  blackening  the  edges ; 
fastening  ivory  tops  on  the  sticks  round  which  the  rolls 
were  wrapped,  and  dyeing  bright  red  or  yellow  the  parch- 
ment which  was  to  serve  as  a  wrapper. 

Gallus,  with  Chresimus,  entered  the  study,  where  the 
freedman,  of  whom  he  was  used  to  avail  himself  in  his 
studies 4,  to  make  remarks  on  what  was  read,  to  note  down 


utility,  Pliny  also  expressly  says : 
verum  etiam  in  omnes  terras  misit, 
ut  präsentes  esse  ubique  posscnf.  It 
is  therefore  evident  that  he  speaks 
of  numerous  copies ;  and  besides  this, 
he  says:  non  nominibus  tantum  sep- 
tingentorwm  illustrium,  sed  et  aliquo 
i  o  imaginums,  and  gives  us  posi- 
tively to  understand  that  they  were 
no  regular  portraits.  Still  it  is  to  be 
doubted  whether  it  could  have  been 
an  engraving,  on  a  plate  of  copper, 
or  any  other  metal,  as  such  an  in- 
vention would  have  been  of  the  ut- 
most moment,  and  necessarily  less 
transitory.  Pliny,  too,  would  hardly 
have  passed  over  the  technical  part 
of  this  new  branch  in  the  art  of  de- 
sign; we  cannot,  therefore,  include 
copper-plate  engraving  under  aliquo 
modo. 

Perhaps  these  aliquo  modo  ima- 
gines were  portraits  done  Silhouette- 
fashion,  or  painted  by  means  of shab- 
loons,  or  something  similar ;  for  it  can 
hardly  be  supposed  that  they  were 
executed  in  colours,  as  in  the  Oriental 
painting,  as  it  is  called.  Whether, 
when  wall-painting  at  a  later  period 


became  so  general,  this  contrivance 
may  have  been  made  use  of  in  a  set 
of  uniform  arabesques,  must  be  an- 
swered in  the  negative.  Though  it 
would  not  be  impossible ;  for  even  in 
the  good  times  of  art,  they  used  to 
bethink  themselves  of  methods  of 
abbreviating  labour  {compenduirias, 
Plin.  xxxv.  10,  36.)  And  perhaps 
we  might  refer  to  this  the  words  of 
Petronius,  c.  2,  where  he  speaks  of 
the  decline  of  the  arts  of  oratory  and 
painting.  Quis  postea  ad  summit  at 
Thucydidis,  quis  Hijpcridis  adfamam 
processit  ?  ac  ne  carmen  quidem  sani 
coloris  enituit ;  sed  omnia  quasi  eo- 
dem  t  ihn  pasta  non  potuerunt  usque 
ad  senectutem  canescere.  Pictura 
quoque  non  alium  exitum  fecit,  post- 
quam  Mgyptiarum  audacia  tarn 
magna  artis  compendiariam  invenit. 
But  in  that  case  it  woidd  be  strange 
if  repetitions  of  the  same  paintings 
were  not  to  be  found  at  Hercula- 
neum  and  Pompeii. 

4  Among  the  librarii  were  some 
who  were  made  use  of  in  studying, 
for  the  purpose  of  extracting  and 


SCEXK    III.] 


STUDIES    AND    LETTERS. 


33 


particular  passages,  or  to  commit  to  paper  his  own  poetical 
effusions,  as  they  escaped  him,  was  already  awaiting  him. 
After  giving  Chresimus  further  instructions  to  make  the 
necessary  preparations  for  an  immediate  journey,  he  re- 
clined, in  his  accustomed  manner,  on  his  studying  couch, 


noting  down  remarks,  a  stvdiis. 
Orell.  Inscr.  719;  Suet.  Claud,  28. 
Ac  super  hos  (libertos,  maxime  sus- 
pexit)  Polybium  a  stvdiis  qui  scepe 
inter  duos  Consulcs  ambulabat.  We 
see  clearly  what  their  business  was 
from  a  letter  of  the  young  Cicero, 
Farn.  xvi.  21 :  Veto  a  te,  ut  quam 
i tin- rime  Ubrarius  mihi  mittatur, 
maxime  quidem  Gracus;  mtdtum 
enim  mihi  cripitur  opera  exscriben- 
dis  hypomnemutis.  Best  adapted  for 
this  purpose  were  the  notarii,  raxv- 
ypacpoi,  ar]fjieioypd<poi,  who  wrote  by 
means  of  marks,  Sia  a-q^üoiv — the 
short-hand  writers  of  antiquity,  unex- 
celled perhaps  in  facility  even  by  the 
moderns.  [This  art  was  introduced 
into  Rome  during  the  last  hundred 
years  of  its  freedom.  Plutarch  ( Cat. 
Min.  23)  calls  Cicero,  and  Dio.  Cass, 
lv.  7,  Maecenas,  the  inventor  of  it. 
Isodorus,  i.  21,  mentions  Ennius  as 
the  founder  of  tachygraphy,  and  the 
freedmen  of  Cicero  and  Maecenas, 
Tiro  and  Aquila,  as  those  who  in 
practice  had  further  improved  it. 
Gellius,  xvii.  9,  speaks  not  of  steno- 
graphy, but  of  a  kind  of  secret  cy- 
pher-writing in  use  between  Csesar, 
Oppius,  and  Balbus:  In  his  epistolis 
quibusdam  in  locis  inveniuntur  li- 
ters singularia  sine  coagmentis 
syUabarum,  quas  tu  putes  positas 
incondite ;  nam  verba  ex  his  Uteris 
confiei  nulla  possunt.  Erat  autem 
conventum  inter  eos  clandestinum  de 
commutando  situ  literarum,  tit  in 
scripto  quidem  alia  alia  locum  et 
iiouten  teneret,  sed  in  legendo  locus 


cuique  suus  et  potestas  restitueretur. 
There  was  also  some  process  similar 
to  our  short-hand  writing,  and  to  that 
Pliny  alludes  when  he  calls  Cgesar  the 
inventor  of  it.  When,  however,  Cicero 
writes,  ad,  Aft.  xiii.  21  :  Quod  ad  te 
de  decern  legatis  8cri/psi,parum  intel- 
lexti,  credo  quia  5«x  <r7j,ueiW  scrip- 
seram ;  we  must  not  suppose  that 
either  a  secret  cipher-writing  or  ste- 
nography is  meant,  but  hieroglyphics 
(understood  figuratively)  or  mys- 
terious indications,  which  Cicero  was 
accustomed  to  make  in  his  letters.] 
Later,  the  marks  which  the  notarii 
made  use  of,  were  certainly  far  sim- 
pler than  the  not®  Tironiance.  Mart. 
xiy.  208,  Notarius — 

Currant  verba  licet ;   manus  est  velocior 
illis  : 
Nondum    lingua  suum,  dextra  peregit 
opus. 

Seneca,  Epist.  90.  Quid  verborum 
notas,  quibus  quamvis  citata  exti- 
pituT  oratio,  et  celeritatem  lingua 
manus  sequitur;  Orell.  Inscr.  2876, 
and  Manil.  iv.  197: 

Hie  et  scriptor  erit  velox,  cui  litera  verbum 

est, 
Quique  notis  linguam  superet,  cursimque 

loquentis 
Excipiet  longas  nova  per  compendia  voces. 

The  elder  Pliny  had  himself  a 
notarius  by  his  side  on  a  journey, 
that  the  time  might  not  pass  idly: 
Ep.  iii.  5  (in  itinere)  ad  latus  no- 
tarius cum  lihro  et  pugillaribus,  cujus 
mantes  hieme  manicis  muniebantur 
ut  ne  codi  quidem  aspcritas  idlum 
studii  tempus  eriperet. 


34 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  III. 


supported  on  his  left  arm,  his  right  knee  being  drawn  up 
somewhat  higher  than  the  other,  in  order  to  place  on  it 
his  books  or  tablets.  '  Give  me  that  roll  of  poetry  of  mine, 
Phsedrus,'  said  he  to  the  freedman;  'I  will  not  set  out  till 
I  have  sent  the  book  finished  to  the  bookseller.  I  cer- 
tainly do  not  much  desire  to  be  sold  in  the  Argiletan 
taverns  for  five  denarii,  and  find  my  name  hung  up  on  the 
doors,  and  not  always  in  the  best  company ;  but  Secundus 
worries  me  for  it,  and  therefore  be  it  so.'  '  He  under- 
stands his  advantage,'  said  Phsedrus,  as  he  drew  forth  the 
roll  from  the  cedar-wood  chest.  '  I  wager  that  his  scribes 
will  have  nothing,  else  to  do  for  months,  but  to  copy  off 
your  Elegies  and  Epigrams,  and  that  you  will  be  rewarded 
with  the  applause  poured  upon  them  not  by  Rome  only, 
nor  by  Italy,  but  by  the  world.' 

'  Who  knows  ?  '  said  Grallus.  '  It  is  always  hazardous 
to  give  to  the  opinion  of  the  public  that  which  was  only 
written  for  a  narrow  circle  of  tried  friends :  and  besides, 
our  public  is  so  very  capricious.  For  one  I  am  too  cold,  for 
another  I  speak  too  much  of  Lycoris ;  my  Epigrams  are  too 
long  for  a  third 5 ;  and  then  there  are  those  grammarians, 
who  impute  to  me  the  blunders  which  the  copyist  in  his 
hurry  has  committed 6.  But  look  ! '  continued  he,  as  he 
unfolded  the  roll,  'there  is  just  room  left  before  we  get  to 
the  umbilicus,  for  a  small  poem  on  which  I  meditated  this 
morning  when  walking  to  and  fro  in  the  peristyle.  It 
is  somewhat  hurriedly  thrown  off,  I  grant,  and  its  jocular 
tone  is  not  exactly  in  keeping  with  the  last  elegy.  Per- 
haps they  will  say,  I  had  done  better  to  leave  it  out,  but 
its  contents  are  the  best  proof  of  its  unassumingness ;  why, 
therefore,  should  I  not  let  the  joke  stand?  Listen  then, 
and  write.' 

Phsedrus  here  was  about  taking  the  roll.     'No ,'  said 


5  Martial  had  to  bear  this  impu- 
tation more  than  once.  See  ii.  77, 
iii.  83,  ri.  65. 


6  Martial,  ii.  8.     See  the  Excur- 
sus, The  Bookseller. 


Scene  [IL]  STUDIES    AND    LETTERS.  35 

Gallus,  '  the  time  before  our  departure  is  too  brief.  Take 
style  and  tablet,  write  with  abbreviations,  and  insert  it 
afterwards  whilst  I  am  dictating  a  few  letters.'  Pha?drus 
obeyed,  sat  down  on  the  foot  of  the  couch,  and  wrote  as 
follows  to  his  master's  dictation : — 

TO  MY  BOOK. 
Fond  book  !  why,  uninvited,  haste  to  roam 
Abroad,  while  thou  niayst  safely  stay  at  home  ? 
E'en  among  friends  thou'lt  earn  but  doubtful  praise, 
What  madness  then  to  brave  the  world's  proud  gaze, 
And  nostril  curl'd  and  supercilious  sneer  ! 
Of  spiteful  critic's  pen  to  be  in  fear  ! — 
What !  though  no  gross  plebeian  form  be  thine, 
Though  trac'd  with  cunning  hand  thy  letters  shine ; 
Though  Tyrian  purple  veil  thy  page  of  snow. 
And  painted  knobs  o'er  thy  black  edges  glow, 
Dost  hope  by  this  to  please  book-learned  wights  ? 
To  grace  the  shelves  of  Phoebus'  satellites  ? 
Be  carried  in  the  bosom,  prais'd,  caress'd, 
And  read  by  all  the  world  from  east  to  west  ? 
Vain  hope  !  thy  beauty's  pride,  thy  swelling  roll, 
A  smoky  kitchen  is  their  destined  goal. 
Or  else  to  greasy  taverns  thou'lt  be  borne, 
Then,  greas'd  thyself,  with  filthy  wares  return. 
I've  seen  (prodigious  fate,  but  no  less  true) 
Your  Ciceros,  extoU'd  beyond  their  due, 
To  pepper-pokes  consign'd,  and  bags  for  salt, 
Not  Attic  :   that  they  lack'd — their  only  fault — 
Or  sprats  enclosed  within  their  humid  leaves  : 
Sprats  !   or  whate'er  the  dirty  cook  receives. 
Warn'd  by  such  great  examples,  shun  their  fate, 
Nor  learn  discretion  at  so  dear  a  rate. 
Words  to  the  winds  !  still  struggling  to  be  free  ? 
Go,  but  when  injured,  blame  thyself,  not  me.7 

7  The  original  of  this  translation  runs  as  follows : — 


Quo  properas,  insane  liber  ?  male  nota  quid 

hospes 

Tecta  sul>is.  tutu  eui  licet  esse  domi? 

Quis  furor  est,  populi  tumidia  oppouere 

rhoncbis, 

Ah !  vereor,  sociis  vix  placitura  viris  ? 


Contemtumquc  pati,nasoqueferociter  unco 

Suspendi,  et  tristes  extimuisse  notes? 
An  quia  plcbciam  vincit  tua  Charta  papy- 
rum, 
Et  nitet  artifici  litera  facta  manu  ; 
Candida  quod  Tyrio  velatur  pagina  fuco, 
D  2 


36 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  III. 


Phaedrus  Lad  written  with  all  possible  rapidity  ;  and  from 
his  countenance  it  was  not  easy  to  discover  his  opinion 
of  this  apostrophe.  He  then  departed  to  copy  the  poem 
more  intelligibly  on  the  roll,  and  to  send  thither  Philo- 
damus,  whom  his  master  generally  employed  to  write  his 
letters ;  equally  acquainted  with  both  languages,  he  used, 
in  most  instances,  to  discharge  the  duties  of  the  Greek 
and  Latin  correspondent,  and  particularly  when  the  con- 
tents of  the  letters  made  a  confidential  scribe  necessary. 
To-day,  however,  this  was  not  the  case;  for  Gallus  only 
wished  some  short  friendly  letters,  which  contained  no 
secrets,  to  be  written.  Philodamus  brought  the  style,  the 
wooden  tablets  coated  over  with  wax,  and  what  was  re- 
quisite for  sealing  the  letters  ;  took  the  seat  of  Phaedrus, 
and  set  down  with  expert  hand  the  short  sentences  which 


Pictaque  nigraniä  eornua  fronte  geris; 
Scrinia  Phce.bea?  speras  habitare  catervae, 

Et  fieri  doctis  carior  inde  viris  ? 
Gestarique  sinu  belle,  lepidusque  vocari 
Forsitan,  et  toto  plurimus  orbe  legi  ? 
Nequidquam,  hen  !  forma  tumidurn,  cultu- 
qne  superbmn 
Accipiet  fumo  nigra  culina  suo. 
Mercibus  aut  unctas  migrabis,  culte,  taber- 
nas, 
Ut  referas  merces  unctus  et  ipse  domum. 
Vidimus  elatos  nimium,  meritisque  fero- 
ces — 
Vera  loquor,  quamquam  prodigiosa  lo- 
quor— 
Aut  salis,aut  piperis  Cicerones  esse  cucullos, 
Quodque  aberat  scriptis  sal  tarnen  intus 
erat. 
Cordylreque  fere  madida  latuere  papyro, 

Quidquid  et  immundi  poscitopellacoqui. 
Si    sapis,  exemplis  monitus,  liber,  utere 
tantis, 
Et  proprio  noli  cautior  esse  malo. 
Ventis  verba  cadunt.     Pugnas  tarnen  ire  ? 
licebit. 
I,  fuge,  sed  lsesus  parce,  libelle,  queri. 

The  joke  here  indulged  in,  of 
palming  this  sportive  effusion  on  Gal- 
lus, must  not  be  mistaken,  or  con- 
sidered presumptuous.  Such  a  vov- 
Becia  would  in  itself  be  nothing  un- 
common, for  Horace,  i.  17,  11,  speaks 
to  his  book  in  a  similar  manner,  and 


in  Martial  more  such  warnings  are  to 
be  found.  I  cannot  here  omit  a  re- 
mark or  two  in  defence  of  the  text. 
In  v.  3,  I  have  had  in  my  eye  Virg. 
Mn.  ii.  127,  recusat  quemquam  op- 
ponere morti,  and  am  of  opinion  that 
from  thence  Propert.  i.  17,  ll,  is  also 
to  be  amended : 

An  poteris  siccis  mea  fata  reponere  ocellis, 
Ossaque  nulla  tuo  nostra  tenere  sinu  ? 

Here  the  Cod.  optimus  Posthianus, 
or,  Groninganus,  has  opponere,  and 
so  I  believe  the  proper  reading  to 
be :  mefato  opponere,  for  that  is  the 
only  idea  suitable.  To  take  reponere 
fata,  for  componere  funus  or  ossa,  is 
quite  impossible,  because  Propertius 
does  not  hope  for  a  burial.  But 
Cynthia  is  mentioned  as  the  cause 
of  his  calamity,  through  her  dirts. 
Should  one,  however,  be  offended  at 
the  opponere  rhonchis,  he  can  instead 
of  it  {si  tanti  est)  read  conwiittere. 
Nobody  can  refer  this  attack  on 
Cicero  to  anything  else  than  useless 
editions,  such  as  the  last  century  pro- 
duced in  abundance. 


Scene  III.]  STUDIES   AND    LETTERS.  37 

Grallus  dictated.  Notifications  of  his  departure  to  his  friends ; 
invitations  to  them  to  visit  him  at  his  villa ;  approval  of 
a  purchase  of  some  statues  and  pictures,  which  a  friend 
in  Athens  had  made  for  him 8 ;  recommendations  of  one 
friend  to  another  in  Alexandria  ;  such  were  the  quickly 
despatched  subjects  of  the  day's  correspondence.  Gallus 
then  himself  took  style  and  tablets,  to  write  with  his  own 
hand  some  words  of  affection  to  Lycoris,  and  induce  her 
to  follow  him,  but  not  indeed  to  his  villa — for  he  felt  too 
well  that  a  liaison  of  this  description  could  only  be  lasting 
whilst  distance  allowed  his  imagination  to  decorate  reality 
in  its  bright  colours,  and  that  by  living  together  under  the 
same  roof,  all  the  charm  and  poetry  of  love  would  be 
destroyed.  For  this  reason,  he  proposed  that  she  should 
go  to  Baia?,  and  doubted  not  to  see  his  desire  accom- 
plished ;  as  the  cheerful  bustle  of  that  much  visited  water- 
ing place  promised  pleasure  in  abundance  ;  while  the  near 
proximity  of  his  villa  gave  hopes  of  their  being  able  to 
visit  each  other  frequently.  Many  men  would  no  doubt 
have  felt  scruples  about  sending  their  loved  ones  thither, 
where  there  existed  temptations  of  all  kinds,  sufficient 
almost  to  seduce  one  of  severer  virtue  than  such  a  flighty 
libertina.  Grallus,  however,  knew  Lycoris  too  well  to  dis- 
trust her ;  she  had  only  once  in  past  times  been  unfaithful 
to  him 9,  and  perhaps  the  fault  then  was  more  on  his  side 
than  on  hers. 

He  read  over  once  more  the  letters  which  Philodamus 


and  his  Htrmathence  and  Hermera- 
M(B  were  of  more  value  in  his  eyes 
than  the  most  charming  Bacchw,  by 
the  master-hand  of  a  Greek.  See 
Cic.  ad  Attic,  i.  4,  10. 


8  Cicero  'writes  in  a  different  sense 
(ad  Fam.  vii.  23)  to  Fabius  Gallus, 
half  in  joke,  half  in  anger,  respecting 
such  a  purchase.  The  whole  letter 
is  very  instructive,  and  the  words,  Tu 
auti  id.  ignarus  instituti  mei,  quanti 
ego  genus  omnino  signorum  omnium 
non  (Bstimo,  tanti  ista  quatuor  aut 
quinque  sumpsisti,  fully  characterize 
Cicero"  s  love  of  art.  The  object  re-  j  citi  amoves  Gatli,  as  Virgil  says 
presented  was   everything   to  him, 


9  A  want  of  faith  rendered  famous 
by  the  tenth  Eclogue  of  Virgil,  which 
bears  the  name  of  Gallus :  the  sol! I- 


38 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  III. 


had  written ;  the  slave  then  fastened  the  tablets  together 
with  crossed  thread,  and  where  the  ends  were  knotted, 
placed  a  round  piece  of  wax ;  while  Gallus  drew  from  his 
ringer  a  beautiful  beryl,  on  which  was  engraved  by  the 
hand  of  Dioscorides,  a  lion  driven  by  four  amoretts, 
breathed  on  it,  to  prevent  the  tenacious  wax  from  ad- 
hering to  it10,  and  then  impressed  it  deeply  into  the 
pliant  mass.  Meanwhile  Philodamus  had  summoned  the 
tabellarii,  or  slaves  used  for  conveying  letters.  Each  of 
them  received  a  letter ;  but  that  destined  for  Athens  was 
about  to  be  entrusted  to  a  friend  journeying  thither. 

Scarcely  were  these  matters  well  concluded,  when  the 
slave  who  had  charge  of  the  time-pieces  entered,  and 
announced  that  the  finger  of  the  dial  was  now  casting  its 
shadow  upon  the  fourth  hour,  and  that  the  fifth  was  about 
commencing.  This  was  the  time  that  Gallus  had  fixed 
for  departure ;  he  therefore  hastened  to  leave  the  apart- 
ment, and  allow  himself  to  be  assisted  in  his  travelling 
toilet  by  the  slaves  in  attendance  for  this  purpose. 


1U  There  is  a  peculiar  interest  in 
tracing  these  minute  resemblances 
between  the  customs  of  the  ancients 
and  ourselves,  although  such  agree- 
ment is  only  natural.  We  too  breathe 
on  the  ring  before  sealing  with  it. 
Ovid  says,  Amor.  ii.  15,  15,  were  he 
the  ring  of  his  love  : 
Idem  ego,  ut  arcanas  possem  signare  tabel- 
las, 

Neve  ten  ax  ceram  siccave  gemma  trahat, 
Huniidaformosaatangam  priusora  puella?. 


These  are,  in  point  of  fact,  trifles ; 
but  the  more  the  error  of  supposing 
the  life  of  the  ancients  quite  different 
from  our  own  is  indulged  in,  the  more 
should  such  minute  customs  be 
brought  forward,  in  order,  that  by 
instituting  a  comparison  between 
them,  we  may  bring  those  times 
nearer  to  our  own. 


SCENE  THE  FOURTH. 


THE     JOURNEY. 

G ALLES  had  to  go  a  considerable  distance  through  the 
streets  after  leaving  his  mansion,  before  he  reached 
the  Porta  Capena,  from  which  point  he  was  about  to 
journey  along  the  Via  Appia1  to  bis  villa.   This  was  a  most 


1   The   most   celebrated   road  of 
Italy,  Via  Appia,  which  excited  the 
admiration  even  of  those  times,  and 
the  remains  of  which  have  always 
been  objects  of  wonder,  called    by 
Stat.  Silv.  ii.  2,  12,  regina   viarum, 
was  first  made  from  Rome  to  Capua, 
by  Appius  Claudius  Csecus,    about 
Ul'ax.c.  Procopius,  who  was  an  eye- 
witness, struck  with  astonishment  at 
the  magnificence  of  the  work,  gives 
a  description  of  it,  de  Bcllo  Goth.  i. 
14  :   'O  5e  (BeAwapMs)  Sia.  tt)s   Aoti- 
vicv   oSov    äirr)ye    rb   crpärev/xa.    tt\v 
'Airviav  6Sbv    afels    iv   apiOTtpa.    %v 
"Arnrios     6    'Vaif.i.aiwv     viraros     ivva- 
noaiois     eViauTOts     Trporepov     iwoiri<Te 
Te  ko\  i-nwvvp.ov  taxev-     "Ecrrt   5e  tj 
'Ainria     o5bs     fjixtpwv     irepre      avSpl 
ev(dovq>-     £k    'Vwßrjs    yap    oD'ttj     es 
Ka-n-vriv    SiriKei.      eiipos    Se    eVrt    rris 
oSov    rauTTjs    ocrov    aixd^as    Svo    aA- 
\v,\ais     iiai/Tiais     levai,     Ka\     ecrriv 
a£i>6euTos  ■navTwi'  p-dAtora.    rbv  yap 
Aiflou    anavra,    juuAittjj'  re   ovra    xal 
(pvffei  (XKXripbv.    (K  x^pas  äXXrjs  fxa- 
Kpav     ov(Tt)s    re/xoiv  'Attttios    ivraiOa 
(KOfiiae  •    TavT7]s    yap     Sr)    rr)s    777s 
ovSap.fi      iritpvKe.       \eiovs      5e     rubs 
AiQovs      teal     6p.a\obs     ipyacrip-evos, 
iyywviovs    5e    T?7     fVTOp.fi     irfirotrjp.f- 
vos  is  aWyXuvs  ^wiS^o-ev  oure  x"^' 
kov  ivrbs  ot/re  ti  &\\o  ip.ßeß\rjp.ivos. 
ol    5e    aAA/rJAots    oü'töj     re     afftyaAws 
^vvSiSevrai  Ka\   p.i^vKacnv,   (bo~Te   on 


57)   ovk   tlalv  ripp.oo-p.ivoi,  ctAA'    ipm- 
(pvKaaiv   aKKri\ois,   5o|ac   ro7s    öpwfft 
■Kapexovrai.      Kai     XP°V0V     Tpißivros 
avxvov    Sr)    ovrws    auä^ais    t(    ttoA.- 
Xa7s    aal    (wois    OTTOfft    Siaßarol    ye- 
v6p.evoi,  is  r\pipav   hKa<XTi]v  oi/Ve  ttjs 
apixdvias       TravTavaai       SiaKiKpiurai, 
ovre-rivl   avTWV    5ia(pdapr)va:    r)  p-ei- 
ovi  yevicrdai.   ^vviirecrev,   ov  p.r)v   oDo« 
T7)S  ap.apvyr]s  ti  ÖTroßaAecÖai.      The 
main  points  of  which  are,  that  the 
Appiau  Way  was   made  by  Appius 
five  days'  journey  in  length,   as   it 
reached  from  Rome  to  Capua.     It 
was  broad  enough  for  two  carriag 
to  pass  each  other,  and  was  built  of 
stone,  such  as  is  used  for  mill-stones, 
but  which  was  not  found  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. The  stones  are  hewn  sharp 
and  smooth,  and  their  corners  fit  into 
one  another  without  the  aid  of  metal, 
or  any  other  connecting  material,  so 
that  the  whole  appears  to  be  one  na- 
tural stone,  and  notwithstanding  the 
great  traffic,  it  is  in  a  wonderful  state 
of  preservation.     Procopius  assigns 
to  it  the  age  of  900  years,  which  is  at 
least  fifty  years  too  much.  It  is  most 
remarkable  that  he  should  confine  the 
Appian  Way  to  the  distance  b< 

and  Capua,  for  though  Appius 

Claudius  had  only  built   it   to  that 

stillit  was  afterwards  continued 

as  far  as  Brundusium.   All  accounts 

on  the  date  of  this  extension  appear  tu 


40 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  IV 


charming  place  between  Sinuessa  and  Capua,  and  pre- 
sented the  most  perfect  assemblage  of  all  things  necessary, 
in  order,  as  Horace  observes,  to   quaff  happy  oblivion  of 


be  wanting,  and  in  their  absence  the 
most  various  suppositions  have  been 
made.  Some  think  that  this  was  done 
by  Julius  Caesar,  although  he  gives  no 
tenable  ground  for  this  supposition, 
and  appears  quite  in  error  about  the 
direction  of  the  road.  On  the  other 
hand,  others  assert  that  it  must  have 
been  continued  very  soon  after  Ap- 
pius,  and  reached  to  Brundusium  as 
early  as  the  civil  war  between  Caesar 
and  Pompey,  in  proof  of  which  they 
adduce  a  letter  from  Pompey  (in 
Cic.  Att.  viii.  11),  who  writes  thus  to 
Cicero  :  Ccnseo  Via  Appia  iter  facias, 
et  celeriter  Brundusium,  venias.t 

It  is  necessary  that  we  should  be 
clear  about  the  direction  of  the  Via 
Appia,  before  we  can  form  any  opi- 
nion of  the  period  when  it  was  con- 
tinued further.  It  went  from  Rome 
by  Bovillae,  Aricia,  Forum  Appii, 
Terracina,  Fundi,  Förmige,  Minturnse, 
and  Sinuessa  to  Capua,  and  from 
thence  to  Beneventum  ;  of  this  there 
is  no  doubt.  Some  suppose  that  it 
proceeded  from  thence  by  Canusium 
to  the  sea-coast,  and  along  it,  by 
Barium,  and  Egnatia,  and  as  Horace 
travelled  this  way  with  Maecenas  to 
Brundusium,  that  the  Via  Appia 
must  at  least,  at  this  period,  have 
been  extended  as  far  as  there.  But 
the  premises  of  this  conclusion  are 
false,  for,  as  it  has  been  demonstra- 
ted, the  road  leading  along  the  coast 
was  not  the  Appian.  Strabo,  vi.  3, 
says :  Avo  S1  elcrl  (65ol),  fxia  fxkv 
T}fjiioviK.ri  Sid  neuKeTiW,  ovs  TlotSt- 
«Aous  /coAotJtri,  Kal  Aavytrwv  Kal 
'SavviTwv  yue'xp'  BtvtovzvTOv  ■  £<p'  tj 
<55<i3  'Eyi/arta  wo\is,  tlra  KeAia,  Kal 
Ntjtioj'    Kal    Kavvaiov   Kal    KepSjvia ' 


7)  8e  Sia  Topat'TOS  jxiKpbv  £i>  apiare- 
pS.  "Ocrof  8e  p.icis  7]fj.4pas  TrepioSov 
KeK\evaavTi  r)  'Air-iria  Xiyop-ivt) 
äp.alj7]\aT0S  fiaWoi'  ■  iv  ravTT)  Se 
tt6\is  Oupid  re  Kal  Obfvovaia,  v\  /xiv 
(U6to|u  TapavTOS  Kal  Bpevnaiov.  f] 
8'  £v  fxtdopiois  ~2,avvnu>v  Kal  Aeu/co- 
vluiv.  2,v/xßd\\ovai  8e  afj.<poi  Kara. 
BeveovevTov  Kal  ttjv  Ka/Liiraviav  <£k 
rov  Bpevreaiov.  Tovi/reiidev  8'  ^8tj 
p.fXPL  T'5J  P&p.ys  ^AtTTria  KaAurai, 
?ia  KavS'tov  Kal  KaAarias,  Kal  Ka- 
iTvas  Kal  KacriAivov  /ue'xP'  ~2,ivovi<r- 
a"qs  •  ra  8'  eVöeVSe  ei/wjTat.  (B.  v. 
C  3.)  'H  8e  iräad  earie  e/c  'Pci/xr/s 
eh  Bpevrecnov  p.i\ia  t|'.  In  another 
passage  Strabo  says,  v.  3:  ''Evravda 
8«  awäirrei  tj7  OaAaTTTi  irpwrov  r) 
'Amria  68bs,  icrrpaißevr)  /xev  awh  iris 
'  Vüp.f)s  /J-tXP1  Bpevreffiov,  irXsitiTOi/ 
8'  bh(V0jxiv7\.  TUiv  8'  iirl  OaAaTTT)  iro- 
Aecuy  tovtoov  £(pawTUfj.evTj  fxovov,  rrjs 
T6  TapaKivrjs,  Kal  twv  icpe^rjs  <f>op- 
fiiaiv  /uer  Kal  MiVTOvpvrjs  Kal  ~2,ivov- 
€ffar]s  Kal  twv  £ffX<*TUV  TäpavTos  re 
Kal  Bpevrealov.  We  learn  therefore, 
beyond  all  doubt,  that  this  more 
eastern  road  was  not  named  thy?  Ap- 
pian, which  only  applied  to  the  more 
western  one,  which  led  by  way  of 
Venusia.  The  opinion  that  it  must 
have  been,  in  the  time  of  Horace, 
built  as  far  as  Brundusium,  is  also 
erroneous,  for  Horace  travelled  on  the 
eastern  road  by  Equotutium,  Rubi, 
Barium,  and  Gnatia,  and  it  would 
have  been  strange  that  Maecenas 
should  have  chosen  the  route  through 
the  Apulian  hills,  if  the  more  con- 
venient Appian  Way  led  to  Brun- 
dusium ;  and,  since  Strabo  is  ac- 
quainted with  it  in  its  whole  length, 
it  could  not  have  been  made  much 


Scene  IV.] 


THE    JOURNEY. 


41 


the  disturbing  cares  of  life.  The  litter,  manned  by  six 
stalwart  Syrian  slaves,  whose  light-red  livery  distinguished 
them  from  the  rest  of  the  escort,  who  were  dressed  in 
brown  travelling  coats,  was  already  in  waiting  at  the 
vestibule.  The  carriage  in  which  Grallus  intended  to 
travel  before  nightfall  the  first  forty-two  miles  of  his 
journey,  to  Forum  Appii,  was  waiting  outside  the  city,  by 
the  grove  of  the  Camcense2.     He  had  meanwhile  donned 


later.  The  argument  adduced  from 
Cicero  proves  nothing;  for  Pompey 
could  still  have  advised  Cicero  to 
travel  on  the  Via  Appia  (and  not  the 
Latina)  as  far  as  it  went. 

Strabo,   however,    seems   by   the 

WOl'ds  TOVVTfvOev  3'  7)577  MeXP'  ""i1 
'Pc6,ut)S  'A7r7ria  KaAeTVcu,  to  mean 
that  only  the  part  from  Beneventum 
to  Rome  was  called  Via  Appia;  and 
as  Procopius  also  confines  the  name 
to  the  distance  between  Rome  and 
Capua,  the  road  probably  from  thence 
to  Brundusium  was  not  constructed  in 
the  same  manner,  and  thus  the  old  part 
might  always  specially  bearthename. 
Livy  says,  x.  23 :  Eodem  anno  Cn. 
et  Q.  Ogulnii  <sd.  cur.  aliquot  fcene- 
ratoribus  diem  dixerunt,  quorum  bo- 
ons ihidtatis  ex  eo  quod  in  publicum 
red  actum  est — semitam  saxoquadrato 
a  Capena  porta  nd  Martis  stravt  runt  ; 
and  e.  x.  47  :  Damnatis  aliquot pecua- 
riis  via  a  Martis  silice  ad  Bovillas, 
perstrata  est.  From  whence  some 
conclude  that  the  Appian  Way  was 
not  originally  paved,  but  only  gravel- 
led, for  in  that  time  it  had  been  built 
nearly  twenty  years.  Of  the  former 
portion,  we  read  in  Liv.  xxxviii.  28, 
viam  silice  sternendam  a  porta  Ca- 
pena  ad  Martis  locaverunt,  and  con- 
sequently the  whole  way,  via,  nut  till 
560,  and  previous  to  then,  only  the  se- 
mita,  a  trottoir.    Still,  the  Via  Appia 


is  not  named  in  any  of  these  passages, 
and  the  Temple  of  Mars  alluded  to 
here,  and  vii.  23,  may  have  been  situ- 
ated sidewards,  in -which  case  quite  a 
different  way  would  be  meant,  for  the 
temple  on  the  Appian  Way  was  first 
built  by  Sylla.  Moreover,  in  both 
passages,  we  have  silice  sternere,  to 
pave,  which  is  very  different  from  lapi- 
de  sternere,  to  lay  with  slabs ;  and  the 
expression  does  not  therefore  suit  the 
Appian  Way,  for  it  was  certainly  laid 
with  hewn  slabs,  not  square,  but  of 
irregular  form,  the  corners  of  which 
fitted  exactly  into  each  other,  simi- 
larly, perhaps,  to  the  Cyclopian  walls. 
On  both  sides  there  was  a  higher 
border,  margo,  on  which  were  placed 
alternately,  seats  and  milestones,  but, 
this  was  doubtless  a  later  addition, 
and  is  so  called  in  Liv.  xli.  27  :  Cm- 
sores  vias  sternendas  silice  in  TJrbe, 
glarea  extra  urbem  substruendas  mar- 
ginandasque  primi  omnium  locavc- 
rant.  The  primi  omnium  refers  only 
to  marginare. 

2  Not  far  from  the  Porta  Capena. 
probably  in  the  Vallis  Egerise,  was 
the  Lucus  Camcenarum,  also  called 
simply  Camcenae.  The  scholiast  on 
Juv.  Sat.  iii.  10,  says,  Stetit  ex- 
pectans  rhedam,  ubi  solent  Procon- 
sules  jurare  in  Via  Appia  ad  por- 
ta?«, Capenam,  i.  e.  ad  Camanas,  and 


42 


GALLUS. 


[ScEKE    IV. 


his  travelling  shoes,  and  changed  his  toga  for  the  more 
befitting  dress  for  travelling,  the  poenula.  All  the  other 
preparations  had  been  already  seen  to  by  Chresimus ; 
a  number  of  slaves  were  dispatched  before  with  the 
baggage,  while  others  were  to  follow  after  ;  those  only 
who  were  indispensable  being  permitted  to  accompany 
their  lord.  These  arrangements  had  been  completed 
in  less  than  two  hours  by  some  hundred  nimble  hands, 
whom  a  sign  from  the  dispensator  had  set  in  motion, 
and  there  were  no  female  slaves,  to  cause  any  further 
delay  by  their  dilatory  toilet  and  tedious  preparation3. 
Gallus  consequently  found  himself,  before  half  the  fifth 
hour  had  elapsed,  reclining  on  the  cushions  of  the  lec- 
tica ;  the  Syrians  then  ran  their  poles  through  the  rings 
affixed  to  the  sides,  lifted  the  burden  on  their  broad 
shoulders,  and  strode  expeditiously  along  the  street,  whilst 
the  remainder  of  the  escort  partly  opened  a  passage  for 
them  through  the  crowd,  and  partly  kept  behind  to  bring 
up  the  rear. 

The  way  led  through  the  most  lively  portion    of  the 
city,  and  it  was  just  the  time  when  the  streets,  though 


Mart.  ii.  6,  15  : 

Et  cum  currere  debeas  Bovillas, 
Interjungere  quieris  ad  Camcenas. 

Gallus  is  made  to  go  through  the 
city  in  the  lectica,  while  the  carriages 
wait  ad  Canuenas,  on  account  of 
doubts  whether  it  was  allowed  at  that 
period  to  drive  in  a  travelling  carriage 
through  the  streets.  For  there  are 
no  instances  of  it,  and  Claudius  even 
forbad  travellers  to  drive  through 
the  towns  of  Italy  in  a  carriage. 
Suet,  Claud.  25. 

In  Juv.  iii.  Umbricius,  and  pro- 
bably his  whole  family  also,  enter 
the  rhcda  outside  the  town  : 

Sed  dum  tota domus  rheda componitur  una, 
Substitit  ad  veteres  arcus  madidamque  Ca- 
penam. 


It  is  quite  manifest  that  the  car- 
riage  had  waited  outside  the   gate, 
not  that  it  came  after,  from  the  words 
at  the  end  of  the  Satire : 
Sed  jumenta  vocant,  et  sol  inclinat :  eundum 

est, 
Nam  mihi  commota  jam  dudum  mulio  virga 
Adnuit. 

5  Such  delays  in  the  departure  on 
a  journey  appear  to  have  been  com- 
mon. Pleusides,  in  Plaut.  Mil.  iv. 
7,  9,  says : 

Mulier  profecto  nata  est  ex  ipsa  mora. 
Nam  qurevis  alia,  qua?  mora  est  asque,  mora 
Minor  ea  videtur,quam  qua?  propter  mulie. 
rem  est. 

Milo  too  says,  in  the  preceding 
scene:  Paullisper  dum  se  uxor,  ut 
fit,  comparat,  commoratus  est. 


iv.] 


THE    JOURNEY. 


43 


always  full,  presented  the  most  motley  throng,  and  the 
greatest  bustle  ;  for  the  sixth  hour  approached,  when  a 
general  cessation  from  business  commenced4,  and  people 
generally  were  wont  to  take  their  morning  meal.  Whilst 
some  therefore  were  still  sedulously  engaged  in  their  daily 
avocations,  many  of  the  less  occupied  were  already  hurry- 
ing to  the  place  of  refreshment.  Here,  a  prompt  builder 
was  despatching,  by  mules  and  carriers,  the  materials  of 
a  new  building,  for  which  he  had  only  just  contracted5: 
there,  huge  stones  and  beams  were  being  wound  up  aloft, 
for  the  completion  of  an  edifice.  Countrymen  with  loud 
cries  were  driving  to  and  fro  their  mules,  carrying,  in 
baskets6  suspended  on  either  side,  the  produce  of  the 
country  into  the  city ;  or  perhaps  the  street  would  become 
stopped  up  by  a  solemn  funeral  procession  happening  to 
meet  a  heavily  laden  waggon  coming  in  the  opposite 
direction.  The  most  lively  sight  was  presented  by  the 
Subura,  where  a  multitude  of  hawkers  plied  their  miser- 
able trade.       Some   from   the  region    bevond   the  Tiber 


4  Sexta  quies  lassis,  says  Martial,   l 
iv.  8 :  and  during  this  time  the  me- 
renda,  or  prandium,  was  taken.   See  \ 
the  Excursus  on    The  Meals.     The  | 
many  idle  persons  who  lived  at  Rome 
even  then,  and  more  numerously  af- 
terwards, and  the  multitude  of  slav<  s. 
who  also  did  not  fail  in  the  ■>", 

(Hai"  in.  no  doubt  betook  themselves 
to  the  various  tabenue  at  tins  period. 
See  the  Excursus  on  The  Taverns. 

5  The  bustle  and  hurry  in  the 
streets  of  Rome  are  described  in  lively 
colours  by  Horace  and  Juvenal.  The 
first,  Epist.  ii.  2,  72  : 

Festinat  calidus  niulis  gerulisque  redemtor; 
Torquet  nunc  lapidem,  nuncingens  machi- 

na  tignum  ; 
Tristia  robust  is  luctantur  funera  planstris; 
Hac  rabiosa  fugit  canis,  hac  lutulenta  rait 

sus. 


The  latter.  Sat.  iii.  245  : 

fcrit  hie  cubito,  ferit  assereduro 

Alter,  at  hie  tignum  capiti  incutit,  ille  me- 

tretam. 
Pinguia  crura  luto  ;  planta  mox  undique 

magna 
Calcor,et  in  digito  clavus  mihi  militis  haeret. 

And  iii.  254,  in  accordance  with  Ho- 
race : 

modo  longa  coruscat 

Sarraco  veniente  abies  atque  altera  pinum 
Plaustra  vehunt,  nutant  alt«,  populoque 

minantur. 
Nam  si  procubuit,  qui  saxa  Ligustica  portat 
Axis,  et  eversum  fudit  super  agminamon- 

tem. 
Quid  superest  de  corporibus  ? 

6  In  this  manner  mules  and  asses 
were  laden,  and  this  is  what  Petron. 
c.  31,  means  by  bisacciv/m.  Comp. 
Apul.  Met.  ix. 


44 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  IV. 


offered  matches 7  for  sale,  occasionally  taking  in  exchange 
broken  glass,  instead  of  money;  others  carried  boiled  peas, 
and  sold  a  dish  of  them  to  the  poorest  class  for  an  as, 
whilst  those  accustomed  to  somewhat  better  fare,  betook 
themselves  to  the  cook's  boy,  who,  with  a  loud  voice,  cried 
smoking  sausages  for  sale.  In  one  place  a  curious  crowd 
was  collected  round  an  Egyptian  juggler,  about  whose 
neck  and  arms  the  most  venomous  snakes  familiarly  wound 
themselves.  In  another  stood  a  group  reading  the  pro- 
gramme 8,  painted  in  large  letters  on  the  wall  of  a  public 


7  The  profession  of  this  people 
was  probably  not  more  respectable 
than  that  pursued  by  our  chiffoniers  ; 
they  sold  matches,  sulphurata,  and 
bartered  them  for  broken  glass,  which 
they  repaired  again  with  sulphur. 
Their  head-quarters  were  trans  Ti- 
berim,  generally  the  abode  of  the 
lowest  class.  Mart.  i.  42  :  Trans- 
tihiri nus  ambulator,  qui  pallentia 
sulphu/rata  fr  actis  permutat  vitreis; 
Stat.  Silv.  i.  6,  77  '•  Plebs  qua  com- 
minutis  permutat  vitreis  gregale  sul- 
phur. They  cried  their  wares,  as  we 
see  from  Martial,  xii.  57,  14,  where, 
among  the  reasons  enumerated  why 
one  could  not  sleep  in  Rome,  the 
sulphurate  lippus  institor  mercis  is 
mentioned.  Comp.  Ruperti  ad  Ju- 
venal, v.  48. 

8  As  among  us  the  plays  at  the 
theatres  are  made  known  by  placards 
exposed  to  public  view,  so  they  were 
announced  among  the  ancients  by 
means  of  inscriptions  on  the  wall 
(programmata)  in  public  and  fre- 
quented places.  Several  such  inscrip- 
tions have  been  discovered  at  Pom- 
peii. See  Mus.  Borb.  i.  p.  4 :  A.  Suettii 
cerii  cedilis  familia  gladiatoria  pug- 
nabit   Pompeiis  Pr.  K.  Juntas  ve- 


natio  et  vela  erunt ;  in  ii.  p.  7  is  one 
of  still  greater  value:  Bedicatione 
.  .  .  arum  muneris  Cn.  Alii  Nigidii 
Mai .  .  .  venatio,  athletes,  sparsiones, 
vela  erunt.  For  others,  see  Gell's 
Pompeiana,  in  iseveral  places  ;  Orell. 
Inscr.  i.  2556,  2559.  In  the  same 
manner, either  by  means  of  the  praco, 
or  inscriptions  on  the  walls,  or  by 
writing  on  a  tablet  hung  out  of  doors, 
private  persons  made  known  when 
they  had  lost  any  thing,  or  when 
they  had  anything  to  let  or  sell.  The 
oldest  traces  of  such  announcements 
are  in  Plaut.  Merc.  iii.  4,  78 : 

Certum  est,  praäconum  ju)jere  jam  quantum 

est  conducier, 
Qui  ill  urn  investigent,  qui  inveniant. 

And  Meneech.  v.  9,  93,  when  Messe- 
nio,  as  praco,  announces  the  auction 
of  Menaechmus.  But  a  special  pas- 
sage is  Petr.  97 :  Intrat  stabulum 
prceco  cum  servo  publico,  aliaque  sane 
onodica  frequcntia,  facemque  fumo- 
sam  inagis  quam  lucidam  quassans 
hcec  proclamavit ;  Puer  in  balneo 
paullo  ante  aberravit  annorum  circa 
xvi.,  crispus,  mollis,  formosus,  no- 
mine Giton  ;  ei  quis  eum  redderc, 
aut  common str are  voluerit,  accipiet 
nummos  mille.  Por  the  placards 
there  is  a   locus  classicus   in  Prop. 


IV.] 


THE    JOURNEY. 


45 


building,  of  the  next  contests  of  gladiators,  which  pro- 
mised to  be  brilliant,  as  the  place  of  exhibition  was  to 
be  covered  with  an  awning — but  everywhere  the  lower 
classes,  old  and  young,  were  hurrying  to  the  thermopolice 
and  cookshops,  to  obtain  each  his  wonted  seat,  and  to 
drink  for  breakfast,  according  to  choice,  a  goblet  of  honey- 
wine  or  the  favourite  calda.  This  motley  multitude  kept 
passing  through  streets  which  were,  besides  this,  rendered 
disagreeably  narrow  by  a  numerous  cluster  of  shops  chok- 


iii.  23,  23,  -where  a  letter  has  been 
lost: 

I  puer.  et  citus  hsec  aliqua  propone  columna; 
Et  dominum  Esquiliis  scribe  habitare 
tnum  ; 
and  Dig.  xlvii.  2,43.  Solent  plerique 
hoc  eüam  facere,  ut  lihellum  propo- 
nent. 

The  vela  mentioned  in  both  the 
announcements  referred  to,  served 
to  cover  in  the  theatre.  This  conve- 
nience was  first  provided  for  the  spec- 
tators by  Q.  Catulus,  a.c.c.  683. 
Plin.  xix.  1,  6  :  Postea  in  tl 
tamtam  wmbram  fecere,  quod  primus 

omnium   i,Vmit    Q.  CutuluS,  CUnl    C(l- 

pitolium  dedicaret.  Carbasina  deinde 
vela  primus  in  theatris  duxisi 
ditur    Lentulus    Spinther  Apottina- 
ribus   ludis.     Mox    Ccesar   Dictator 
totum  forum  Bom  '  xit,  ccc. 

Lucret.  iv.  73,  describes  the  new  cus- 
tom : 

Et  vulgo  faciunt  id  lutea  russaque  vela, 
Et  ferrugina,  cum  magnis  intenta  theatris 
Per  malos  volgata  trabesque  trementia  fluc- 

tant. 
Coloured  cloths  were  used  even  at  this 
period.  In  Pliny's  time  the  luxury 
went  still  further  :  they  imitated  the 
starry  heaven :  Vela  n  uper  colore  codi 
stelluta  per  rudentes  iere  etiam  in 
amphitheatro  principis  Neronis.  The 
sparsiones  mentioned  in  the  second 
programme  consisted  in  besprinkling 


the  theatre  -with  sweet-smelling  es- 
sences, as  saffron,  crocus,  the  odour  of 
■which  appears  to  have  pleased  the 
ancients.  This  sprinkling  was  effected 
by  means  of  pipes,  from  which  the 
liquids  were  thrown  as  from  the  jets 
of  a  fountain.  Sen.  Epist.  90 :  Utruni 
tandem  sapientiorem  putas,  qui  inve- 
nit.  quem  ad  raodum  in  immensa  n 
altitudinem  crocum  latentäms  fisUdis 
exprimat  ?  Sen.  Quast.  Sat.  ii.  9  : 
Numquid  dubitas,  quin  sparsio  Ula, 
qucB   ex  fundamentis    media 

-  in  summam  altitudinem  am- 
phitheatri  pervenit,  cum  intt 
aquce  fiat?  This  took  place  just  the 
same  in  a  regular  theatre,  and  the 
boards,  as  'well  as  the  spectators, 
■were  besprinkled.  Hence  Martial 
Bays,  v.  25 : 

Hoc,  rogo,  non  melius,  quam  rubro  pulpita 
nimbo 
Spargere,  et  effuso  permaduisse  croco  ? 

and  lubrica,  or  madentia  cr>  i 
pita,  are  often  mentioned.    See  Lips. 
de  Amphith.   c.    16.     Essences   and 
flowers  were  rained  down  in  the  tri- 
clinia also,  as  with  Nero.     See  Suet. 
Ner.  31  :   comp.  Dio.  Cass.   lsix.  8. 
That  this  was  customary,  at  least  as 
earlv  as  the  time  of  Augustus,  we  see 
from  Ovid.  Art.  Am.  i.  104  : 
Tunc  neque  marmoreo  pendebant  vela  the- 
atro, 
Xec  fuerant  liquido  pulpita  rubra  croco. 


46 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  IV 


ing  them  up9,  for  huxters  and  merchants  of  all  sorts, 
artists  in  hair  and  salve-sellers,  butchers  and  pastrycooks, 
but  above  all  vintners,  had  built  their  booths  far  into  the 
street,  so  that  you  might  even  see  tables  arranged  along 
the  piers  and  pillars  of  the  halls,  and  covered  with  bottles, 
which  were,  however,  cautiously  fastened  by  chains,  lest 
perchance  they  might  be  filched  by  the  hand  of  some 
Strobilus  or  Thesprio  hurrying  by.  In  consequence  of  so 
many  obstructions  occurring  every  moment,  it  was  certainly 
more  convenient  to  allow  yourself  to  be  carried  through 
the  throng,  reclining  in  a  lectica,  although  it  often  re- 
quired very  safe  bearers,  and  now  and  then  the  sturdy 
elbow  of  the  prceambulo  to  get  well  through  ;  by  this 
mode  you  had  also  the  advantage  of  not  being  incessantly 
seized  by  the  hand,  addressed,  or  even  kissed  10,  a  custom 


9  The  taberna  built  up  against  the 
houses  had,  by  degrees,  so  narrowed 
the  streets,  that  Domitian  caused  a 
decree  to  be  issued  against  them,  and 
every  one  was  confined  to  the  area  of 
the  house.  Martial,  his  ever-ready 
flatterer,  has  also  immortalized  the 
interdict  by  an  epigram  (vii.  61)  in- 
teresting to  us,  as  it  contributes  so 
much  towards  a  picture  of  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  Roman  streets  : 
Abstulerat  totam  temerarias  institor  urbem 

Inque  suo  nullum  limine  limen  erat. 
Jussisti  tames,  Germanice,  crescere  vicos; 

Et  modo  qua?  fuerat  seinita,  facta  via  est. 
Nulla  catenatis  pila  est  praecincta  lagenis, 

Nee  praetor  medio  cogitur  ire  luto. 
Stringitur  in  densa  nee  caeca  novacula  tur- 
ba, 

Occupat  aut  totas  nigra  popina  vias. 
Tonsor,  caupo,  coquus,  lanius  sua  limina 
servant. 

Nunc  Roma  est ;  nuper  magna  taberna 
fuit. 

We  see  from  it  that  wine  was  sold  not 
only  inside  the  taberna,  but  also  be- 
fore them :  probably  at  the  pillars  of 
the  porticos,  tables  were  set  with  bot- 
tles, which  were  fastened  by  chains  to 
prevent  their  being   purloined,  and 


in  this  manner,  perhaps,  it  would  be 
more  correct  to  interpret  the  catt  nata 
taberna  in  Juv.  iii.  304,  which  Eu- 
perti  explains  by  catenis  firmata. 

10  Effugere  Bomae  non  est  basia- 
tiones,  is  the  ejaculation  of  Martial. 
si.  98,  who  censures  this  very  dis- 
agreeable habit  in  several  humorous 
epigrams.  Not  merely  at  the  salu- 
tatio,  but  at  every  meeting  in  the 
street,  a  person  was  exposed  to  a 
number  of  kisses,  not  only  from  near 
acquaintance,  but  from  every  one  who 
desired  to  show  his  attachment,  among 
whom  there  were  often  mouths  not  so 
clean  as  they  might  be.  Martial,  xii. 
59,  says  of  one  who  had  returned  to 
Home  after  long  absence  : 

Te  vicinia  tota,  te  pilosus 
Hircoso  premit  osculo  colonus. 
Hinc  instat  tibi  textor,  inde  fullo, 
Hinc  sutor  modo  pelle  basiata, 
Hinc  menti  dominus  pediculosi,  &c. 

The  misanthrope  Tiberius,  who 
wished  himself  not  to  be  humbled  by 
this  custom,  issued  an  edict  against 
it  (Suet.  Tib.  34),  but  it  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  done  much  good,  as  the 


Scene  IV.] 


THE    JOUEXEY. 


47 


which  of  late  had  begun  to  prevail,  but  escaped  with  a 
simple  salutation,  which  was  still  quite  troublesome  enough, 
for,  from  every  side  resounded  an  ave  to  be  responded 
to,  and  frequently  from  the  mouths  of  persons  for  whom 
even  the  nomenclator  in  his  hurry  had  only  an  invented 
name  ready  n. 

The  train  having  at  last  succeeded  in  safely  winding 
its  way  through  all  impediments  to  the  Porta  Capena, 
passed  under  an  antique-looking  arch,  on  the  moist  stones 
of  which  great  drops  from  the  aqueduct  which  was  carried 
over  it 12,  were  always  hanging.     At  a  short  distance  from 


custom  continued  ;  in  winter  only  it 
was  improper  to  annoy  another  with 
one's  cold  lips,  on  which  the  same 
poet  also  gives  us  a  jocular  epigram 
(vii.  9ö) : 

Bruma  eet,  et  riget  horridus  December, 
Audes  tu  tarnen  osculo  nivali 
Omnes  obvius  hinc  et  hinc  tenere 
Et  totam,  Line,  basiare  Romam. 

He  does  not  give  a  very  much  over- 
drawn picture  when  he  says,  Livida 
naribus  caninis  depcndet  glacies ; 
and  thence  concludes  with  this  ex- 
hortation : 

Hibernas,  Line,  basiationes 

In  mensem  rogo  differas  Aprilem. 

Cf.  Lips,  de  Osctdis  et  Osculandi,  ii.  fi. 

11  This  actually  took  place,  as  is 
testified  by  Seneca,  de  Benef.  i.  3 : 
Qui  mad  modi i. hi  iiniiii  iiclatori  memo- 
ries loco  audacia  est,  et  cuiewnque 
nomen  non  potest  reddere,  vm/ponit. 
So  also  Epist.  27  :  Vetus  nomencla- 
tor, qui  nomina  non  reddit,  sed  im- 
ponit. 

,2  The  Porta  Capena  in  the  first 
region,  between  the  Ardeatina  and 
Latina,  led  to  Capua,  and  it  is  the 
most  natural  to  deduce  its  name  from 
thence,  and  the  more  so,  as  the  Ar- 
il ait  Ina  and  Tiburtina  derived  their 


names  from  the  towns  arrived  at  by 
their  means.  In  Juven.  iii.  10,  it  is 
called  the  moist  gate  : 

Substitit  ad  veteres  arcus,  madidamque  Ca- 
pena m. 

and  the  Scholiast  remarks  thereupon  : 
ideo  quia  supra  vum  aqum  ductus  est, 
quem  nunc  appellant  arewn  stillan- 
Urn.  Euperti  is  wrong  therefore  in 
saying,  Alii  portam  recti»*  it  a  dic- 
tum putant  a  Jontibus,  qui  ibi  erani, 
wide  et  Fontinalis  vocabatur ;  for 
how  can  we  refer  the  passage  in  Mar- 
tial, iii.  47, 

Capena  grandi  porta  qua  phut  gutta, 
to  the  fountains  in  the  vicinity?  We 
have  the  similar  designation  (iv.  18) 
where  a  boy  has  been  killed  by  the 
fall  of  an  icicle  : 

Qua  virina  phut  Vipsanis  porta  columnis 

Et  madet  assiduo  lubricus  imbre  lapis. 
The  Porticus  Vipsana  may  have  been 
near  the  Porta  Capena,  or  another 
gate  may  1m-  meant  (Comp.  Donat. 
de  Urb.  Rom.  iii.  17.  In  Horace, 
Epist.  i.  6,  26,  two  especial  prome- 
nades  are  placed  together  by  a  mere 
chance,  but  it  is  uncertain  whether 
the  Columnse  Vipsanae  wei*e  the  well- 
known  Porticus  Agrippse) ;  but  at  all 
events  the  icicle  has  nothing  to  do 
with  the  fountains,   and  if  a  Porta 


48  GALLUS.  [Scene  IV. 

hence,  by  the  sanctuary  of  the  Camcenae,  were  waiting  the 
carriages,  consisting  of  a  light  covered  rheda  drawn  by 
Gallic  palfreys,  and  two  petorrita  likewise  provided  with 
fast  horses,  for  the  slower  pace  of  the  mule  was  incom- 
patible with  the  plan  of  the  journey,  according  to  which 
the  travellers  were  to  avail  themselves  of  the  next  night 
to  pass  through  the  Pontine  marshes. 

Gfallus  mounted  the  elegantly- built  rheda.  It  was  not, 
it  is  true,  a  state  vehicle  with  gilded  wheels,  and  rich  silver 
mountings,  still  the  body  was  ornamented  with  beautifully 
wrought  foliage  in  bronze,  and  Medusa's  heads  of  the  same 
metal  peeped  from  the  centres  of  the  wheels.  The  hood 
of  leather  served  as  a  protection  against  the  hot  rays  of 
the  mid-day  sun,  whilst  the  purple  hangings,  being  fast- 
ened back,  admitted  an  agreeable  current  of  cool  air. 
Beside  Grallus,  on  the  left  of  his  master 13,  the  faithful 
Chresimus  took  his  place ;  but  the  seats  which  on  other 
occasions  were  occupied  by  the  notarii,  who  committed 
to  writing  the  chance  thoughts  of  their  master 14,  remained 
empty.  The  servants  seated  themselves  in  the  less  fash- 
ionable petorrita,  a  couple  of  Numidian  riders  vaulted 
on  to  their  light  steeds,  and  started  off  in  advance,  whilst 
runners,  girt  up  high,  flying  along  before  the  carriage, 
emulated  the  speed  of  the  swift  palfreys. 

Thus  whirled  the  light  vehicle  at  a  sharp  trot,  past 
the  sanctuary  of  Mars  Extra-urbanus,  and  between  the 
numerous   sepulchral   monuments  15,  along  the  queen   of 


was  pluens,  it  might  still  be  the  Ca-   |   place.    Hör.  Od.  i.  12,  19  :  proxinios 
pena  ;  on  the  contrary,  we  might  ra-   I   Uli  occwpavit  honores. 
ther  fancy  a  similitude  with  the  meta 

sudans,  were  there  not  other  grounds  j  ,4  That  this  sometimes  happened, 
against  it.  Cf.  Frontin.  de  Aqucsd.  |  follows  from  Seneca,  Epist.  72.  Quce- 
19.  j   dam  enim  sunt  qua  possis  et  in  cisio 

scriberc ;  but  this  is  explicitly  rela- 
18  Lipsius  {Elect,  ii.  2)  has  shown   i   ted  of  the  elder  Pliny.    Plin.  Epist. 
that  the  right  hand  was  the  place  of  '    iii.  5.  Cf.  Plut.  Cms.  17. 
honour  among  the  Romans ;  in  the 

Capitoline  Temple,  and  in  the  assem-  15  On  the  custom  of  placing  the 

blies  of  the  gods,  Minerva  took  this      tombs  on  the  great  roads,  see  the  Ex- 


ScEXE    IV.] 


THE    JOUKXEY. 


49 


roads,  which,  paved  with  slabs  skilfully  joined  so  as  to 
form,  as  it  were,  one  stony  band,  offered  no  obstruction 
to  the  easy  rolling  of  the  wheels.  Gallus  was  in  the  most 
cheerful  humour.  The  everlasting  bustle  and  monotony 
of  the  restless  metropolis  lay  behind  him,  and  before  him 
was  the  expectation  of  days  of  peaceful  enjoyment  in  the 
bosom  of  nature  decked  out  in  all  the  charms  of  spring, 
and  in  the  undisturbed  pursuit  of  studies  refreshing  to  the 
mind,  which  the  visits  of  friends  in  the  neighbourhood,  or 
from  Rome,  would  only  pleasantly  interrupt.  Lycoris  too 
must  soon  arrive  at  the  bath,  and  the  bliss  of  requited 
love  be  even  enhanced  by  the  attraction  of  new  scenes. 

Chresimus  was  in  a  less  joyful  mood.  Gallus  had 
caused  a  tomb  to  be  erected  on  the  left-hand  side  of  the 
Appian  Way,  and  the  faithful  old  domestic  had  not  failed 
to  observe,  in  passing  by,  how  a  crow,  which  had  been 
disturbed  by  the  outriders,  had  settled  upon  the  cippus  of 
the  monument  and  cawed  hoarsely.16  This  occurrence  fell 
the  heavier  on  the  old  man's  heart,  because  an  evil  omen 
had  already  made  him  distrustful  of  the  result  of  the 
journey.  As  he  turned,  before  ascending  the  carriage,  to 
the  altar  of  the  lav  vialis,  to  invoke  good  luck  and  pro- 
tection during  the  short  journey,  a  black  viper  had  sud- 
denly shot  across  the  street  with  the  speed  of  an  arrow,17 
— a  sufficient  cause  for  entirely  giving  up   the  journey, 


cursus  on  The  Tombs.  On  the  Via 
Appia  they  were  very  numerous.  It 
is  only  necessary  to  remember  •what 
Cicero,  Titsc.  i.  7,  says  :  An  tuegres- 
sus  porta  Capena,  cum  Calatini, 
Bcipionum,  ServUiorum,  Mt  i<  Uorum, 
sepvlehra  >ides,  miser  os  put  as  illos? 
The  Columbarium  lih.  et  sen:.  Tävub 
Augustes,  and  many  others,  -were  also 
there. 

16  It    is  well    known    how   much 
the  ancients   regarded  such  omens. 


Among  the  apparitions  which  could 
deter  a  person  from  prosecuting  a 
journey,  Horace  names  the  crow, 
Od.  iii.  27,  16,  with  which  compare 
the  passage  from  Virg.  Eel.  i.  18 : — 

Ssepe  sinistra  cava  prsedixit  ab  ilice  comix. 

17  This  warning  before  a  journey 
is  also  mentioned  by  Horace  in  the 
Ode  just  referred  to  : — 

Rumpat  et  serpens  iter  institutum, 
Si  per  obliqunm  similis  sagittae 
Terruit  mannos. 


50 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  IV. 


had  Gallus  been  a  believer  in  the  significancy  of  such 
signs.  He  did  not  however  appear  to  perceive  the  old 
man's  dejection,  but  talked  much  of  the  alterations  he 
was  about  to  effect  at  the  villa,  and  of  his  intended  pur- 
chase of  a  neighbouring  estate,  and  mentioned  with  much 
pleasure  the  rich  vintage  which  the  vineyards  on  the  two 
properties  would  yield  him ;  taking  no  heed  the  while  of 
the  prophetic  warning,  which  the  domestic  involuntarily 
uttered,  'That  between  the  cup  and  the  lip  there  hung 
many  a  chance.'18 

The  tenth  mile-stone  and  the  small  hamlet  of  Bovillae,19 
where  the  traveller  usually  made  his  first  halt,  were  soon 
reached ;  but  it  was  too  early  for  Gallus  to  stop,  and 
moreover,  the  poverty  of  the  place  was  anything  but 
inviting,  therefore,  although  the  hour  for  breakfast  was 
long  gone  by,  the  travellers  continued  their  journey  five 
milliaria  further,  to  the  more  important  little  town  of 
Aricia.  There  they  witnessed  a  strange  scene.  On  the  hill 
outside  the  town,  a  troop  of  filthy  beggars,  their  nudity 
only  half  covered  with  rags,20  had  taken  up  their  station, 
to  tax  the  benevolence  of  the  numerous  passers-by,  and 


18  The  beautiful  Greek  proverb, 
TloWa  /i€Ta|u  ire\ei  kvMkos  Ka\  x«'- 

Aeos  iixpov, 
was  rendered  somewhat  more  prosai- 
cally by  the  less  refined  Romans  : 
Inter  os  et  offam  multa  intervenire 
possunt.     See  Gell.  xiii.  17. 

19  Bovillce,  at  the  tenth  mile- 
stone ;  according  to  Gell's  Topo- 
graphy of  Rome,  beyond  the  twelfth  ; 
and  to  the  scholiast  on  Pers.  vi.  55, 
at  the  eleventh.  But  Gell's  suppo- 
sition rests  on  the  presumption  that 
in  Plutarch,  Coriol.  29,  B<5\Aas  ir6- 
Aiv  ov  TrAeious  ffraSiovs  enaTov  air- 
i\ovaav  ttjs  'Ywfx-qs,  is  to  be  read, 
BoiAAas.  It  might  appear  odd  that 
the  place  is  called  by  the  poets  sub- 


urbanas.     Ovid.  Fast.  iii.  667  : — 

Orta  suburbanis  quajdani  fuit  Anna  Bo- 
villis. 

Prop.  iv.  1,  33  :— 

Quippe  suburbans  parva  minus  urbe  Bo- 
villa?  : 

but  it  has  already  been  remarked,  on 
Flor.  i.  11,  that  Tibur  was  just  in 
like  manner  termed  suburbanum. 

20  Whether  this  society  of  beggars 
was  to  be  found  in  the  time  of  Gallus 
at  Aricia,  the  town  situated  at  about 
the  sixth  milestone,  and  celebrated 
for  the  grove  of  Diana,  I  will  not 
venture  to  determine.  Juven.  iv.  117, 
Dignus  Aricinos  qui  mendicaret  ad  axes, 
mentions  them,  and  Martial  often, 
as  where  he  says  of  a  family  chang- 


Scene  IV.] 


THE    JOURNEY, 


51 


by  their  daily  earnings  of  polenta,  peas,  and  vinegar-water, 
to  drag  on  a  miserable  yet  idle  existence.  Gallus  was  al- 
ready well  acquainted  with  the  importunity  of  these  worthy 
prototypes  of  the  lazaroni  and  lepros,  who  now  hastily 
hurrying  down  the  hill,  surrounded  the  carriage  and  voci- 
ferously demanded  alms.  Chresimus  had  in  consequence  to 
distribute  a  bagful  of  coins  among  the  dirty  crew,  who 
thereupon  retreated  lazily  to  their  lair,  or  cast  a  servile 
kiss  of  the  hand  to  the  rheda,  as  it  sped  quickly  towards 
the  town.21 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  Aricia  there  was  many  a  villa, 
and  in  the  town  itself  more  than  one  house,  where  Gallus 
would  have  been  received  as  a  welcome  guest.  On  tins 
occasion,  however,  he  intended  to  make  his  stay  as  brief  as 
possible,  and  therefore  preferred  passing  at  an  inn,  of  not 
very  superior  accommodation,  the  short  time  during  which 
the  unharnessed  horses22  were  allowed  their  rest  at  a  crib- 


ing  its  abode,  and  carrying  its  dirty 

chattels : 

Jligrare  clivum  crederes  Aricinum. 

So  the  father  of  Laelia  is  called,  x.  68, 
Durus  Aricina  de  regione  pater ; 

ii.  19,  alludes  to  this, 

Aricino  conviva  recumbere  clivo  ; 

and  in  a  similar  sense  he  wishes  an 

indiscreet  poet,  x.  5,  3, 

Erret  per  urbem  pontis  exsul  et  clivi, 
Interque  raucos  ultimus  rogatores 
Oret  caninas  panis  improbi  bnccas. 

On  the  above-mentioned  passage  of 
Juvenal,  the  scholiast  remarks:  Qui 
ad  porta  in  Aricinam,  sive  ad  clivwm 
■aret  inter  Judceos,  qui  ad 
Ariciam  transierant  ex  urbe  missi. 
Nevertheless  in  none  of  the  passages 
is  there  any  hint  that  only  Jews  or 
Christians  (who  are  also  to  be  under- 
stood under  this  name)  are  meant  ; 
on  the  contrary,  the  clivi  are  desig- 
nated as  the  haunts  of  beggars  gene- 
rally. Yet  the  frequent  mention  of 
the  beggars  at  the  clivus  Aricinus  as 


Roman  beggars,  is  sufficiently  strange, 
if  we  are  really  to  suppose  it  to  have 
been  at  Aricia,  fifteen  miles  from 
Rome,  and  it  would  almost  appear 
that  in  Rome  itself  there  wasa  place 
of  this  name.  Besides,  the  beggars 
chiefly  haunted  the  bridges  (see.Ru- 
perti  adJuven.iv.  116,  xiv.  134  i.  and 
the  gates.  Plaut.  Copt.  i.  1,  21 —  . 
Ire  extra  portam  trigeminain  ad  saccnm 
licet ; 

and  Trin.  ii.  4,  21— 

Pol  opinor  affinis  rata  aedes  vendidit. 

Pater  cum  fereque  veniet,  in  porta  est  locus. 

21  So  I  understand  the  words  of 
Juvenal,  iv.  118,  which  follow  im- 
mediately the  above  quoted  : — 

Blandaque  devexae  jactaret  basiarhedse. 
It  is  the  token  of  gratitude  that  the 
beggar  sends  after  the  carriage  from 
which  he  has  received  alms. 

-'-'  Interjungere  is  the  proper  ex- 
pression when  one  unyoked  the  ani- 
mals at  noon,  or  any  other  time,  to 


e  2 


52 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  IV. 


ful  of  provender.  Little  as  he  might  reckon  on  getting  a 
decent  repast  in  such  a  place,  still  he  thought  it  the  more 
advisable  to  take  his  prandium  there,  although  late  in  the 
day,  as  the  dirty  sailors' pot-houses  in  Forum  Appii  promised 
a  far  worse  meal  at  night;  and  in  fact  the  table  proved 
better  than  the  exterior  of  the  inn  betokened.  The  freshly- 
boiled  lacertce,  encircled  with  a  string  of  eggs  and  rue, 
looked  quite  inviting:  the  plump  fowl  and  the  still  uncut 
ham  of  yesterday,  which,  with  asparagus,  the  never-failing 
lactuca,  and  the  more  celebrated  porrum,  muscles  of  the 
peloridce  kind,  but  no  oysters  from  the  Lucrine  lake,  pre- 
sented, it  is  true,  a  poor  recompense  for  the  breakfast  with 
Lentulus,  which  he  had  deserted,  but  still  afforded  one  which 
exceeded  his  expectations.  The  wine  could  not  conceal  its 
Vatican  extraction,  although  the  landlord  had  mixed  it  with 
some  old  Falernian,  and  the  mulsum  was  decidedly  pre- 
pared with  Corsican  honey ;  the  service  was  only  from  the 
hand  of  a  common  potter;  but  who  could  desire  more  in  such 
a  place  !  It  was  the  company  who  at  the  time  happened 
to  be  in  the  humble  tavern,  and  amused  themselves  with 
coarse  jokes  and  loud  laughter,  or  abused  and  bullied  the 
host,  that  made  his  stay  not  very  pleasant.  As  soon  there- 
fore as  the  horses  had  had  an  hour's  rest,  Gallus  again 
started,  proposing  to  perform  the  far  longer  journey  from 
thence  to  Forum  Appii  without  further  halt. 

Quickly  as  the  rheda  rolled  beyond  Aricia,  past  Tres 
Taberna?  to  the  low  grounds,  yet  the  sun  was  already  set, 
and  single  stars  began  to  be  visible  in  the  darkening 
heaven  before  the  travellers  arrived  at  Forum   Appii.23 


allow  them  to  take  rest,  and  for  bait. 
Mart.  iii.  67,  6  :— 

Exarsitque  dies,  et  hora  lassos 
Interjungit  equos  meridiana. 

So  also,  ii.  6,  16  : — 

Et  cum  ciurere  debeas  Bovillas, 
Interjungere  quasris  ad  Camoenas. 

23  Forum   Appii,   a    little    town 


about  forty-three  milliaria  from 
Rome,  where  the  Pontine  marshes  had 
already  commenced,  and  from  whence 
there  went,  besides  the  road,  a  canal 
of  about  fifteen  milliaria  in  length, 
nearly  to  Terracina,  or  Anxur.  Strabo, 
V.  6:  Tl\r)crlov  Se  ttjs  TappaKivri  s 
ßafii£ovTi    ivl    TTJs    'Pd/.i7is,    trapaße- 


Scene  IV.] 


THE   JOURNEY. 


53 


Here  the  road,  which  had  entered  the  Pontine  marshes 
for  several  miUiaria,  hecame  more  unpleasant,  especially 
on  warm  summer-days,  when  the  exhalations  from  the 
marshes  poisoned  the  air.  On  this  account  they  usually 
preferred  travelling  in  the  cool  of  the  evening  by  the 
canal  made  by  the  side  of  the  road,  as  far  as  the  temple 
of  Feronia,  which  lay  on  the  other  side  of  the  marshes. 
Such  was  also  the  plan  of  Gall  us,  and  for  this  reason  the 
horses  had  been  forced  to  step  along  briskly,  as  it  was 
two  and  forty  miles  from  Rome  to  this  place.24  But  it 
was  not  at  all  disagreeable  to  him  that  no  longer  stay  was 
necessary  in  this  wretched  little  place,  full  of  miserable 
taverns  frequented  by  sailors.25  The  exterior  of  the  lame 
and  disproportionately  fat  landlady,  in  shape  not  much 
unlike  a  wine-cask,26  who  approached  him  in  the  caupona, 
as  well  as  the  disgusting  taste  of  the  impure  water,27  made 


eirl  ttoWovs  t6itovs  ir\r)povy.iVT\  toTs 
kXeiois  T6  «at  Tots  itotOuois  vdaai, 
irKeircu  5e  naXarra  vvKrwp,  Star' 
eKßdvras  e'<f>'  eairepas  (Kßaiveiv 
irpwias  Kot  ßa?>i£eii>  rb  \onrbv  rjj 
'Airina.  So  Horace,  as  we  know, 
made  his  journey  to  Brundusium, 
Sat.  i.  5,  from  which  the  description 
here  given  of  the  night  voyage  is 
mainly  taken. 

24  The  rapidity  with  which  Gallus 
performed  the  journey  to  Forum 
Appii,  is  at  least  not  exaggerated: 
to  that  place  it  was  forty-two  or  forty- 
three  Roman  miles,  seventy-five  of 
which  go  to  a  degree,  or  five  to  the 
geographical  mile,  therefore  it  could 
be  done  with  ease  in  ten  hours.  Far 
more  considerable  is  the  speed  with 
which  Capito  travelled  from  Rome 
to  Anieria,  to  .convey  the  news  of 
the  murder  of  Roscius.  Cic.  p.  Rose. 
Am.  7.  Cum  post  horam  primam 
noctis  occisus  esset,  primo  dilucido 
nuneius  hie  American  venu.     Decern 


horis  nocturnis  (the  short  hours  of  a 
summer-night)  sex  et  quinquaginta 
miUia  passuum  cisiis  pen;, 'or it. 
Horace  too  says,  that  for  a  good 
walker,  it  was  one's  day's  journey 
from  Rome  to  Forum  Appii. 

:5  By  sailors  are  here,  to  be  under- 
stood the  barge-men,  who  forwarded 

the  travellers  along  the  canal :  the 
great  number  of  them  employed,  and 
the  numerous  travellers  who  must 
necessarily  have  stopped  there,  caused 
so  many  inns. 

26  There  might  have  been  in  many 
caupoiue  very  t<  »lerable  hostesses ;  but 
for  an  Appian  sailor's  pot-house,  such 
a  figure  as  Harpax  describes,  Plaut. 
Pseud,  ii.  2,  64,  will  not  be  unfitting : 
Ego  devertor  extra  portam  hue  in  tabernam 

tertiam, 
Apudanum  illamdoliarem,cludam,crassam 
Chrysidem. 

-'  The  Via  Appia  generally  was 
not    provided    with    good     water. 


54  GALLUS.  [Scene  IV. 

him  determine  to  let  the  prandium  in  Aricia  compensate 
for  his  evening  meal  also,  and  to  content  himself  with 
some  bread  and  bad  wine.  Meanwhile  Chresimus  had  been 
busy  about  a  boat,  but  could  not  obtain  one  that  would 
take  them  without  other  passengers ;  for  there  was  never 
any  lack  of  travellers  there,  and  no  one  willingly  made 
the  journe}7  alone  through  the  marshes,  which  were  not 
unfrequently  rendered  insecure  by  footpads  who  infested 
them.28  Xearly  an  hour  in  consequence  was  lost,  during 
which  the  boatman  interchanged  rough  words  with  the 
slaves  of  the  travellers,  who  would  not  allow  the  bark  to 
be  overloaded  as  he  wished ;  he  afterwards  collected  the 
passengers'  fare,  and  having  lazily  yoked  his  mule  which 
had  to  tow  the  bark  on  the  causeway  made  alongside,29 
the  passage  at  last  began.  The  banks  were  lined  with 
willows,  interspersed  here  and  there  with  an  alder,  around 
the  roots  of  which  tall  plants  of  the  fern  species  waved  to 
and  fro,  moved  slightly  by  the  night -breeze,  and  above 
them,  on  the  natural  festoons  made  by  the  creepers,  rocked 
the  glow-worm.  The  stars  shining  brighter  and  brighter 
from  above  invited  the  travellers  to  repose,  but  the 
troublesome  gnats,  which  the  morass  generated  in  myriads, 
and  the  croaking  of  the  lively  frogs,  scared  away  the  quiet 
god.   Besides  which  the  boatman  and  one  of  the  travellers, 


Horace,  i.  5,  7,  says  of  Forum  Appii, 
propter  aquam,  quod  erat  teterrima, 
ventri  indico  bellum  :  and  farther  on 
there  was  also  a  similar  want.  At 
Equotutium  and  Canusiuni  water 
was  a  regular  article  of  commerce,  as 


to  the  sea-coast  was  particularly  in- 
fested by  bands  of  these  depredators, 
the  loneliness  of  the  vicinitj-  affording 
them  a  secure  retreat.  It  was  on  this 
account  sometimes  occupied  by  troops, 
in  order  to  expel  the  robbers,  who, 


also  at  Ravenna,  where  an  innkeeper    j   however,   only  went  elsewhere,   and 
cheated  Martial,  and  instead  of  the 
wine  and  water,  mixtum,  which  the 
poet  demanded,    gave  him  mcrum. 
See  Mart.  iii.  56,  5J. 


29  The  roads  of  Italy  were  gene- 
rally disturbed  by  numberless  high- 
waymen, grassatores;  but  the  whole 
distance  from  the  Pontine  marshes 


even  to  Rome  itself.  Juven.  iii.  305  : 
Interdum  et  ferro  subitus  grassator  agit 

rem, 
Armato  quoties  tutae  custode  tenentur 
Et  Pontina  palus  et  Gallinaria  pinus. 

29  The  whole  description,  —  the 
convicia,  the  nauta  <es  exigens,  the 
mail  culices,  the  ranee  palustres, — is 
borrowed  from  Horace. 


Scene  IV.] 


THE   JOURNEY. 


55 


both  drunk  with  the  sour  wine  of  the  Appian  inn,  were 
alternately  singing  the  praises  of  their  maidens  left  be- 
hind.30 At  last,  however,  weariness  closed  the  eyes  of  all 
the  passengers ;  the  boat  became  more  and  more  tranquil, 
and  no  sooner  did  the  bargeman  perceive  that  all  were 
asleep,  than  he  tethered  his  mule  fast  to  a  stone,  in  order 
that  it  might  graze  in  the  tall  marshy  grass,  and  laid  him- 
self also  down  to  sleep  off  his  intoxication.  The  day  would 
probably  have  broken  before  his  lazy  limbs  had  returned 
to  life,  had  not  one  who  slept  less  soundly  than  the  rest 
become  aware  of  the  boat  stopping  still,  and  jumped  up  to 
belabour,  in  his  wrath,  the  head  and  loins  of  the  boatman 
and  his  mule  with  his  willow  cudgel.  Thus  it  was  not  till 
the  middle  of  the  second  hour  that  the  travellers  arrived  at 
the  other  side  of  the  marshes  not  far  from  the  temple  of 
Feronia,31  and  washed  their  hands  and  faces  in  the  sacred 
fountain  of  the  goddess.  The  carriages  had  remained  be- 
hind at  Forum  Appii,  so  that  our  travellers  went  on  foot 
the  three  miliiaria  to  Terracina,  which,  placed  on  a  pre- 
cipitous rock,  looked  down  upon  the  low  grounds.  There 
was  now  no  further  need  of  such  expedition  as  they  had 
used  the  day  before,  yet  Gallus  determined  to  proceed,  and 
though  there  was  no  lack  of  carriages  at  Terracina,  which 
their  owners  offered  him  on  hire,  he  preferred  travelling 


39  Absentem  ut  cantat  amicam 
Multa  prohdus  vappa  nauta  atque 
viator.  Hor.i.  5, 15.  How  Heindorf 
ever  could  explain  viator  '  the  driver 
of  the  mule,  who  went  heside  the 
hoat, '  is  inconceivable !  Such  a 
driver  there  is  none,  but  the  single 
boatman,  necessary  for  guiding  the 
bark  along  the  canal,  manages  it,  as 
we  see  from  the  verses  which  follow, 
when  he  fastens  the  mule,  and  lavs 
himself  down  to  sleep.  The  viator 
is  the  traveller,  who  is  also  on  board 
the  bark,  and  not  a  mule-driver. 


31  The  Temple  of  Feronia  lay, 
according  to  0.  Midler  and  Böttiger, 
quite  close  to  the  further  end  of  the 
canal ;  for  Horace,  i.  5,  23,  says, 
without  mentioning  any  further  con- 
tinuation of  the  journey,  qiiarta  vix 
demum  exponimur  hora.  Ora  ma- 
nusque  tua  lavimus  Feronia  lympha. 
Washing  the  face  and  hands  after  a 
night  journey  is  so  natural,  that  it  is 
not  requisite  either  to  refer  it  to  a 
preparation  for  the  prandiwm,  nor  to 
suppose  that  it  took  place  rdigionis 
causa. 


56 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  IV. 


the  uneven  road  before  him  on  mules,  which  were  soon 
standing  saddled  and  ready  for  starting. 

Nearly  half  the  journey32  had  thus  been  performed  in 
less  than  twenty-four  hours.  To  the  second  half  two  days 
were  allotted,  and  a  courier  was  despatched  in  advance  to 
announce  that  Gallus  would  arrive  to  breakfast  with  a 
friend  who  lived  between  Terracina  and  Fundi,  when  he 
hoped  to  partake  of  a  better  repast  than  he  had  the  day 
before.  He  proposed  also  to  spend  the  night  at  another 
friend's  house  in  Formiae,  whence  he  could  the  next  day 
get  comfortably  before  the  evening  meal,  by  way  of  Min- 
turnse  and  Sinuessa,  to  the  Campanian  bridge,33  near  which 
lay  his  villa,  sideways  from  the  road,  in  the  direction  of 
the  Auruncan  hills. 


52  The  distance  of  the  road  from 
Rome  to  Terracina,  amounted,  pro- 
bably, to  sixty-one  miles,  and  the 
whole  distance  from  Rome  to  Capua, 
is  reckoned  at  134  miles. 

33  The   Campanian   bridge,   nine 


milliaria  beyond  Sinuessa,  led  over 
the  small  river  Savo,  and  was  called 
Campanian,  because  the  territory  of 
Campania,  to  which  it  formed  as  it 
were  the  entrance,  began  beyond 
Sinuessa,  which  was  the  last  town  of 
Latium. 


SCENE  THE  FIFTH. 


THE    VILLA. 

IT  was  in  the  most  charming  situation  of  the  Falernian 
land,1  so  highly  favoured  by  nature,  that  Gallus  had 
some  years  before  purchased  an  extensive  estate,  which  both 
yielded  an  abundant  agricultural  produce,  and  offered  at 
all  seasons  the  enjoyments  of  country  life  in  superfluity. 
The  road  which  beyond  the  Campanian  bridge,  leaving 
the  Appian  Way  to  the  right,  turned  towards  the  stream 
of  the  Savo,2  led  for  miles  through  pleasant  woodland  and 
forests,  which,  now  contracting  the  breadth  of  the  road  to 
that  of  a  narrow  path,  shaded  the  traveller  with  lofty  pop- 
lars and  elms,  and  then,  retreating  farther  off,  drew  a  dark 
circlet  round  the  luxuriant  green  meadows,  or  at  another 
time  became  interrupted  for  a  while,  and  then  opened  a 
prospect  towards  the  Auruncan  hills  on  the  left ;  whilst  to 
the  right  were  discovered  the  small  towns  lying  at  short 
intervals  from  each  other  on  the  Appian  Way. 


1  The  ager  Falemns:  Dives  ea  et 
nunquam  t> //»■■<  mentita  colono,  Sil. 
Ital.  vii.  160,  was  the  most  fruitful 
part  of  the  Campania  felix,  celebrated 
for  its  wine,  reputed  to  he,  next  to 
the  Csecuban,  the  best  of  all  those  of 
Italy,  until  the  caprice  of  Augustus 
gave  the  preference  to  the  Setinian. 
The  Falernian  land  reached  from  the 
foot  of  Jlons  Massicus,  lying  above 
Sinuessa,  or,  more  correctly  speaking, 
from  the  Campanian  bridge,  being 
bounded  on  the  left  by  the  Via  Ap- 
pia,  and  on  the  other  side  by  the 
little  river  Savo,  as  far  as  Casilinum 
and  the  Via  Latina,  which  led  across 
from  Cales  to  the  Appian  Way.  Phn. 
xiv.  6,  8,  says  expressly :  Ft 
ager  a  ponte  Campano  lava  p 
Ous  urbanwm  incipit;  and  Liv.  xxii. 


15  :  Quum  satis  sciret,  per  easdem 
angustias,  quibus  intraverat  Faler- 
nian agrum,  rediturum;  Calliculam 
montem  et  Casilinum  occupat  modicis 
prcBsidiis;  qua  urbs  Vv.ltumo  flu- 
mine  diremta  Falernum  et  Ca 
num  agros  dividit.  It  is  here  as- 
sumed that  the  estate  was  situated 
on  both  sides  of  the  Savo,  the  regular 
villa  rustica  in  the  Falernian  terri- 
tory, the  other  one  on  the  right 
bank,  towards  the  Auruncan  hills 
(Bocca  Monfina). 

2  The  Savo  (Saone  or  Savone), 
a  small  river,  rising  not  far  from 
Teanum,  is  called  by  Stat.  SUv.  iv. 
3,  66,  piger  San,,  in  consequence  of 
its  inconsiderable  fall. 


58 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  V. 


The  broad  champaign  belonging  to  the  villa  was  inter- 
sected by  the  Savo,  and  reached  on  the  one  side  nearly  to 
the  Via  Appia,  and  on  the  other  to  the  vine-clad  hills, 
along  which  wound  the  road  from  Sinuessa  to  Teanum. 
The  whole  property  was  formed  from  the  conjunction  of 
two  estates,  and  might  still  be  considered  as  such,  as  they 
were  remote  from  each  other ;  and  at  almost  opposite  ex- 
tremities lay  the  buildings  designed  for  agricultural  pur- 
poses, and  the  villa  built  in  the  city  fashion.3  At  the 
former  there  was  no  space  subservient  only  to  the  pleasures 
and  vanity  of  the  possessor,  and  entailing  on  him  at  the 
same  time  a  fund  of  useless  expense  :  no  idle  plantations 
of  platani  and  laurels,  no  hedges  of  box  clipped  into  shapes, 
no  splendid  country-house  with  its  endless  colonnades.  The 
simple  abode  of  the  viilicus,*  at  the   entrance  of  the  first 


3  A  distinction  was  made  between 
the  villa  rustica,  properly  so  called, 
and  the  pseudo-urbana  (Vitr.  vi.  8), 
and  some  houses  -were  built  for  one 
of  these  purposes  only,  whilst  others 
served  for  both.  Of  the  latter,  Co- 
lumella, i.  6,  says :  Modus  aidem 
membrorumque  numerus  aptetur  uni- 
■verso  consepto,  et  dividatur  in  tres 
partes,  urbanam,  rusticam,  et  fruc- 
tuariam.  By  the  last  he  means 
store-houses  for  oil,  wine,  grain, 
hay,  &c. 

4  The  plan  of  a  villa  rustica  is 
prescribed  at  length  by  Varro,  Yi- 
truvius,  and  Columella  ;  but  the  di- 
rections given  by  the  last  author  ma- 
terially differ  from  those  of  the  two 
former,  particularly  as  regards  the 
store-chambers.  The  general  plan  is 
as  follows :  The  villa  must  have  had 
two  courts  (cohortes,  chortes,  cortes), 
Varr.  i.  13.  At  the  entrance  to  the 
first  or- outer  one,  was  the  abode  of 
the  milieus,  in  order  that  he  might 
know  who  went  in  and  out  (Varro, 


ibid.  Col.  i.  6,  6) ;  also  the  great 
common  kitchen,  where  the  slaves 
congregated,  and  where  in  winter- 
time different  avocations  were  pur- 
sued by  the  fire-side.  Vitr.  vi.  9  : 
In  corte  culina  quam  ealidissimo  loco 
designetur.  Varro,  supra  :  In  primis 
culina  videnda  tit  sit  admota  (villici 
cellar)  quod  ibi  hieme  antducanis  tr,,i- 
poribus  aliquot  res  conficiuntur ,  cibus 
paratur  ac  capitur.  Col.  magna  et 
alia  culina  parctur.  Near  this  were 
the  bath-rooms  (Vitr.  sect.  2),  and 
also  the  wine  and  oil-press  (tor- 
cular),  according  to  Vitruvius.  On 
the  contrary, Columella  says,  sect.  18  : 
Torcrdaria  prcecipue  cellaque  olearics 
calidce  esse  debent.  Sed  ut  colore 
naturali  opius  est,  qui  contingit  posi- 
tione  coeli  et  declinatione,  ita  non 
opus  est  ignibus  aut  flammis:  quo- 
niamfumo  et  fuligine  sapor  olei  cor- 
rumpitur,  and  for  this  reason  will  not 
even  allow  lamps  to  be  employed  in 
the  labour  of  pressing.  The  cell® 
oleariee  and  vinaries  also  must  have 
been  here ;  the  former  towards  the 


Scene  V.] 


THE    VILLA. 


59 


court,  had  nothing"  attractive  to  the  eye  ;  but  so  much  the 
more  pleasing  was  the  aspect  within  of  the  cello?  close  to 
one  another,  which  contained  the  rich  stores  of  oil  and 
wine ;  while  above  them  on  the  first  floor,  the  blessings  of 
Ceres  which  were  piled  up,  testified  the  fertility  of  the  soil. 
It  was  pleasant  to  see  how  the  returning  herds  and  teams 
assembled    round   the   broad    water-troughs  of  the  inner 


south,  the  latter  towards  the  north ; 
but  both  of  them  upon  the  ground- 
floor.  Varro :  Fructibus  (humidis), 
ut  est  vinum  et  oleum,  loco  piano  po- 
tius  cellos  faciundum.  Col.  9:  ex  Us 
(cellis)  qua  sunt  in  piano  custodiam 
recipient  humidarum  rerumtanquam 
vini  old  venalium.  Hirt,  in  his  de- 
scription of  the  plan  of  a  villa,  says, 
'  Under  the  cook's  dwelling-rooms  are 
the  cellars  for  pressing  the  olives,' 
&c. ;  and  '  under  the  apartments  of 
the  villicus  are  the  wine-cellars  ; ' 
but  we  find  it  difficult  to  say  whe- 
ther the  kitchen  and  dwelling-rooms 
may  be  considered  as  placed  in  the 
second  story,  or  whether  the  wine- 
cellar  was  entirely,  or  half,  under- 
ground— a  thing  unheard  of  amongst 
the  ancients.  Columella  places  the 
ergastulum  only  under  ground,  sect. 
3:  Vinctis  quam  saluberrimum  sub- 
terraneum  ergastulum  plurimis  idque 
angustis  iUustratum  fenestris  atque 
a  terra  sic  cd  it  is,  ne  manu  contingi 
possint.  Such  receptacles  Hirt  seems 
to  have  had  in  his  mind,  as  he  sets 
them  down  with  windows  towards  the 
north.  They  might  have  been  only 
air-holes  of  the  cellars.  But  such 
cellce  were  not  in  piano,  and  such  a 
means  of  preservation  is  very  unusual 
in  olden  times. — Dried  fruits  and  pro- 
vender were  preserved  under  ground, 
in  tabulatis.  Varr.  Col. :  Granaria 
sublimata  disponantur.  Yitru. 
Columella  assumes  a  special  Villa 


fructuaria,  and  transfers  thither  the 
oil  and  wine  stores  also  (sect.  9),  but 
Vitruvius  only  places  things  danger- 
ous in  case  of  fire  outside  the  villa, 
sect.  5:  Horrea,  foinilia,  farraria, 
pistrina,  extra  rilhtm  facienda  vi- 
dentur,ut  ab  ignis periculo  sint  villa 
tutiores.  In  Varro  all  the  stores  are 
in  the  villa  itself. 

The  cells  of  the  slaves,  which  must 
have  been  elsewhere  besides  in  the 
outer  court,  were  preferred  situated 
to  the  south.  Col.  sect.  3  :  Optime 
solutis  servis  cellce  meridiem  tequi- 
noctialem  spectantes  fient.  What 
Varro  says  agrees  with  this:  Fa  m  ilia 
ubi  versetur  provider/ dum,  si  fessi 
opere  aid  frigore  ant  colore,  et  ubi 
commodissime  possint  se  quiete  reci- 
perare.  It  is  best  to  suppose  that  the 
stalls,  bubilia,  equilia,  ovilia,  were 
around  the  inner  court,  although  Vi- 
truvius would  have  them  to  be  near 
the  kitchen.  Both  courts  must  have 
had  water-cisterns  in  the  centre,  and 
the  inner  one  a  spring  also  for  water- 
ing cattle,  Var.  sect.  3  :  Boves  enim 
ex  arvo  «state  reducti  hie  bibunt,  hie 
perfunduntur ;  nee  minus  e  pabulo 
cum  redierunt  anseres,  sues,  porci; 
the  outer  one  another  for  steeping 
fruits  in,  ubi  mact  retur  lupinum,  item 
alia,  qua  demista  in  aquam  ad  usum 
aptiora  fund.  These  are  the  most 
important  particulars  which  Varro, 
Vitruvius,  and  Columella  give  us 
respecting  the  Villa  rustica. 


60 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  V. 


court  to  drink,  whilst  geese  and  ducks  merrily  splashing 
about,  suffered  themselves  to  be  laved  by  the  descending 
jet  of  the  simply-constructed  fountain.  All  around  the 
court  were  swarms  of  various  kinds  of  poultry.5  Peacocks 
with  their  wide-expanded  tails,  red-feathered  flamingos, 
Numidian 6  and  Khodian  7  hens  with  their  own  brood,  or 
performing  not  less  tenderly  the  office  of  foster-mothers  to 
young  pheasants,8  the  eggs  of  which  had  been  stealthily 


5  The  cors  of  a  Roman  villa  was 
doubtless  very  different  from  our 
farm -yards,  where,  with  the  exception 
of  hens,  turkeys,  and  ducks,  there  is 
seldom  any  other  bird,  unless  it  be 
some  solitary  peacock,  stalking  aboiit 
with  his  hens.  The  Roman  hen- 
yard  displayed  a  more  varied  sight, 
and  the  breeding  of  peacocks,  for  'ex- 
ample, was  a  special  object  of  atten- 
tion. For,  after  this  bird  of  Juno, 
whose  brilliant  plumage  and  insipid 
flavour  pointed  it  out  as  only  created 
for  show,  was  first  introduced  by 
Hortensius  from  Samos,  and  used  to 
increase  the  splendour  of  the  banquet 
(Varr.  7?.  E.  iii.  6,  6 ;  Plin.  x.  20, 
23 ;  Macrob.  Sat.  ii.  9),  this  insane 
luxury  soon  became  general,  so  that 
even  the  temperate  Cicero  made  no 
excepfion.  Ad  Fam.  ix.  18,  20  ;  see 
Hor.  Set t.  i.  2, 1 1 5 ;  ii.  2,  23.  And  hence 
in  Varro's  time  an  egg  cost  5  denarii, 
a  peacock  50,  a  flock  of  100  hens 
40,000  HS.,  and  supposing  each  of 
these  had  on  an  average  three  young 
ones,  this  would  bring  in  60,000  HS. ; 
and  M.  Aufidius  Lucro,  who  first  at- 
tempted to  fatten  them,  gained  from 
this  enterprise  a  yearly  income  of 
60,000  HS.  Colum.  viii.  11,  Pallad. 
i.  28,  treat  especially  of  the  breeding 
of  them. 

6  It  is  doubtful  what  is  to  be  un- 


derstood by  the  term  Numidian  hens. 
Columella  says  (viii.  2,  2),  Af vi- 
cuna est,  quam  plerique  Numidicam 
dicunt,  Meieagridi  si  mi!  is,  nisi  quod 
rutilam  galeam  et  cristam  capite 
ejerit,  qua  utreique  sunt  in  Melea- 
gride  ceendea  ;  but  Varro,  iii.  9,  and 
Plin.  x.  26,  38,  call  the  meleagrides, 
gibbcree,  and  in  Mart.  iii.  58,  they 
are  Numidicts  guttata;  hence  it  is 
concluded,  that  our  guinea-fowls  {Nu- 
iii  hi  a  meleagris,  Linn.)  are  meant, 
but  their  galea  is  not  red,  but  blue, 
while  the  comb  is  red.  Perhaps  the 
guinea-fowls  are  a  variety  of  both. 

7  Rhodian  hens,  a  particularly 
large  species,  which,  like  the  Tana- 
grian  (Paus.  ix.  22,  4),  were  kept  for 
their  pugnacity.  See,  on  the  subject 
of  cock-fights,  Becker's  Ckaricles, 
English  edition,  p.  64.  n.  6  ;  p.  193. 
Colum.  viii.  2,  5,  prefers  the  native 
species  ;  sect.  12  :  Bhodii  generis  aut 
Medici  propter  gravitatem  neque 
patres  nimis  solaces,  nee  fcecundm 
matres.  They  are  mentioned  by  Mar- 
tial, iii.  58,  17,  in  the  villa  of  Fausti- 
nus,  which  he  calls  a  rus  verum. 

8  It  does  not  appear  clear  how  it 
was  possible  to  keep  pheasants  in  the 
farm-yard,  for,  according  to  our  expe- 
rience, they  never  become  thoroughly 
domesticated,  but  return  to  their  free 


Scene  V.] 


THE    VILLA. 


Gl 


placed  under  them  to  hatch,  by  the  steward, — all  collected 
cackling  and  coaxing  round  the  steward's  wife,  who  scat- 
tered food  among  them  from  the  lap  of  her  gown.  A 
brood  of  doves  9  too  would  ever  and  anon  make  a  descent 
in  the  midst  from  the  tower-like  pigeon-cots,  whilst  turtle 


natural  haunts  as  soon  as  they  are 
uneonfined.  Yet  Palladius  speaks 
(i.  29)  of  the  breeding  of  them,  as 
fowls  in  the  yard,  and  Martial  re- 
counts among  the  poultry  that  ran 
about  the  villa  of  Faustinus,  the 
vmviorum  phasiana  Colchorum.  It 
is  perhaps  best  explained  by  what 
Columella  says,  viii.  10,  6  :  Atque 
ea  genera,  qua  intra  septa  villa  ci- 
bantur  (gallinse,  columbse,  turtures, 
turdi)  ft  re  persecute  sumus  :  nunc 
de  his  dicendum  est,  quibus  etiam 
exitus  ad  agrestia  pabula  dantur. 
Among  the  latter  we  may  perhaps 
reckon,  besides  the  peacocks  and 
guinea-fowls,  the  pheasants  also. 
Palladius  recommends  that  the  eggs 
should  be  hatched  by  hens. 

9  The  taste  for  beautiful  pigeons, 
carried  almost  to  a  passion,  is  not  pe- 
culiar to  modern  times  ;  the  ancients 
also  indulged  in  it.  Plin.  x.  37,  43, 
says:  Et  karum  amore  insaniunt 
rnulti ;  super  tecta  exadificant  tur- 
res  Us,  nobilifatemqv.e  singidarum  et 
origines  narrant,  vetere  jam  exem- 
plo.  L.  Axius,  eqv.es  Bomanus,  ante 
bellum  civiU  Vompeianum  demariis 
quadringentis  singula  paria  vendi- 
tor  it.  ut  M.  Varro  trad  it.  The  pas- 
sage of  Yarro  is,  iii.  7,  10  :  Paren- 
tes  eorv.m  Borna,  si  sunt  formosi, 
bono  colore,  integri,  boni  seminis, 
paria  singula  vu.lgo  veneunt  ducenis 
nummis,  nee  non  eximia  singulis 
millibus  nummum,  quas  nuper  cum 
mercator  tanti  emere  vellet  a  L.  Axio, 
equite  Rom.,  minoris  quadringentis 


denariis  daturum  negavit.  And  this 
happened  in  the  time  of  Varro,  seve- 
rioribus  temporibv.s,  as  Columella 
says.  In  the  time  of  the  latter  this 
extravagance  was  carried  much  far- 
ther, viii.  8,  10:  Nam  nostri  pudet 
secv.h,  si  credere  volumus,  inveniri 
qui  guaternis  millibus  nummum  li- 
nos aves  mercentur.  There  were 
two  chief  sorts :  wild  doves  and  house 

d'>\  f..    Wut.  s>  vt.  1  :  /' 

ra  in  Trepi(TTepoTpo<p(i(fj  esse  solent. 
Unum  agreste,  ut  alii  dicunt,  saxa- 
tile,  quod  habetur  in  turribus  ac  co- 
luminibus  villa — alterum  genus  illud 
columbarum  est  clementius,  quod  cibo 
domestico  contention  intra  liminaja- 
nuce  solet  pasci.  The  pigeon-houses 
or  cots, were  built  like  turrets,  on  the 
highest  points  of  the  villa(Col.viii.8); 
according  to  Pallad.  i.  24,  in  pra- 
torio,  i.e.  above  the  mansion.  The 
walls, both  inside  and  out, were  paint- 
ed of  a  bright  white  colour,  which 
the  doves  liked.  Col.  sect.  4  ;  Pall. ; 
Ovid.  Trkt.  i.  9,  7,  refers  to  this  : — 

Aspicis  ut  veniant  ad  Candida  tecta  co- 
lumbfe, 
Accipiat  mülas  sordida  turris  aves  ? 

The  number  of  pigeons  kept  must 
have  been  immense.  Varro  says,  sect. 
2,  in  uno  (ireptaTepoTpcKpeiy)  sape 
vet  quinque  millia  sunt  inclusa.  That 
carrier-pigeons  were  also  known  to  the 
ancients. is  shown  by  Pliny.x.  37,  53  : 

internunticB  in  rebus  m 
fuere,  epistolas-  annexas   earum  pe- 
dibus  obsidione  Mutincnsi  in   castra 
consulum  Becimo  Bruto  mittente. 


62 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  V. 


and  ring-doves  10,  caught  at  great  pains,  together  with  a 
multitude  of  fieldfares,  were  to  be  seen  confined  in  par- 
ticular pens  where  they  were  fed. 

Not  less  pleasing  was  the  sight  of  the  vegetable  and 
fruit-gardens  surrounding  the  villa.  Long  beds  of  aspa- 
ragus, whose  delicate  red  shoots  were  just  piercing  the 
crust  of  the  soil,  were  interspersed  with  thick  parterres 
of  lactuca,  the  opening  dish  of  the  meal ;  here  the  brown- 
ish-red Caecilian,  there  the  yellowish-green  large-headed 
Cappadocian  species.  In  one  part  flourished  great  plots  of 
Cuman  and  Pompeian  kale,  the  tender  buds  of  which 
afforded  a  favourite  dish,  as  well  for  the  frugal  meal  of  the 
lower  classes,  as  for  the  table  of  the  gourmand.  In  another, 
numerous  beds  of  leeks  and  onions  ;  besides  spicy  herbs,  the 
pale  green  rue,  and  the  far-smelling  mint,  as  well  as  the 
eruca,  which  many  secretly  indulged  in,  and  the  mysterious 
powers  of  which  were  unequivocally  demonstrated  by  the 
numerous  young  population  around  the  villa ;  and  innu- 
merable rows  of  mallows,  endives,  beans,  lupins,  and  other 
vegetables. 

Further  on,  the  imposing-looking  orchards  extended, 
in  which  were  to  be  found  the  most  noble  sorts  of  fruit. 
Oustumian  and  Syrian  pears,  and  mighty  volema,  among 
the  native  Falernian  and  other  species ;  and  not  less  con- 
spicuous were  the  apples,  among  which  were  the  delicious 
honey-apples,  a  species  of  quicker  growth  than  the  others, 
and  already  ripe.  Then  there  were  the  various  kinds  of 
early  and  late  plums,  quinces,  cherry-trees,  the  boughs  of 
which  were  laden  with  the  reddening  fruit,  peaches  and 
apricots,  fig-trees  with -their  sweeter  winter-fruits,  and  the 
nuptial  walnut  with  its  strong  and  wide-spreading  branches. 


10  The  gourmands  of  Eome  -were 
not  content  with  the  numerous  varie- 
ties of  tame  pigeons,  but,  for  an  es- 
pecial delicacy ,ring  and  turtle-doves, 
Julia  ,,Jii,turtures,'we.re  snared, or  their 
nests  taken.  As  these  would  not  breed 


in  confinement  (Col.  viii.  9,  id  genus 
in  ornithone  nee  parit  nee  excludit), 

they  were  placed  in  a  dark  receptacle 
under  the  pigeon-house,  and  fattened 
for  the  table.  Pall.  i.  35.  Cf.  Mart. 
siii.  51,  and  iii.  i7,turdorum  corona. 


Scene  V.] 


THE    VILLA. 


63 


But  more  delightful  than  all,  was  the  cheerful  and 
contented  appearance  of  the  numerous  mem  hers  of  the 
country  family,  who  did  not  perform  an  imposed  task  like 
slaves,  but  with  healthful  and  joyous  looks  seemed  eveiw- 
where  to  be  cultivating  their  own  property.  The  gentle 
disposition  of  the  master  was  reflected  in  the  behaviour  of 
the  villicus,  the  indefatigable  but  just  overseer  of  the 
whole ;  and  Gallus  would  rather  have  dismissed  a  useless 
slave  from  his  family,  than  have  borne  to  see  him  labouring 
on  his  property  laden  with  chains,  and  dragging  logs  after 
him.  Hence  each  one  discharged  his  duties  willingly  and 
actively,  and  hastened  cheerfully  in  the  evenings  to  the 
great  kitchen,  which  served  as  the  common  abode  of  all,  in 
order  to  rest  from  their  daily  toil,  and  amid  incessant  talk 
to  take  their  evening  meal. 

Such  happened  to  be  the  sight  which  greeted  Gallus 
on  his  arrival,  for  it  was  this  point  that  he  first  reached, 
as  in  order  to  have  gone  at  once  to  his  villa,  he  must  have 
taken  at  Minturnas  the  more  inconvenient  route  behind  the 
Massican  hills,  by  way  of  Suessa  Aurunca.  Hearty  as  his 
reception  was,  and  willingly  as  he  would  have  inspected, 
even  the  same  day,  the  flourishing  condition  of  the  villa, 
still  he  longed  too  much  for  repose  after  the  exertion  of 
his  journey  to  prolong  his  stay  there,  especially  as  the  bath 
and  meal  prepared  at  his  own  house  awaited  his  arrival ; 
so  he  continued  his  journey  without  stopping.  A  broad 
alley  of  plane-trees  led  by  a  gentle  slope  up  to  his  resi- 
dence", which  was  built  not  so  much  on  a  magnificent 
scale,  as  in  conformity  with  good  taste  and  utility.  The 
front,  situated  to  the  south-east,  formed  a  roomy  portico, 
resting  on  Corinthian  pillars,  before  which  extended  a 
terrace  planted  with  flowers,  and  divided  by  box-trees  into 


11  The  description  of  the  villa 
urbana,  the  pr<storivmi,&s  the  manor- 
house  was  ealledjis  taken  from  Pliny's 
Epistles,  partly  from  ii.  17,  and 
partly  from  v.  6.  In  the  main  points 


the    author  has    followed  the    first 
account  of  the  simple  Laurentinian 

villa.     The  Tusculan,  as   described 

in  the  second  letter,   presents  great 
difficulties. 


64 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  V. 


small  beds  of  various  forms;  while  the  declivity  sloping 
gently  down,  bore  figures,  skilfully  cut  out  of  the  box- 
trees,  of  animals  opposite  to  each  other,  as  if  prepared 
for  attack,  and  then  gradually  became  lost  in  the  acanthus 
which  covered  with  its  verdure  the  plain  at  its  foot. 

Behind  the  colonnade,  after  the  fashion  of  the  city, 
was  an  atrium,  not  splendidly  but  tastefully  adorned,  the 
elegant  pavement  of  which,  formed  to  imitate  lozenges,  in 
green,  white,  and  black  stone,  contrasted  pleasantly  with 
the  red  marble  that  covered  the  walls.  From  this  you 
entered  a  small  oval  peristylium12,  an  excellent  resort  in  un- 
favourable weather ;  for  the  spaces  between  the  pillars  were 
closed  up  with  large  panes  of  the  clearest  lapis  specularis, 
or  talc,  through  which  the  eye  discovered  the  pleasant 
verdure  of  the  soft  mossy  carpet13  that  covered  the  open 
space  in  the  centre,  and  was  rendered  ever  flourishing  by 
the  spray  of  the  fountain.  Just  behind  this  was  the  regular 
court  of  the  house,  of  an  equally  agreeable  aspect,  in. which 
stood  a  large  marble  basin,  surrounded  by  all  sorts  of 
shrubs  and  dwarf  trees.  On  this  court  abutted  a  grand 
eating-hall,  built  beyond  the  whole  line  of  the  house14, 
through  the  long  windows  of  which,  reaching  like  doors 
to  the  ground,  a  view  was  obtained,  towards  the  Auruncan 
hills  in  front,  and  on  the  sides  into  the  graceful  gardens  ; 


12  The  reading  in  0  Uteres  si- 
militudinem  (Plin.  Ep.  ii.  17,  4), 
has  been  followed,  where  D  and  also 
A  are  read.  The  argument  in  sup- 
port of  D  as  opposed  to  the  other 
two  letters,  suits  only  the  A,  for  the 
Roman  0  was  no  circle,  but  an  oval. 
Priorum  autem  duarum  literarum 
formas  potius  per  circulum  et  trian- 

•  gulum  eapressisset. 

13  The  moss  in  the  impluvium, 
which  was  protected  from  the  sun  by 
cloths  spread  over  it,  is  alluded  to  by 
Plin.  xix.  1,  6  :  RuLent  (vela)  in  cavis 


(sdiicm  et  museum  a  sole  defendunt. 

14  The  ancient  houses  were  not 
built  rectilinearly,  as  ours  are,  but 
symmetry  was  sacrificed  to  comfort, 
and  as  it  was  thought  desirable  to 
catch  the  sun's  rays  as  much  as  pos- 
sible, especially  in  the  winter-time, 
several  rooms  were  built  projecting 
from  the  line  of  the  building.  Such  a 
one,  though  at  a  corner  of  the  build- 
ing, was  that  described  by  Pliny,  ii. 
17,  8  :  Adnectitur  angulo  cuhiciduhi 
in  apsida  curvatum,  quod  ambitum 
solis  fenestris  omnibus  scqidtur. 


Scene  v.]  THE  VILLA.  G5 

whilst  in  the  rear,  a  passage  opened  through  the  cava'dlum, 
peristylium,  atrium,  and  colonnade  beyond  the  xystas,  into 
the  open  air. 

This  Cyzicenian  saloon  was  bordered  on  the  right  by 
different  chambers,  which  from  their  northerly  aspect  pre- 
sented a  pleasant  abode  in  the  heat  of  summer;  and  more 
to  the  east  lay  the  regular  sitting  and  sleeping  rooms.  The 
first  were  built  outwards  semicircularly,  in  order  to  catch 
the  beams  of  the  morning  light,  and  retain  those  of  the 
mid-day  sun.  The  internal  arrangements  were  simple,  but 
comfortable,  and  in  perfect  accordance  with  the  green  pro- 
spect around  ;  for  on  the  marble  basement  were  painted 
branches  reaching  inwards  as  it  were  from  the  outside,  and 
upon  them  coloured  birds,  so  skilfully  executed,  that  they 
appeared  not  to  sit  but  to  flutter.15  On  one  side  only  was 
this  artificial  garden  interrupted  by  a  piece  of  furniture, 
containing  a  small  library  of  the  most  choice  books.16  The 
sleeping  apartment  was  separated  from  it  merely  by  a  small 
room,  which  could  in  winter  be  warmed  by  a  hypocaustum, 
and  thus  communicate  the  warmth  to  the  adjoining  rooms 
by  means  of  pipes.17  The  rest  of  this  side  was  used  as 
an  abode  for  the  slaves,  although  most  of  the  rooms  were 
sufficiently  neat  for  the  reception  of  any  friends  who  might 
come  on  a  visit.18 

On  the  opposite  side,  which  enjoyed  the  full  warmth 
of  the  evening  sun,  were  the  bath  rooms  and  the  sphcvris- 
teriitm,  adapted  not  merely  for  the  game  of  ball,  but  for 


15  Plin.  Ep.  v.  6,  22 :  Est  et 
aliud  cubicultvm  a  proximo,  platano 
viride,  et  umbrositm,  mar-more  excul- 
turn  -podio  tenus :  nee  cedit  gratis 
marmoris  ramos  insidentesque  ramis 
aves  imitata  picturd. 

16  Plin.    Ep.    ii.    17,    8.     Tarieti 

.  bibliotkeca  speciem  armarium 
insertwm  est,  quod  non  legendvm 
libris,  sed  lectitandos  capit. 


17  See  the  Excursus  on  The  So- 
man House. 

18  We  see  that  the  slaves  did  not 
always  inhabit  small  bad  cells,  from 
Plin.  Ep.  ii.  17,  9:  Reliqua  pars 
lateris  hujus  servorum  libertorum- 
que  usibus  detinttur,  plerisqut  tarn 
mundis,  ut  accipere  hospites  pos- 
sint. 


G6 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  V. 


nearly  every  description  of  corporeal  exercises,  and  spacious 
enough  to  bold  several  different  parties  of  players  at  the 
same  time.  There  Grallus,  who  was  a  friend  to  bracing 
exercises,  used  to  prepare  himself  for  the  bath,  either  by 
the  game  trig  on,  at  which  he  was  expert,  or  by  swinging 
the  kälteres,  and  for  this  purpose  the  room  could  be 
warmed  in  winter  by  means  of  pipes,  which  were  conducted 
from  the  hypocaustum  of  the  bath  under  the  floor  and  along 
the  walls.  Lastly,  at  both  ends  of  the  front  colonnade, 
forming  the  entrance,  rose  turret- shaped  buildings,19  in  the 
different  stories  of  which  were  small  chambers,  or  triclinia, 
affording  an  extensive  view  of  the  smiling  plains. 

The  garden  around  .the  villa,  in  consequence  of  the 
peculiarity  of  its  position,  was  divided  into  two  unequal 
parts,  one  of  which  in  ingenuity  and  quaiutness  of  orna- 
ment was  not  at  all  inferior  to  the  most  renowned  gardens 
in  the  old  French  and  Italian  style.  No  tree  or  shrub  dared 
there  to  grow  in  its  own  natural  fashion,  the  pruning  knife 
and  shears  of  the  topiarius  being  ready  instantly  to  force 
it  into  the  prescribed  limits.  Hence  nothing  was  to  be  seen 
but  the  green  walls  of  the  smoothly-clipped  hedges,  diversi- 
fied only  by  flower-beds,  which,  like  the  xystus,  were  par- 
titioned off  by  box-trees  into  several  smaller  ones,  exhaust- 
ing in  their  shape  all  the  figures  of  geometry.  Here  and 
there  stood  threatening  forms  of  wild  beasts,  bears  and 
lions,  serpents  winding  themselves  round  the  trees,  and  so 
forth ;  all  cut  by  the  skilful  hand  of  the  gardener  out  of 
the  green  box,  cypress,  or  yew-trees.  The  reluctant 
foliage  had  been  even  constrained  into  the  imitation  of 


19  Two  such  turres,  edifices  raised 
several  stories  above  the  rest  of  the 
building,  were  in  the  Laurentian 
Villa.  Plin.  ii.  17,  12.  Therein  were 
several  diatce,  small  lodgings  parti- 
tioned off,  or  consisting  of  more  or 
less  chambers :  they  are  only  men- 
tioned in  villas, or  similar  possessions, 
and  frequently  the  expression  seems 


to  mean,  separate  small  houses,  un- 
connected with  the  main  building. 
See  Plin.  Ep.  v.  6,  20.  Cf.  Turneb. 
Adv.  xxiv.  4.  In  this  sense  turrisis 
used  by  Tibullus,  i.  vii.  19  : — 

Utque  maris   vastum  prospectet  turribus 
sequor 
Prima  ratem  ventis  credere  docta  Tyros  ? 


SCENE    V.] 


THE    VILLA. 


67 


letters,  and  colossal  characters  could  be  read,  indicating  in 
one  part  the  name  of  the  owner,  in  another,  of  the  artist 
to  whose  invention  the  garden  owed  its  present  appearance. 
There  were  also  artificial  fountains,  environed  by  master- 
works  of  sculpture,  between  which  glistened  the  round  tops 
of  lofty  orange-trees,  with  their  golden  fruit. 

Fashion  required  such  a  garden,  which  in  fact  was  but 
little  in  accordance  with  the  taste  of  Grallus.  He  liked 
not  this  constraining  of  nature  into  uncongenial  forms,  and 
much  preferred  lingering  in  the  other  and  larger  portion, 
where  the  course  of  nature  was  unrestrained,  and  only 
prevented  by  the  gardener's  arranging  hand  from  growing 
wild.  Shady  groves  of  planes  alternated  with  open  patches 
of  green,  which  were  bounded  again  by  laurels  or  myrtle- 
bushes.  Instead  of  the  artificial  fountains,  a  limpid  brook 
meandered  by  the  aid  of  skilful  direction  through  the  park, 
sometimes  foaming  in  tiny  cascades  over  fragments  of  rock, 
and  then  collecting  in  basins,  where  tame  fishes  would  con- 
gregate to  the  bank  at  an  accustomed  signal,  and  snap  up 
the  food  thrown  to  them.20  On  rounding  the  corner  of  a 
thicket,  the  character  of  the  park  suddenly  changed ;  for 
passing  from  a  spot  of  apparently  perfect  unconstraint, 
you  entered  a  neatly-kept  plautation  of  fruit  trees  and 
vegetables,  which  amidst  the  vanities  of  the  park  forcibly 
reminded  you  of  a  modest  little  farm.21     From  hence  you 


20  An  instance  of  this  sort  is  ad- 
duced by  Mart.  iv.  30.  which,  al- 
though a  miserable  piece  of  flattery 
to  Domitian,  can  hardly  be  thought 
altogether  fictitious  : — 

Quid  quod  nomen  habent,  et  ad  magistri 
Vocem  quisque  sui  venit  citatus. 

Even  in  the  present  day,  fish  are 
taught  to  congregate  near-  the  bank, 
at  the  sound  of  a  bell,  or  some  other 
signal. 

21  Such  an  imitatio  rwris  was  also 
to  be   found   in  the  middle  of  the 


splendid  park  of  Tuscum.  Plin.  F.p. 
v.  6,  35.  Does  the  ridicule  of  Martial 
(iii.  48)  allude  to  the  same  thing? 

Pauperis  exstruxit  cellam,    sed  vendidit 
Ollus 
Praedia  :  nunc  cellam  pauperis  Ollus  ha- 
bet. 

An  humble  hut  in  such  a  sketch,  as 
with  us  a  hermitage  or  Swiss  cottage, 
would  not  appear  at  all  inconceivable 
in  the  midst  of  such  a  host  of  other 
vagaries;  especially  as  Martial  re- 
fers to  prcedia,  under  which,  in  this 
case,  all  landed  property  is  compre- 


F  2 


68  GALLUS.  [Scene  V. 

passed  into  a  straight  alley  of  plane-trees,  clad  from  the 
trunk  to  the  loftiest  branches  with  dark  green  ivy,  which 
climbing  from  one  tree  to  another,  hung  down  in  natural 
festoons.  This  was  the  hippodrome,  which,  after  extending 
more  than  a  thousand  paces  in  a  straight  line,  made  a 
semicircular  turn,  and  then  ran  back  parallel  to  the  first 
alley.  Adjoining  this  was  a  second  shady  path  for  a  similar 
purpose,  enclosing  one  great  oval,  which,  however,  being 
less  broad  than  the  other,  was  only  used  for  a  promenade 
in  the  lectica.  Not  far  from  hence  was  the  most  captivating 
spot  in  the  garden,  where  tall  shady  elms  entwined  with 
luxuriant  vines,  enclosed  a  semicircular  lawn,  the  green 
carpet  of  which  was  penetrated  by  a  thousand  shooting 
violets.  On  the  farther  side  rose  a  gentle  ascent,  planted 
with  the  most  varied  roses,  that  mingled  their  balmy  odours 
with  the  perfume  of  the  lilies  blooming  at  its  foot.  Beyond 
this  were  seen  the  dark  summits  of  the  neighbouring 
mountains,  while  on  the  side  of  the  hill  a  pellucid  stream 
babbled  down  in  headlong  career,  after  escaping  from  the 
colossal  urn  of  a  nymph,  who  lay  gracefully  reclined  on 
the  verdant  moss,22  dashed  over  a  mass  of  rocks,  and  then 
with  a  gentle  murmur  vanished  behind  the  green  amphi- 
theatre. This  was  the  favorite  resort  of  Gallus.  There, 
under  the  influence,  as  it  were,  of  the  bacchic  and  erotic 


tended.     But  a  safer  interpretation   I   divitiarum   teedio   ludit.     Ep.    100: 
■would  be  to  refer  it  to  poorly  fitted-   ■   Besit  sane    varietas    marmorum   et 


up  cells  in  the  house  itself,  to  which 
the  wealthy  owner,  surfeited  with 
splendour,  might  retreat  under  the 
pretence  of  a  fit  of  abstinence  ;  as  is 
often  mentioned  by  Seneca,  Cons,  ad 
H<li\  12  :  Sumunt  quosdam  dies, 
cum  jam  illos  divitiarum  ttedium 
cepit,  quibus  humi  coenent,  et  re- 
mote auro  argentoque  fictitious 
vtmitvr.  Ep.  18:  Non  est  nunc, 
quod  existimes  me  ducere  te  ad  mo- 
dicas  ccenas  et  paupcrum  cellas,  et 
quid  quid  aliud  est,  per  quod  luxuria 


eoneisura  aquarum,  cubicvlis  intcr- 
fluentium  et  pauperis  cella  et  quid- 
quid  aliud  luxuria  non  contenta 
decor e  simplici  miscet. 

12  After  an  antique  painting  in 
Mus.  Borb.  ii.  tav.  36.  '  A  Naiad  in 
a  verdant  plain,  sitting  on  a  moss- 
covered  stone,  with  her  right  arm 
above  her  head,  and  her  left  rest- 
ing on  an  urn,  from  which  flowed 
on  the  grassy  ground  the  scattered 
moisture  of  its  limpid  waters.' 


Scene  V.]  THE   VILLA.  69 

deities,  statues  and  groups  of  whom  embellished  the  inter- 
vals between  the  tall  elms,  he  had  written  the  majority  of 
his  most  recent  elegies ;  there  had  he,  with  Virgil,  Pro- 
pertius,  and  Lycoris,  whiled  away  many  happy  hours;  there 
was  he  sure  of  being  discovered  on  the  coming  morn. 

But  the  remainder  of  this  day  was  devoted  to  refresh- 
ment and  repose ;  even  his  customary  game  of  ball  before 
the  refreshing  plunge  into  the  cold  swimming  bath  was 
omitted,  and  early  after  the  meal  he  retired  to  enjoy  a 
comfortable  repose  in  his  own  chamber. 


SCENE  THE  SIXTH. 


LYCOEIS. 


POMPONIUS  had  hurried  away  from  Grallus  with  the 
haste  of  a  man  on  whose  steps  success  or  ruin  de- 
pended. Lost  in  thought,  he  had  neither  regarded  the 
salutations  of  the  friends  who  met  him,  nor  heard  the 
declamations  of  the  ill-humoured  Calpurnius,  and  had 
scarcely  remarked  that  his  tardy  companion  had  separated 
from  him  at  the  forum  transitorium,  and  taken  the  di- 
rection of  the  forum  Romanum.  Halting  suddenly,  he 
changed  his  rapid  run  into  a  slow  and  contemplative  walk, 
then  stopped  still,  contracting  his  forehead  in  profound 
reflection,  and  striking  his  hand  on  his  breast,1  as  if  to 
summon  forth  the  thoughts  within.  He  drew  himself 
slowly  up  to  his  full  height,  resting  the  left  hand  against 
the  hip,  and  with  the  right  vehemently  slapping  his  thigh  : 
hut  still  no  light  seemed  to  penetrate  the  chaos  of  his 
ideas.  He  snapped  his  fingers  fretfully,  shook  his  head,  as 
if  he  had  renounced  the  intended  errand,  but  presently  his 
movements  became  more  tranquil ;  and  placing  his  hand 
under  his  chin,  he  appeared  to  hold  firmly  to  one  idea. 
A  malicious  and  triumphant  smile  played  about  his  mouth, 


1  As  the  language  of  grimace  is 
very  expressive  of  national  peculiari- 
ties, especially  among  more  southern 
nations,  it  is  the  more  interesting  to 
consider  the  passages  in  the  ancient 
writers  which  contain  descriptions  of 
this  nature.  Of  these,  one  of  the 
most  important,  and  on  which  this 
narration  is  based,  is  Plaut.  Mil. 
Glor.  ii.  2,  46,  where  the  attitudes  of 
Palfestrio,  who  is  brooding  over  a 
scheme,  are  pourtrayed  in  the  most 
lively  colours.  Periplectomenes,  who 
is  observing  him,  thus  speaks  : — 
.  .  .  illuc  sis  vide, 


Quemadmodum  abstitit,  severa  fronte  curas 

cogitans. 
Pectus  digitis  pultat,  cor  credo  evocatu- 

rumest  foras. 
Ecce  avortit,  nisus  lreva ;  in  femine  habet 

lsevam  mamim ; 
Dextera  digitis  rationem  computat,  feriens 

femur 
Dexteruru  ita  vehementer,  quod  tactu  a?gre 

suppetit. 
Concrepuit  digitis  ;  laborat  crebro,  commu- 

tat  status. 
Ecce  autem  capite  nutat;  non  placet  quod 

repperit. 
Quidquid  est  incoctum  non  expromet ;  bene 

coctum  dabit. 
Ecce    autem   sEdificat;   colunmam  mento 

sufi'ulsit  suo. 


Scene  VI.] 


LYCOPJS. 


71 


as  he  turned  suddenly  and  called  the  slave  who  stood  at  a 
little  distance,  surveying  him  with  astonishment. 

*  Hasten  home  immediately,'  said  he ; '  bid  Dromo  repair 
without  delay  to  the  tabema  of  the  tonsor  Licinus,2  and 
await  me  there.  But  be  quick.'  Away  ran  the  slave  ; 
Pomponius  proceeded  on  his  way  alone,  at  an  increased 
speed,  and  having  stopped  before  a  handsome  house  in  the 
GarincB,3  knocked,  and  enquired,  'Is  your  lord  at  home  ?' 
'To  you,  yes!'  replied  the  ostiarius;  'to  others,  in  the 
/oruw.'  Pomponius  hurried  through  the  atrium.  A  cu- 
bicularius  announced  and  ushered  him  into  a  room,  where 
a  powerful  looking  man,  of  middle  age,  with  a  full  round 
face  and  rather  vulgar  features,  was  reclining  on  a  lectus 
and  looking  over  accounts.  Near  him  stood  a  freedman 
with  the  counting  board,4  and  on  an  adjoining  table  were 
piled  up  two  heaps  of  silver  coin,  between  which  stood  a 
purse,  probably,  of  higher  value  :  various   accounts,  pu- 


2  Licinus,  the  name  of  a  hair- 
dresser and  barber,  celebrated  in  his 
day,  and  made  known  to  posterity  by 
Horaee"s  mention  of  him.  Art.  Poet. 
301.  He  is  said  to  have  become 
wealthy  by  means  of  his  art,  and  to 
have  received  honours  by  the  favour 
of  Augustus.  He  caused  a  costly 
monument  to  be  erected  to  himself, 
which  drew  forth  the  following  epi- 
gram : — 

Marmoreo  tnmnlo  Licinus  jacet ;  at  Cato 
nullo  ; 
Pompeius  parvo.     Quis  putet  esse  deos  ? 

3  Carina?  was  the  name  of  one  of 
the  principal  streets  or  rather  regions 
of  Rome  [laute  Carina,  Virg.  Mn. 
viii.  ,361)  ;  it  was  on  the  declivity  of 
the  Esquilinus.  It  contained  the 
palaees  of  most  of  the  nobles,  as 
Pompeius,  Q.  Cicero,  and  others, 
and  also  the  most  respectable  ton- 
gtriiKB,  to  which  number  that  cer- 


tainly did  not  belong,  in  which  Phi- 
lippus  saw  Vultejus :  Cidtello  pro- 
prio.? purgantem  leniter  ungues. 
Hor.  Ep.  i.'j,  51. 

4  On  a  relief  in  the  Mus.  Cap. 
iv.  t.  20,  supposed  to  be  the  adop- 
tion of  Hadrian  by  Trajan,  a  man 
lies  on  a  lectus,  holding  in  the  right 
hand  a  purse,  and  in  the  left  a  roll. 
By  Lis  side  sits  a  matron  (Plotilla), 
and  at  his  feet,  behind  the  couch, 
stands  a  man.  holding  in  the  left 
hand  a  counting-board,  or  tablet,  on 
which  money  is  reckoned,  and  to 
which  he  points  with  the  forefinger 
of  the  right  hand.  He  is  thought  to 
:  but  apart  from  the 
question  of  the  truth  of  this  surmise, 
it  is  certain  that  a  scene  might  very 
well  be  represented  in  which  a  master 
is  casting  up  accounts  with  hi*  dis- 
pensator  or  procurator. 


72 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VI. 


g  Mares  with  the  stylus,  and  an  inkstand  and  writing- 
reed,5  were  lying  around. 

'  Hail,  Largus ! '  cried  Pomponius,  as  he  entered.  '  Hail 
to  you,  also  ! '  replied  the  man ;  ' but  what  brings  you  hither 
for  the  second  time  to  day  ?'  Pomponius  cast  a  suspicious 
glance  at  the  freedman,  who,  at  a  nod  from  Largus,  made 
his  exit.  '  Good  news ! '  was  at  length  his  answer.  'Gallus 
leaves  Eome  this  very  morning,  in  order  that  he  may 
forget  in  the  country  the  vexations  of  yesterday.' 

'  Goes  he  to  his  villa  ? '  enquired  the  astonished  Largus 
as  he  raised  himself.  'Ay,  to  the  villa,  which  is,  I  hope, 
soon  to  be  yours,'  replied  the  other.  '  He  will  take  care 
that  you  find  the  house  and  garden  in  the  best  condition.' 

'  And  do  you  call  this  good  news  ?'  asked  Largus.  '  Was 
it  not  our  plan  to  elicit,  by  the  help  of  the  mighty  Fa- 
lernian,  something  of  treasonable  import  from  this  pas- 
sionate braggart  ?  Will  you  send  into  Campania  the 
witnesses  whom  I  pay  with  heavy  coin,  and  the  liberty- 
heroes  who  must  draw  him  into  their  giddy  projects?  Or 
do  you  imagine  that  Augustus  will  assign  more  importance 
to  discontented  expressions,  uttered  at  a  retired  villa, 
amidst  a  parcel  of  peaceful  peasants,  than  to  the  voice  of 
rebellion  at  Rome  ? ' 

'All  very  true,'  retorted  Pomponius.  'But  have  we  not 
already  proceeded  far  enough  ?  The  copies  of  the  pompous 
inscriptions  on  the  temples  and  pyramids  of  Egypt, 
the  complaints  of  Petronius  about  the  oppression  of  the 
country,  and  the  highly  treasonable  talk  of  yesterday — 
do  you  want  more  threads  still,  from  which  to  weave  a 
most  inextricable  net  ?  Or  will  you  wait  till  his  presence 
in    person   prove   the    nullity    of    our   accusations?    till 


5  This  description  is  taken  from 
a  painting  of  Herculaneum,in  which 
a  large  purse  lies  fastened  up  between 
two  heaps  of  money  :  before  it  stands 
an  inkstand  with  a  writing-reed  lying 
upon  it,  and  further  on,  a  roll  half 


open,  with  a  label  hanging  down, 
pugülares  with  a  stylus,  and  a  tablet 
with  a  handle,  on  which  are  seen 
figures  and  writing.  See  Mus.  Borb. 
i.  12,  for  an  engraving  of  this. 


Scene  VI.] 


LYCORIS. 


73 


Augustus'  old  friendship  for  him  revive,  and  his  false  ac- 
cusers meet  with  something  more  than  ridicule  ?  No,  far 
better  is  it  that  he  go,  and  without  expecting  it,  receive 
the  blow  which  is  already  prepared  for  him.  Then  his 
villa  to  you :  his  house  in  Koine  to  me,  and,' — here  he 
stopped. 

Largus  had  placed  his  hand  on  his  brow  musingly.  'You 
may  be  right,'  said  he  :  '  but  do  you  feel  confidence  in  the 
witnesses  of  yesterday  ? ' 

'As  much  as  in  myself,'  replied  the  other.  'Still  I  will 
have  him  watched  at  the  villa.  There  are  malcontents  too 
in  that  neighbourhood,  who  will  quickly  muster  around 
him.  But  doubtless,'  continued  he,  looking  the  while  at 
the  table  near  him,  '  doubtless  we  shall  want  money,  with 
which  to  bribe  his  slaves  and  a  witness.' 

'What  again?'  exclaimed  Largus,  unwillingly.  'Did 
not  I  only  the  other  day  pay  you  forty  thousand  ses- 
terces ? ' 

'Certainly!'  said  Pomponius.  'But  you  do  not  reflect 
what  an  expense  it  is  to  me  to  be  always  keeping  the 
society  of  Gallus;  what  I  have  to  pay  to  fishmongers, 
bakers,  butchers,  gardeners,  and  poulterers ;  what  sums 
I  have  to  disburse  for  baths,  ointments,  and  garlands6 — 
forty  thousand  sesterces  are  but  a  mere  pinch  of  poppy- 
seeds  for  an  ant-hill.7  And  yet  the  greater  part  of  it  has 
been  received  by  the  spies,  and  Gripus,  the  indispensable 
slave  of  Gallus,  to  whom  indeed  I  promised  again  to-day 
to  pay  four  hundred  denarii.    We  must  give  up  the  entire 


6  These  were  the  kind  of  people 
from  whom  were  procured  the  daily 
necessaries.  In  Plautus,  Tria.  ii.  4,  8, 
when  Lesbonicus  demanded  from  the 
slave  an  account  of  the  money  which 
he  had  received,  the  latter  replied : 

Comesum,  expotum,exunctum,  elotum  in 

balneis. 
Piscator,  pistor  abstulit,  lanii,  coqui, 
Alitores,  myropolse,  aucupes  ; 


and  Gnatho,  in  Ter.  Eun.  ii.  2,  26, 
says : — 

Concurrunt  teti  mi  obviam  cupediarii  om- 

nes; 
Cetarii,  lanii,  coqui,  fartores,  piscatores. 

'  These  are  the  words  of  the  Tri- 
nummus  :  Confit  cito,  quasi  si  tu  ob- 
jicias  form  iris  papa  vox  m . 


74 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VI. 


enterprise  if  you  grudge  the  bait  wherewith  to  catch  the 
fish.' 8 

'  lou  come  too  often,'  said  Largus ;  'your  bait  is  an  ex- 
pensive one,  and  after  all  it  is  uncertain  whether  the  fish 
will  bite,  or  no.    But  be  it  so.    What  sum  do  you  require  ?' 

'  Only  twenty  thousand.  Not  more  than  you  have  often 
lost  at  dice  in  a  single  night.' 

'  Well,  then,  you  shall  have  them ;  or  will  you  have 
gold?'  With  these  words  he  reached  out  his  band  to  the 
purse,  told  forth  some  hundred  pieces  of  gold,  and  gave  the 
purse  with  its  remaining  contents  to  Pomponius.9  '  Only 
mind,'  added  he,  'that  these  are -the  last.' 

Pomponius  did  not  hesitate  for  an  instant,  though  un- 
attended by  a  slave;  the  twenty  thousand  pieces  being  too 
pleasant  a  burden  for  him  to  scruple  about  carrying  them 
himself.  He  cast  the  bag  into  the  folds  of  his  toga,  agreed 
on  a  rendezvous  for  the  evening,  and  hurried  off  to  the 
taberna,  where  he  had  commanded  his  slave  to  meet  him. 
He  there  found  a  comical  little  person  already  waiting  for 
him,  whose  huge  and  unshapely  head  sitting  closely  upon 
his  shoulders,  as  if  he  had  no  neck,  ragged  red  hair  and 
purple  lips  contrasting  strangely  with  the  blackish  tint  of 
his  face,  from  which  a  couple  of  most  cunning  eyes  gleamed 
forth,  fat  pot-belly  and  equally  substantial  pair  of  short 
legs,  which  had  a  secure  basis  in  his  large  broad  feet, 


8  A  very  favourite  comparison  of 
those  who  made  a  small  sacrifice  in 
order  to  get  a  larger  gain,  was  that 
borrowed  from  angling,  and  it  was 
especially  applied  to  heredipeta,  le- 
gacy-hunters, who  sent  presents  to 
those  on  whose  property  they  had  a 
design.  The  saying  was  as  common 
then  as  now,  '  To  throw  a  sprat  to 
catch  a  salmon.'  So  savs  Mart.  vi. 
63,  5  :— 

Hunera  magna  tamen  misit,  eed  misit  in 
hämo : 


so  also  v.  18,  7  : — 

Imitantur  hamos  dona. 
Cf.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  5,  25. 

9  If  forty  aurei  were  coined  out  of 
the  libra  of  gold,  the  aureus  woiild 
have  weighed  7i  scruples,  and  been 
worth  liiHS.,  reckoning  the  scruple 
at  20  HS.,  in  which  case  139  aurei 
would  have  made  up  the  sum  of 
20,000  HS. 


Scene  VI.] 


LYCORIS. 


/  O 


formed  a  complete  caricature.10  But,  in  spite  of  his  cor- 
pulence, his  whole  figure  was  full  of  life  and  activity;  with 
keen  eye  he  observed  every  thing  that  passed  around  him, 
and  none  of  the  conversation,  or  news  that  the  company 
leisurely  discussed,  escaped  his  attentive  ear.  Having  per- 
ceived the  entrance  of  his  master,  he  approached  him  with 
a  careless  salutation. — '  It  is  well  that  you  have  already 
arrived,'  said  Pomponius,  looking  round  the  taberna  for 
some  seat,  where  he  might  speak  to  his  slave  without  being 
overheard :  but  the  tonstrina  was  too  full  of  company  to 
allow  of  it.11  Whilst  on  the  one  side  the  tonsor  and  his 
assistants  practised  their  art ;  encircling  one  with  a  linen 
cloth,  passing  the  razor  over  the  chin  of  another,  or  pulling 
out  with  a  fine  pair  of  tweezers,  from  a  third,  a  few  hairs 
which  disfigured  the  smoothness  of  his  arm  ;  on  the  other 
were  formed  several  knots  of  idlers,  who  were  conversing 
upon  the  news  of  the  day. 

'  There  is  no  place  here  free  from  listeners,'  said  Pom- 
ponius ;  '  but  in  every  part  are  people,  who  without  being 
asked  or  paid  for  it,  busy  themselves  about  other  persons' 
business.12  Come  into  the  street;  we  shall  be  quieter  in 
the  adjoining  basilica.''  The  slave  followed  him.  'Dromo,' 
began  his  master,  as  they  gained  the  street,  '  I  have  an 
important  commission  for  you,  and  rely  upon  your  caution 


10  So  Harpax  describes  Pseudolus. 
Plaut.  Pseud,  iv.  6,  120  :— 

Eufus  quidarn,  ventriosus,crassis  suris,sub- 

niger, 
Magno  capite.  acutis  oculis,  ore  rubicundo 

admodum, 
JIagnis  pedibus. 

A  similar  description  of  the  Pseudo- 
Saurea   Leonidas,   is   given   in  the 
Asuiaria,  ii.  3,  20  : — 
Macilentis  malis,  ruf  ulus,  aliquantum  ven- 

triosus. 
Truculentis  oculis,  commoda  statura,  tristi 

fronte. 

11  In  tho  tonstrina,  the  hair  was 
cut,  the  beard  shorn,  and  tho  nails 
cleaned. 


12  This  is  undoubtedly  the  sense 
of  the  proverbial  saying  in  Plaut. 
True.  i.  2,35:  Sito  vestimmto  et 
cibo  alienis  rebus  curare.  The  mean- 
ing of  which  is.  that  whoever  is  not 
in  the  service  of  another,  is  nol  called 
upon  to  busy  himself  with  that  per- 
son's affairs.  So  in  Plaut.  Rudens, 
i.  2,  91,  the  master  says  to  his  slave, 
who  is  pursuing  with  his  eyes  the  two 
women  swimming  towards  them: — 

Si  tu  do  illarum  crcnaturus  vesperi  es, 

Ulis  curandum  censeo,  Sceparnio. 

Si  apud  me  esuruses,  mi  operam  dari  volo. 


76 


GALLÜS. 


[Scene  VI. 


and  activity  in  the  execution  of  it.  Gallus  travels  this 
morning  to  his  Campanian  villa.  Lycoris  is  to  follow  him 
to  Baise.  I  suspect,  in  consequence  of  the  suddenness  of 
his  departure,  that  he  will  summon  her  thither  in  writing. 
Do  you  take  care  that  the  letter  comes  into  my  hands. 
Employ  every  means, — trickery,  treachery,  corruption, 
every  thing  save  violence.' 

'Very  good,'  replied  the  slave;  'but  corruption  requires 
money ;  and  the  tabellarii  of  Gallus  are  the  most  honest 
donkeys13  in  existence.  Gripus  could  certainly  be  of  as- 
sistance to  us,'  he  continued  thoughtfully  ;  '  but  he  is  an 
insatiable  fellow,  who  never  does  anything  without  being 
well  paid  for  it.' 

'There  shall  be  no  lack  of  mone}%'  interrupted  Pom- 
ponius,  as  he  produced  the  purse.  '  Here  is  gold !  pure 
gold !  which  will  buy  him  drink  in  the  popince  for  months. 
Come  into  the  basilica,  that  I  may  give  it  you.' 

'Now  then,'  said  Dromo,  'we  shall  be  able  to  manage  it. 
But  suppose  the  communication  of  Gallus  were  to  be  an 


13  The  Romans  had  a  vast  num- 
ber of  words  of  abuse,  many  of  which 
were  very  coarse.  See  Plaut.  Pseud. 
i.  3,  126,  where  however  only  a  small 
selection  is  to  be  found.  They  sel- 
dom used  the  name  of  any  animal  as 
a  term  of  contempt,  as  commonly 
happens  amongst  us.  The  bos  was 
never  a  word  of  abuse  ;  but  not  so 
asinus,  as  Ter.  Adelph.  v.  8,  12  : — 
Quid  tu  autem  huic,  asine,  auscultas  ? 
Besides  canis,  the  use  of  which  was 
very  common,  vervex,  sheep,  simple- 
ton, sometimes  occurs,  as  Juv.  x.  50  : 
Magnos  posse  viros  vervecum  in    patrio 

nasci : 
and  Plaut.  Merc.  iii.  3,  6, 

Itane  vero,  vervex,  intro  eas. 
The  following  were  also  frequently 
made  use  of, — hircus  (Plaut.  Most. 
Germania  illuvies,  rusticus,  hircus,  hara 
suis. 


i.  1,  39),  verves  (Plaut.  Mil.  Glor.  iv. 
2,  63),  vulturius,  and  cuculus;  but 
more  frequently  with  a  special  re- 
ference, than  as  general  words  of 
offence.  So,  for  instance,  in  Plaut. 
Pseud,  i.  2,  4, 

Neque  homines  magis  asinos  unquam  vidi, 
ita  plagis  cost»  callent, 

it  refers  to  their  laziness  and  insen- 
sibility to  blows.  On  the  other  hand, 
in  Ter.  Eunuch,  iii.  5,  50, 

Tum  equidem  istuc  os  tuum  impudens  vi- 

dere  minium  vellem  : 
Qui  esset  status,  flabellulum  tenere  te  asi- 

num  tantum, 

it  merely  means  a  man  who  is  fit  for 
nothing,  has  no  skill,  as  in  the  pro- 
verb, Asinus  ad  tibiam,  or  ad  lyram. 
[So  also  hirsute  capella  was  said  of 
dirty-looking  men,  Juv.  v.  155 ;  Amin. 
Marc.  xvii.  12  ;  xxiv.  8.] 


Scene  VI.]  LYCORIS.  77 

oral  and  not  a  written  one?  But  I'll  provide  for  that  also; 
rely  upon  me,  that  before  the  bell  summons  to  the  hath, 
you  shall  have  the  letter,  or  measures  shall  at  least  have 
been  taken  to  prevent  any  message  reaching  Lycoris  ex- 
cept through  you.' 


The  sixth  hour  was  past,  and  there  was  less  bustle 
in  the  popince.  Only  here  and  there  remained  a  guest, 
who  could  not  break  from  the  sweet  mead,  and  the  maid 
who  waited  on  him  ;  or  was-  still  resting,  heavy  and  over- 
come by  his  sedulous  attentions  to  the  fluids.  In  a  small 
taberna  of  tbe  Subura  sat  two  slaves,  draining-  a  goblet, 
which  apparently  was  not  their  first.  The  one  was  a 
youth  of  pleasing  exterior,  numbering  little  more  than 
twenty  years,  whose  open  and  honest-looking  countenance 
was  in  a  rubicund  glow,  while  his  reddening  neck  and  the 
swelling  veins  of  his  full  round  arms  showed  plainly  that 
the  earthen  vessel  before  him  had  contained  something 
besides  vinegar.14  The  other,  whose  age  might  be  between 
thirty  and  forty,  inspired  the  beholder  with  less  confidence ; 
his  bold  and  reckless  mien,  lips  turned  up  scornfully,  and 
rough  merriment,  betokened  one  of  those  slaves  who,  con- 
fiding in  the  kind  disposition  of  their  master,  and  the 
thickness  of  their  own  backs,  were  accustomed  to  bid 
defiance  to  all  the  elm-staves  and  thongs  in  the  world. 

'But  now  drink,  Cerinthus!'  exclaimed  the  latter  to 
his  younger  companion,  as  he  quaffed  the  remainder  of  his 
goblet.  '  Why,  you  take  it  as  if  I  ordered  nothing  but 
Vatican,  and  yet  the  landlord  has  given  us  the  best  Sabine 
in  his  cellar :  and  I  assure  you  that  the  Falernian  that  I 
slily  sipped  behind  the  column  at  the  late  banquet,  was 
scarcely  so  good.' 


14  Vinegar-Crater,  posca,   a  com-  Palaestrio    is    evidently  himself   a- 

mon  drink  of  soldiers  in  the  field  mongst  those  who  indulge  in  posca, 

(Spart.    Hadr.    10),    as    -well    as    of  whilst  Sclederus  and  Lucrio  intoxi- 

slaves.     Plaut.  Mil.  iii.  2,  23  : —  cate  themselves  by  wine. 

Alii  ebrii  sunt,  alii  poscam  potitant.  [ 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VI. 


'  In  truth,  Gripus,'  answered  the  young  slave,  *  the 
wine  is  excellent,  but  I  fear  I  shall  be  drinking  too  much. 
My  temples  burn,  and  if  I  taste  more,  I  may  be  tipsy 
when  I  go  to  Lycoris.  You  know  how  Gallus  insists  on 
order  and  punctuality.' 

'Gallus,  indeed!'  said  the  other,  ' why,  he  drinks  more 
than  we  do.  Besides,  he  has  to-day  gone  into  the  country, 
and  the  old  grumbler  Chresimus  with  him;  therefore  we  now 
are  free,  and  moreover  it's  my  birthday,  and  as  nobody 
has  invited  me,  why,  I'll  be  merry  at  my  own  expense.' 

As  he  thus  spake,  a  third  person  entered  the  popina. 
'  Ah !  well  met,'  cried  the  fat  little  figure  ;  '  I  salute  ye 
both.' 

'  Oh !  welcome,  Dromo,'  exclaimed  Gripus,  as  if  sur- 
prised at  his  appearance.  '  You  have  come  at  the  happiest 
possible  moment.  Our  lord  is  set  out  on  a  journey,  and 
I  am  now  celebrating  my  birthday.'15 

'  How,  your  birthday  ?  Excellent !  We  must  make 
a  rich  offering  to  the  genius.  But,  by  Mercury  and  La- 
verna,  your  glasses  are  empty.  Holloa !  damsel,  wine 
here !  Why,  by  Hercules,  I  believe  ye  have  ordered  but 
a  glass  each.  A  lagena  here!'  cried  he,  throwing  a  piece 
of  gold  on  the  table,  'and  larger  goblets,  that  we  may 
drink  to  the  name  of  our  friend.' 

The  lagena  came.  '  The  name  has  six  letters,'  ex- 
claimed Dromo  ;  '  let  six  cyathi  be  filled.'  '  But  not 
unmixed,  surely?'  put  in  Cerinthus.  'What  cares  the 
genius  about  water?'  replied  the  other.  '  To  Gripus 
health !       How,    Cerinthus,    you    won't    shirk,    surely  ? 


[,s  The  celebration  of  the  birth- 
day amongst  the  Romans  is  frequently 
mentioned.  On  this  day  they  were 
accustomed  to  sacrifice  to  their  pro- 
tecting genius,  and  to  invite  their  re- 
lations and  friends  to  festivities 
(natalicite  dapes).  Varro,  Censor. 
2  ;  Ovid.  Trist,  iii.  13,13  ;  Tibull.  i. 


7,  49  ;  ii.  2,  1  ;  Pers.  ii.  1  ;  vi.  18  ; 
Juv.  xi.  83  ;  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  6  ;  Mart, 
xi.  65  ;  x.  27  ;  Gell.  xix.  9  ;  and  fre- 
quently in  Plautus.  The  friends  who 
came  brought  congratulations  and 
presents,  Mart.  viii.  64  ;  ix.  54.  Many 
ancient  monographies  treat  of  this 
custom.] 


Scene  VI.]  LYCORIS.  79 

Bravo !  drained  to  the  bottom,  so  that  the  genius  may 
look  down  brightly  upon  us.  So  Gallus  has  departed  from 
Eome  ?  To  the  Falernian  region  for  certain  ?  Well,  he 
knows  how  to  live  !  An  excellent  master  !  We'll  drink  to 
his  well-being  also.  Actually  just  the  same  number  of 
letters.  Now,  Cerinthus,  health  to  your  lord!'  'Long  life 
and  happiness  to  him,'  cried  the  other,  already  intoxicated, 
as  he  emptied  the  goblet. 

'  One  thing  is  still  wanting.  Come  hither,  Ohione,  and 
drink  with  us.     By  Hercules,  though,  a  spruce  lass.' 

'True,'  stammered  out  Cerinthus,  with  some  difficult}", 
as  he  drew  the  unresisting  damsel  towards  him ;  'you  seem 
to  me  even  prettier  than  before.'16  '  Oh  !  that  is  because 
you  are  now  in  merrier  mood,'  replied  the  female,  smiling. 
'Yes,'  cried  he,  'the  proverb  is  true  which  says  that 
"without  Ceres  and  Bacchus,  Venus  is  but  a  frosty  affair.'" 
'What  say  you?'  interrupted  Gripus,  who  thought  this 
was  the  right  moment  for  the  prosecution  of  his  scheme ; 
'she  was  always  pretty;  Lycoris  herself  has  not  finer 
eyes.' 

The  name  struck  the  ear  of  Cerinthus,  in  spite  of  his 
drunkenness,  like  a  clap  of  thunder.  He  tried  to  spring- 
up,  but  his  feet  refused  their  office,  and  he  leaned  reeling 
against  the  damsel. 

'  What's  the  matter,  man  ?  Whither  would  you  go  ? ' 
exclaimed  the  other  two.  '  To  Lycoris,'  stammered  he. 
' You  don't  suppose  I'm  drunk,  do  ye ? '  'Oh  no,'  said 
Gripus ;  '  but  you  seem  weak  and  fatigued.'  '  How  ?  I 
fa-fatigued?"17     He  tried  to  depart,  but  after  a  few  paces 


16  In  Terent.  Eim.  iv.  5,  4,  this  is  '  "  In  Plant.  Most.  i.  4,  18,  where 
said  by  Chremes,  who  is  somewhat  |  the  drunken  Callidamates  is  led  in  by 
tipsy,  to  Pythias,  and  she  answers  j  his  maid,  the  latter  says,  Madethomo, 
similarly  : — 

Ch.  Vah !   quanto  nunc  formosior 

Videre  mihi  quam  dudum.     Py.  Certe 
tu  quidem  pol  multo  hilarior. 
Ch.   Verbum  hercle  hoc  verum  erit :  Sine 
Cerere  et  Libero  friget  Venus. 


and  the  drunken  man  stammers  out 
in  reply,  tun1  me  ais  ma-ma-7nadere. 

The  same  authority  affords  us  an  ex- 
cuse for  the  picture  here  given. 


80 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VI. 


sank  down.  '  Take  a  sleep  for  a  little  while,'  said  Gripus, 
'and  let  me  have  charge  of  3Tour  letter,  and  I'll  immediately 
carry  it  to  its  destination.'  The  drunken  man  nodded 
assent,  and  produced  the  tablets.  Dromo  obtained  from 
the  landlord  a  place  for  the  unconscious  slave  to  sleep  in, 
paid  the  score,  and  hurried  off  with  Gripus. 


The  bustle  of  the  day  had  ceased,  the  last  twilight  of 
evening  was  already  beginning  to  yield  to  the  darkness 
of  night,  and  all  who  but  a  few  hours  before  were  en- 
livening the  streets,  had  now  retired  home  to  rest.  In 
the  Subura  alone,  the  business  of  the  day  had  subsided, 
but  only  to  be  succeeded  by  activity  of  another  kind. 
Here  and  there  persons  with  muffled  faces,18  glided  cau- 
tiously along ;  and  shrouded  forms  stealing  to  and  fro 
about  the  streets,  slipped  into  the  well-known  cellce,  or 
sought  new  acquaintances  in  houses,  the  doors  of  which, 
adorned  with  foliage,  and  lit  up  with  numerous  lamps, 
announced  them  to  be  newly-opened  temples  of  Venus.19 


18  On  such  occasions,  to  avoid 
being  recognised,  the  garments  were 
drawn  over  the  head,  or  it  was  con- 
cealed in  a  cu&Mu».  So  we  read  of 
Antonius,  who  wished  to  surprise  his 
love.  Cic.  Phi/,  ii.  31 :  Domum  venit 
capite  obvoluto.  Juv.  vi.  330 : — 
Ilia  jubet  sum  to  juvenem  properare  cucullo ; 

and  viii.  145: — 

nocturnus  adulter 
Tempora  Santonico  velas  adoperta  cucullo. 

Cf.  Ruperti  in  iii.  170;  Jul.  Cap.  Ver. 
4  :  Vagari  per  tabernas  ac  lupana- 
ria  obtecto  capite  cuctdlione  vulgari 

viatorio.  See  the  Excursus  on  The 
Male  Attire. 

10  There  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  any  street-lighting  at  Rome, 
till  very  late,  as  no  mention  is  made 


of  it  before  the  fourth  century.  As 
far  as  Rome  is  concerned,  I  find  no 
proof  of  it  at  all.  For  the  passage 
quoted  from  Am.  Marc.  xiv.  refers 
not  to  Rome,  but  to  Antiochia:  Adhi- 
bit is  piaueis  clam  ferro  succinct  is  ves- 
peri  per  tabernas  palabatur  et  corn- 
pita,  quesritando  Graco  sermone, cujus 
erat  impendio  gnarus,  quid  de  Cw- 
sare  quisque  sentiret.  Et  ha-c  confi- 
denter  agebat  in  urbe,  ubi  pernoc- 
tantium  luminum  claritudo  durum 
sold  imitari  fulgorem.  The  lighting 
of  the  streets  in  Antiochia  in  the 
fourth  century,  had  already  been 
placed  beyond  a  doubt  by  the  pas- 
sages of  Libanius.  In  another  pas- 
sage of  the  Cod.  Justin,  viii.  12,  19, 
the  lighting  of  the  baths  merely  is 
meant  ;  concerning  which  see  the  Ex- 


Scene  VI.] 


LYCOEIS. 


81 


Now  and  then  a  door  would  gape,  and,  the  curtain  being 
drawn  aside,  allowed  a  glimpse  into  brilliantly-lighted 
chambers,  where  youths,  surrounded  by  unblushing  females 
in  immodest  costumes,  were  passing  their  time  in  riotous 
enjoyment,20  Here  and  there,  too,  sat  some  rejected  lover  ' 
on  the  solitary  threshold  of  a  hard-hearted  libertina,  hoping 
by  entreaties  and  perseverance  to  soften  the  coy  beauty.2* 


cursus  on  The  Baths.  Lastly,  the 
burning  of  the  Christians,  Tacit, 
Annul.  xv.  44,  cannot  possibly  afford 
any  proof  of  a  regular  lighting. 

General   illuminations    of   whole 
towns,  however,  were  not  unusual 
among  the  ancients.    Apart  from  the 
usage  of  the    Egyptians  and    Jews 
(Bahr  ad  Herod,  ii.  62),  perhaps  the 
earliest  known  instance  of  it  in  Borne 
is  that  where  this  honour  was  paid  to 
Cicero  after  the  quelling  of  the  Cati- 
line conspiracy.  Plut.  die.  22 :  rd  St 
(puTa  woWa.     Ka.TeAafj.ire    tovs     are- 
vctiTrovs,     Aa/xirdSta  (col    SaSas    Icrrdii/- 
tu>v  €7rl  to?s  Qxipais.    Caligula  caused 
the  bridge  of  Puteoli  on  which  he 
dined  to  be  brilliantly  illuminated. 
Dio   Cass.    lix.    17  :     to     re     Aoiirhv 
ttjs     Yjfiepas     Kal    ri)v    vvKTa    iraaav 
tlaridOrjaav,      ttoXAov     fieu      ain60ev 
(punhs,   7tüAAoO    Se   Kal    4k    twv   bpaiv 
cnAaix4/avTOS   crtpiai.       tov  yap    vo>- 
piov    fj.T)voeiHovs     ovtos     Trvp     iravTa- 
Xodev  Kadäirep  iv  dedrpu)  rivl    iSeix- 
07),  icaTe  fj,7]b~efiiav  a"<r6rio~ti>  rod  o~x^- 
tovs  yeveo-Oai.     When  Tiridates   en- 
tered Borne  with  Nero,  the  whole  city 
was  illuminated.  Dio  Cass,  lxiii.  4  : 
Kai   irüaa  fj.hu  i)  irdAis  £KeK6<T/j.7]TO  Kal 
<pwo-l   Kal   <TTe<paidi>fj.ao-iv.       This  was 
so   also  when  Nero  returned  from 
Greece.     Dio  Cass,  lxiii.  20;    and 
when  Septimius  Severus   made   his 
entrance,   Ixxiv.  1  :    }}  re  yap   ir6\is 
iraj-a    avd<-<Tt    re    Kal    8d(pi>ais     iare- 
(pdvuro,    Kal    IfxaTiois    ttoik'iAois    eVce- 

K6fffJT]TO,      (pUTi      T6        Kal       6vfJldfia<TLV     ' 


eAafxire :  and  in  honour  of  Aurelius 
Zoticus  under  Elagabalus,  Ixxiv.  16. 
Martial  mentions  such  illuminations 
x.  6,  4:  — 

Quando  erit  Ule  dies,  quo  campus  et  arbor 
et  omnis, 
Lucebit  Latia  culta  fenestra  nuru  ? 

[See  further  Stat.  Sllv.  i.  2,  231 ;  4, 
123  ;  iii.  5,  62—70  ;  Arrian.  Epict.  i 
19,  24;  ii.  17,  17;  Tertull.  de  Idol. 
15 ;  App.  Met.  iv.  26 ;  Claudian  de 
Nupt.  206;  Prudent,  contra  Si/mm. 
ii.  1009  ;  Pacat.  Paneg.  Theod.  37.] 

Of  the  custom  here  mentioned  of 
decking  with  garlands  and  illumin- 
ating new  lupanaria  as  if  it  were  the 
house  of  a  bridal,  Lipsius,  Elect,  i.  3, 
has  spoken.  He  cannot  affirm  that 
this  was  the  case  in  the  earlier  times, 
as  the  proofs  of  the  fact  are  only  de- 
rived from  Tertullian,  Apologet.  35  : 
Cur  die  leeto  non  laureis  posies  ad- 
U7)ibramus1  neclucernis  diem  infrin- 
gimus?  Honesta  res  est  solemnitate 
publica  exigente  inducere  domui  turn 
habitum  alicujus  novi  lupanaris.  Se- 
condly, Ad  Uxor.  ii.  6 :  Procedit  de 
janua  laureata  et  lucemata,  ut  de 
novo  consistorio  libidinum  publica- 
rum.  The  same  was  the  case  on 
birth  and  wedding  days.  See  also 
Ferbar.  de  Litern.  Sepulcral. ;  Der- 
rutzer  on  Juvenal,  xii.  92. 

20  Such  is  really  related  by  Petron. 
e.  7. 


21  See  Horat.  iii.  lo,  i.  25  ;  Tib.  i. 


G 


82 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VI. 


Towards  the  end  of  the  street,  where  the  ascent  of  the 
Coelian  hill  commenced,  there  stood,  somewhat  retired,  a 
small  but  cheerful-looking  house,  which  had  evidently 
nothing  in  common  with  the  public  resorts  of  the  vicinity ; 
for  there  was  no  taberna  to  be  seen,  nor  was  the  threshold 
crossed  by  the  step  of  any  visitor ;  it  might  almost  have 
been  supposed  uninhabited,  but  for  the  gleam  of  lamps 
that  pierced  through  some  of  the  windows.  Now,  however, 
two  men  might  be  seen  approaching  the  ve&tibulum,  both 
dressed  as  slaves,  with  the  pcenula  drawn  over  their  heads. 
The  shorter  of  the  two  stopped  at  some  distance  off, 
while  the  other,  whose  carriage  seemed  to  accord  but  ill 
with  his  dress,  went  to  the  door  and  knocked. 

e  Who  are  you  ?  '  enquired  the  ostiarius.2'2  '  A  tabel- 
larius  from  Grallus.'  The  porter  opened  the  door  and  de- 
manded the  letter.  '  My  commission  is  an  oral  one,'  said 
the  other  ;  i  lead  me  to  Lycoris.'  The  porter  surveyed  the 
muffled  stranger  doubtingly.  'Why  does  not  Cerinthus 
come  ?  '  he  inquired.  '  He  is  sick,'  was  the  reply :  '  but 
what  does  it  concern  you  to  whom  my  lord  entrusts  his 
messages  ?     It  is  late  ;  conduct  me  to  your  mistress.' 

Lycoris  was  occupied  in  packing  various  sorts  of  female 
ornaments,  in  a  neat  box  of  cedar-wood,  placing  them  for 
security  between  layers  of  soft  wool.  Her  light  tunica, 
without  sleeves,  had  become  displaced  by  her  movements, 
and  slidden  down  over  the  left  arm,23  disclosing  something 
more  than  the  dazzling  shoulder,  upon  which  the  black 
hair  descended  in  long  ringlets.     She  was,  it  is  true,  no 


1,  56  ;  Prop.  i.  16  ;  Ovid.  Amor.  i.  6, 
iL  19,  21. 

22  So  the  ostiarius  inquired  of  An- 
tonius, who,  ou  knocking,  stated  him- 
self to  be  a  tabcllarius.  Cic.  Phil.  ii. 
31:  Janitor:  Quis  tu?  A.  Marco: 
Tabcllarius. 

2S  So  many  passages  of  this  kind 


could  be  adduced  in  justification,  that 
it  is  scarcely  worth  the  trouble  to 
point  them  out  particularly.  The 
wide  opening  for  the  neck,  and  the 
broad  holes  for  the  arms,  caused  the 
light  tunica,  on  every  occasion  of  the 
person's  stooping,  to  slip  down  over 
the  arm.  Artists  appear  to  have  been 
particularly  fond  of  this  drapery. 


Scene  VI.]  LYCORIS.  83 

longer  in  possession  of  the  youthful  freshness  and  child-like 
naivete  that  had  fixed  the  lore  of  Gallus  when  first  he  saw 
her,  but  the  exquisite  roundness  of  her  form  was  not  less 
attractive  than  ever,  so  that  at  the  age  of  twenty-five24  she 
was  still  a  blooming,  beauteous  woman.  Her  several  female 
attendants  were  also  busy  packing  up  apparel  and  other 
things  in  flat  baskets  and  boxes,  and  everything  gave 
symptoms  of  preparation  for  a  journey. 

'  Lay  the  palla  once  more  under  this  press,'  said  she 
to  the  maidens,  '  and  the  tunica  also.  Have  you  put  in 
the  stomachers  too,  Cypassis  ?'  The  damsel  answered  in 
the  affirmative.  '  Then  go  and  see  with  Lydus  and  Anthrax 
about  the  plate  necessary  to  be  taken  with  us.' 25  The  hand- 
maidens departed.  Lycoris  was  putting  together  some 
necessaries  for  the  toilet,  when  the  porter  announced  the 
messenger  from  Gallus.  <  At  last ! '  said  Lycoris.  '  Admit 
him.' 

The  ostiarius  bade  the  person  come  in,  and  then 
retired  to  his  post ;  but  the  mysterious  behaviour  of  the 
pretended  tabellariiis  had  made  him  uneasy,  and  he  there- 
fore directed  a  female  slave,  who  met  him,  to  watch  by  the 
door  of  her  mistress.     The  slave  placed  her  ear  against 


■*  An  accurate  calculation  of  the      in  718,  and  not  far  removed  from 


age  of  Lycoris  in  the  year  728  a.u.c. 
is  neither  possible,  nor  of  any  im- 
portance here.     If  we  suppose  the 


forty  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  Gal- 
lus.  Respecting  Lycoris  and  Cythe- 
ris,  see  Cic.  Phil.  ii.   24  ;  ad  Att.  x. 


Eclogues  of  Virgil  to  have  been  writ-  10,  16  ;  ad  Fam.  ix.  26  ;  Plut.  Ant. 

ten  718  a.u.c,  and  that  Lycoris  was  9  ;  Plin.  H.  X.  viii.  16  ;  Schol.  Crug. 

at  that  time  a  girl  of  fifteen,   she  ad  Hur.  Sat.  i.  2,  ö'k  10,  77.] 
would  have  been,  at  the  period  of 

the  downfall  of  Gallus,  of  the  age  as-  j        "5  It;  is  to  1je  supposed  that  persons 

signed  here  to  her,  twenty-five.    [If.  used  to  take  tneir  own  Plate  ^th 

as  Serv.  (on  Virg.  Ed.  x.  1)  states,  them,  even  on  short  journeys,  because 

and  Hertzberg  (Quast.  Propertian.  the  imis>  which  <-'ould  not  be  avoided, 

sped m.)  more  recently  affirms,  Lyco-  were  but  mean.    Mart.  vi.  94  : — 

ris  was  identical  with  the  ill-renowned  Ponuntur  semper  chrysendeta  Calpetiano, 

paramour  of  Antonius,    Cytheris  (a  Sive  foris,  seu  cum  coenat  in  urbe  domi. 

freedwoman  of  Volumnius  Eutrape-  ;    sic  etiaf;  "*  stabulo  semper,  sic  ccsnat  in 
lus),  she  must  have  been  of  the  same 

age  as  Gallus,  twenty-eight  years  old  > 

G  2 


agro. 


84  GALLUS.  [Scene  VI. 

the  door,  but  the  curtain  within  deadened  the  sounds,  and 
she  could  hear  nothing  distinctly.  At  last  their  conversa- 
tion became  more  animated,  and  their  voices  louder ;  the 
door  opened,  and  the  man  hurried  hastily  away,  disguised 
as  he  had  entered.  The  attendant  found  Lycoris  in  the 
most  extreme  state  of  excitement.  '  We  must  away  from 
hence  this  very  night,'  cried  she.  '  Send  Lydus  to  me.' 
The  slave  received  orders  to  hire  two  rhedce  immediately. 
The  preliminaries  of  the  journey  were  then  hastened,  and 
before  the  end  of  the  third  night-watch,  Lycoris,  with  a 
portion  of  her  slaves,  was  already  beyond  the  Capenan 
gate. 


SCENE  THE  SEVENTH. 


A    DAY    IN    BALE. 

IF  any  place  of  antiquity  could  lay  claim  to  be  considered 
as  the  very  abode  of  pleasure  and  free  living,  it  assuredly 
was  Baise,1  by  far  the  most  renowned  bathing-place  of  Italy, 
and  selected  equally  by  Aphrodite  and  Comus,  as  by  Hy- 
gieia,  for  a  favourite  residence.  Nature  had  decked  the 
coast  of  Campania,  on  which  Baise  was  situated,  with  all 
the  charms  of  a  southern  climate.  Art  and  the  taste  of  the 
Eoman  patricians  had  still  further  heightened  the  beauty 
of  the  landscape  by  the  erection  of  magnificent  villas.  The 
lofty  towers  2  of  these  gorgeous  palaces  which   lined  the 


1  Baise  asserted  a  decided  pre- 
eminence amongst  the  munerous 
baths  of  Italy  (whence  Martial,  vi. 
42,  7,  amongst  many  other  baths, 
mentions  Bai  principes,  and  its  name 
is  used  by  poets  as  an  appellation 
for  baths  generally,  Tibull.  iii.  5,  3  ; 
Mart.  x.  13,  3),  and  was  considered 
by  the  ancients  in  general  a  most 
attractive  place,  and  life  there  to  be 
the  most  pleasant : 
Nullus  in  orbe  sinus  Baiis  prrelucet  cimcenis, 

says  Horace,  Epist.  i.  1,  83  ;  and  all 
writers  making  mention  of  it  concur 
in  this  eulogy.  Mart.  xi.  80.  Andr. 
Baccius  (de  Thcrmis,  p.  162)  briefly 
extols  its  advantages.  '  The  city  lay,' 
says  he,  '  on  the  left  shore  of  the  sea, 
surrounded  by  a  circle  of  hills  co- 
vered with  green :  to  the  north,  at  a 
distance  of  five  Roman  miles  (millia 
passuum),  lay  Cumse,  three  miles 
nearer  the  Lacus  Avernus ;  south- 
wards,   distant     three    miles,   was 


Misenum,  and  Puteoli,  the  same  dis- 
tance across  the  bay.  The  extraor- 
dinary mildness  of  the  climate  made 
it  an  agreeable  place  of  sojourn  even 
in  winter,  and  there  was  no  season 
of  the  year  when  the  trees  did  not 
present  fruits,  and  the  gardens  flow- 
ers.' Comp.  Strabo,  v.  4,  187  ;  Dio 
Cassius,  xlviii.  51. 

2  By  towers  are  to  be  understood 
parts  of  the  house,  built  several  sto- 
ries above  the  rest  of  the  building, 
to  allow  of  a  distant  prospect.  Pliny 
had  two  such  in  his  Laurentinum. 
He  says  of  one  (ii.  17,  12) :  Hinc  tur- 
ns i  rigitur,  sub  qua  di<?Ue  dues,  toti- 
dem  in  ipsa :  prceterea  coenatio,  qtits 
latissimum  mare,  longissimum  litus, 
amcenissimas  villas  prospicit.  So  the 
turres  (Tibull.  i.  7,  19)  appear  tobe 
rightly  explained  by  Heyne.  It  may 
be  well  imagined  that  the  villse 
around  Baue,  the  neighbourhood  of 
which  displayed  everywhere  the  most 


86 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VII. 


coast  commanded  a  view  right  across  the  bay  to  the  open 
sea,  whilst  the  villas  of  more  humble  pretensions,  erected  by 
the  more  serious  men  of  former  times,3  looked  down  like 
strong  castles  from  the  neighbouring  heights.  Just  oppo- 
site, and  in  the  direction  of  the  not  far  distant  Nauplia,  lay 
the  fair  Puteoli.  On  the  right,  after  doubling  the  promon- 
tory, was  Misenum  with  its  renowned  haven,  the  station  of 
the  Eoman  fleet.  Close  by  lay  Cumse,  hallowed  by  ancient 
sages,  and  near  the  latter  was  the  lake  Avernus,  which, 
with  the  smiling  plain  adjoining  it,  seemed  to  represent  on 
earth  the  contrast  between  the  terrors  of  Hades,  and  the 
happiness  of  Elysium. 

But  fashion  and  the  joyous  mode  of  life,  even  more 
than  the  charms  of  the  scenery,  rendered  Baise  a  most  de- 
lightful place  of  sojourn.  Besides  invalids  who  hoped  to 
obtain  relief  from  the  healing  springs  and  warm  sulphur- 
batns,4  there  streamed  thither  a  much  larger  number  of 


magnificent  views,  were  also  provi- 
ded with  such  turres.  The  environs 
of  Baise  were  not  considered  healthy, 
as  we  see  from  Cicero's  letter  to  Do- 
labella  (is.  12),  and  therefore  the 
villas  were  built  as  far  out  into  the 
sea  as  possible,  and  probably  higher 
than  was  usual. 

3  Seneca,  who  took  siieh  offence  at 
the  mode  of  life  at  Baise,  that  he 
left  on  the  second  day  after  arriving 
there,  praises  the  choice  of  those 
men.  Epist.  51:  Uli  quoque,  adquos 
primos  fortuna  Romani  populi  pub- 
licas  opes  transtulit,  C.  Marius,  et 
On.  Pompeius,  et  Ccesar,  extruxerant 
quidem  villas  in  Regione  Baiana,  sed 
illas  impostuerunt  summis  jugis  mon- 
tium.  They  looked  more  like  castra 
than  villa.  Biit  besides  these  there 
were  splendid  palaces  built  round 
the  whole  bay,  which,  with  the  towns 
lying  upon  it,  presented  the  appear- 


ance of  one  vast  city.  Strabo,  v.  4  : 
" Anas  5'  ear\  Ka.TfffKevacriu.evos  (o  ko\- 
7TOS )  rovro  fiev  TaTs  irSheoiv,  &s 
e(pa/j.tv,  tovto  Se  rals  olKoSo/j-lais  Ka\ 
(pvreiats,  ai  ^6ra|u  ffvvexe?s  ovcrai  /xias 
■7r6\eu>s  o-tyiv  •jra/ie'xoj/Taj.  Cf.  Dio 
Cass,  above. 

4  The  springs  at  Baise  were  of  very 
different  ingredients,  and  the  sana- 
tory powers  manifold.  Plin.  xxxi.  2. 
2 :  Alia  svlphuris,  alia  aluminis, 
ali<B  satis,  alia  nitri,  (due  bituminis, 
vonnulla  etiamacida salsave  mixtum, 
vapore  quoque.  ipso  aliqua  prosunt. 
Chief  of  all  were  the  hot  sulphureous 
vapours  which  sprang  up  in  many 
places,  and  particularly  on  the 
heights,  and  were  used  as  baths  to 
promote  perspiration.  Such  suda- 
toria were  situated  not  only  in  the 
town  of  Baise  itself,  but  close  to  the 
spot  where  the  vapours  rose  from 
the  ground.    Vitruv.  ii.  6.    In  mon- 


Scene  VII.]  A    DAY    IX   BALE.  87 

persons  in  health,  having  no  other  end  in  view  than  the 
pursuit  of  pleasure,  and  who,  leaving  behind  them  the 
cares  and  formalities  of  life,  resigned  themselves  wholly  to 
enjoyment,  in  whatever  shape  it  was  offered.  One  continual 
saturnalia  was  there  celebrated,  in  which  even  the  more 
reserved  suffered  themselves  to  be  carried  away  by  the  in- 
toxication of  pleasure,  whilst  follies,  which  in  Rome  would 
have  drawn  down  reproof,  were  scarcely  regarded  as  impu- 
tations on  character,  or  such  only  as  the  next  bath  would 
entirely  efface.  The  intercourse  between  the  sexes  in 
society  was  of  a  much  more  free  description,  and  none  but 
a  stoic  would  look  askance  when  wanton  hetcerce,  sur- 
rounded by  thoughtless  youths,  skimmed  by,  in  gaudily- 
painted  gondolas,  while  song  and  music  resounded  from 
the  skiffs  uf  many  a  troop  of  revellers,  who  were  rocking 
lazily  on  the  level  surface  of  the  bay. 

Of  course  pleasure  did  not  always  confine  itself  within 
the  bounds  of  innocence,  and  connubial  fidelity  doubtless 


t ibus  Cinncenorum  et  Baianis  sunt  loca  i   count  of  the  efficacy  of  its  waters, 

sudationibus  excavata,in  quibus vapor  yet,  ckmbtless,  far  greater  numbers 

fervidus  ah  imo  nascens  ignis  vehe-  \   came  from  Rome,  merely  for  the  sake 

mi  ntia  perforat  <  am  U  rram,  per  eum-  I   of  pleasure,  to  Naples  and  the  neigh- 

qv.e  manando  in  his  locis  oritur  et  ita  I   boiirhood,  which  seemed  places  cre- 

sudationum  cgregias  efficit  utilitates.  j    ated  entirely  for  a  life  of  ease  and 

These  hot  streams   of  vapour  were  \    pleasure.    Strab.  v.  4  :    Ba'iot  xal  ra 

conducted  by   means   of  pipes    into  j    8eppa    vara,  ra  teal  irpus  rpv<p))v  «at 

the  buildings.    Dio  Cass,  xlviii.  51 :  ■wpbs8epa.Tra.iai'  vöaoiv  eiriri)Seia.    Dio 

ri)v  8'  ärp-iSa  avrov   es   re  oiKrifiaTa  Cassias,   supra.      KaraTKevai  re   ovv 

uerewpa   (suspensuras)    5iä   ou>Xr\vu>v  irepi   a.;x<p6repa   iro\vreKe'i'>   fyainjirrai, 

avdyovai,  Ka.vra.v8a  avri'i  Trvpiwvrai.  Of  Kai  ecrriv  es  re  ßlov  Siayuiyriv  Kai    es 

this  kind  was  the  bath  ad  myrteta,  \   &Keaiu  'en^r\^eiorara.    Hence  Cicero 

celebrated  by  Horace,  Epist.  i.  15,  5,  !    also  (pro  Ca>l.  20)  especially  dwells 

which  also  lay  outside  the  town,  and  on  the  free  manner  in  which  Clodia 

probably  on  an  eminence,  for  Celsus,  j    demeaned  herself,  not  only  in  urbe, 

ii.  17,  savs  :   Siccus  color  est — qua-  in  hortis,hut  in Baiarum  flla  cdebri- 

rundam  naturalium  sudationum,  ubi  j    täte.     Whenever  it  is  desired  to  fix 

a  terra  profusus  calidus  vapor  adi-  the  number  of  visitors  at  a  bath, 

ficio  includitur.  sicut  super  Baias  in  Laiae  is  taken  as  a  scale  to  go  by. 

myrtetis  habemus.     If  the  bath  was  Strab.  v.  2. 

visited  by  numerous  invalids  on  ac-  j 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VII. 


underwent  severe  trials,5  to  which  it  not  unfrequently 
yielded.  If  we  consider,  besides,  that  the  sight  of  a 
drunken  man,  fresh  from  the  daily  or  nightly  debauch,  was 
by  no  means  uncommon,6  and  that  gambling  was  carried 
to  a  great  height,  it  will  not  appear  strange  that  a  severe 
moralist  should  have  pronounced  the  captivating  spot  to 
be  'a  seat  of  voluptuousness,  and  a  harbour  of  vice.' 7  Still 
it  must  not  be  overlooked,  that  this  reputation  was  in  a 
great  measure  attributable  to  the  publicity  with  which 
pleasure  was  pursued,  as  well  as  to  a  reckless  display  of 
folly,  and  that  the  wantonness  there  concentrated  in  one 
spot,  and  wholly  unveiled  to  the  public  eye,  was  perhaps 


5  The  warning  uttered  by  Proper- 
tius,  i.  11,  27,  to  Cynthia,  is  well 
known : — 

Tu  modo  quamprimum  corruptas  desere 
Baias  ; 

Multis  ista  dabunt  litora  dissidium  ; 
Lkora  quae  fuerant  castis  inimica  puellis : 

Ah,  pereant  Baiae,  crimen  amoris,  aqua?. 

Martial  jokes  on  a  case  at  Baise,  of 
a  Penelope  becoming  transformed 
into  a  Helen,  i.  63  :  — 

Casta  nee  antiquis  cedens  Lasrina  Sabinis, 

Et  quam  vis  tetrico  tristior  ipsa  viro, 

Dum  modo   Lucrino,  modo  se  permittit 

Averao, 

Et  dum  Baianis  srepe  fovetur  aquis ; 

Incidit  in  flammas,  juvenemque  secuta  re- 

licto 

Conjuge  Penelope  venit,  abit  Helene. 

0  Baias  sibi  celebrandas  luxuria 
desumsit,  says  Seneca,  Ep.  51 ;  and 
his  picture  of  the  life  there  is'true  in 
the  main,  although  drawn  in  some- 
what glowing  colours  :  Videre  ebrias 
per  litora  errantes,  et  comissatkmes 
navigantium  et  symphoniarum  can- 
tibus  perstrepentes  lacus,  et  alia, 
qua  vel.ut  soluta  legibus  luxuria  non 
tantum  peccat,  sed  publicat,  quid 
necesse  est  1  We  see,  however,  that 
such  charges  as  these  did  not  apply 


first  to  the  more  debauched  time  of 
the  emperors,  for  Coelius  has  similar 
imputations  cast  upon  him  by  his  ac- 
cusers. Cic.  pro  Cail.  15:  Accusatores 
qi'.idem  libidines,  amoves,  adidtcria, 
Baias,  actas,  convivia,  comissationcs. 
cantus,  symphonias,  navigia  jactant. 
See  further  Cicero  in  Clod.  4 ;  ad  Fam. 
ix.  2.  Seneca  particularly  adverts 
to  the  fact  that  people  made  an  open 
display  of  their  debauchery,  and  Ci- 
cero corroborates  his  statement,  at 
least  as  regards  Clodia,  ibid.  20  :  Ni- 
hil igitur  ilia  vwi7iitas  redolet?  nihil 
hominum  fama?  nihil  Baice  denique 
ipscB  loquuntur  ?  ilia  vero  non  loquun- 
tur  siilum,  verum  etiam  personant, 
hxBC  unius  mulieris  libidinem  esse 
prolapsam,  ut  ea  non  inodo  solitu- 
dinem  ac  tenebras  atque  hese  flagi- 
tiorum  integumenta  non  qucsrat,  sed 
in  turpissimis  rebus  frequentissima 
celebritate  et  clarissima  luce  latrtur. 
What  this  woman  did  at  Baise  woidd 
not  have  happened  so  publicly  at 
Rome. 

7  Seneca,  in  the  often  mentioned 
letter :  divcrsorium  vitiorum. 


Scene  VII.]  A    DAY    IN   BALE.  89 

less  deserving  of  reprobation  than  the  licentiousness  which, 
in  the  metropolis,  was  hidden  in  darkness  and  carried  on  in 
secrecy.  The  judgment  thus  pronounced  on  life  in  Baia? 
resembles  generally  that  passed  by  Poggi,  at  the  end  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  on  Baden  in  Switzerland.  It  might 
almost  be  fancied  from  his  description,  that  the  antique 
mode  of  living  had  obtained  an  asylum  beyond  the  Alps, 
and  that  the  manners  of  Baise  existed  at  Baden,  in  all 
their  grace  and  refinement,  for  centuries  after  they  had 
died  away  in  their  native  abodes,  and  after  the  whirl  of  de- 
lights, that  had  animated  this  once  favourite  spot,  had  been 
succeeded  by  a  mournful  desolation.  Poggi  could  find 
nothing  repulsive  in  the  unrestrained  merriment  of  Baden, 
in  the  intercourse  of  the  sexes,  and  even  in  the  baths  there 
common  to  them  both.  So,  for  the  same  reasons,  many 
an  imputation  cast  on  Baice  may  admit  of  being  softened, 
provided  the  customs  of  those  times  be  not  judged  by  those 
of  the  present  day,  nor  a  general  depravity  be  inferred 
from  individual  irregularities. 

Lycoris  had  been  already  some  days  in  Baise  without 
having  informed  Gallus  of  her  arrival ;  for  though  very 
desirous  of  seeing  him  again,  she  was  at  the  same  time  in 
the  most  painful  state  of  indecision  as  to  whether  she 
should  reveal  to  him,  or  keep  concealed,  the  occurrence  of 
that  evening. 

Pomponius  had  sadly  deceived  himself.  Having  been 
forbidden  the  house,  he  determined  to  obtain  entrance  by 
personating  a  messenger  from  Gallus,  in  order  to  prevent 
her  intended  journey  to  Baia?.  "With  this  view  he  caused 
her  residence  to  be  watched  during  the  remainder  of  the 
day  after  his  conversation  with  Dromo.  As  nobody  entered 
it  who  could  give  intelligence  of  the  departure  of  Gallus, 
and  only  a  few  of  the  slaves  of  Lycoris  had  gone  into  the 
neighbouring  taberncv  to  purchase  things  that  happened  to 
be  wanted,  or  to  fetch  clothes  from  the  fallo,  he  fancied 
himself  perfectly  secure.  He  dreamt  not  that  old  Chresi- 
mus,  immediately  after  receiving  his  orders,  had  dispatched 


90 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VII. 


his  vicarius  to  Lycoris  to  carry  her  the  sum  of  money 
destined  for  her  use,  and  inform  her  of  the  whole  plan  of 
the  journey. 

Pomponius  entered  the  presence  of  Lycoris,  under  the 
pretence  that  Gallus  had  sent  him  to  tell  her  by.  word  of 
mouth,  that  he  wished  her  to  remain  at  Eome  during  his 
absence,  or  go  to  the  Tuscan8  baths.  But  when,  wrongly 
interpreting  her  astonishment,  he  proceeded  to  excite  her 
jealousy  by  hinting  that  the  beautiful  Chione  had  accom- 
panied Gallus  to  Campania,  and,  taking  advantage  of  her 
increasing  displeasure,  approached  confidingly,  and  con- 
jured her  to  renew  their  former  liaison — the  enormity  of 
his  schemes  was  at  once  revealed  to  her.  Full  of  wrath, 
she  spurned  him  from  her,  and  stated  how  well  she  was 
acquainted  with  the  wishes  of  Gallus,  who  had  summoned 
her  to  meet  him  at  Baise  on  the  following  day.  Pompo- 
nius was  surprised,  but  became  sensible  at  once  that  the 
whole  apartment  showed  signs  of  an  approaching  journey. 
'  To  Baige,'  said  he,  scornfully,  '  and  then  for  a  cooling  to 
the  snow-fields  of  Mcesia  !  Out  of  the  thermce  into  the 
frigidarium ! ' 9 


8  Italy  was,  and  is  still,  rich  in  both 
■warm  and  cold  medicinal  springs  ; 
especially  Campania  and  Etruria.  Of 
the  latter,  Strabo  speaks,  v.  2 :  IloA- 
Ä7;  5e  Kal  rcbv  Oepixwv  ihaTuv  a- 
<p8ovla  Kara  rty  Tvp'prjviav,  direp  tw 
■K\rtaiov  elvai  ttjs  'Poi/itjs  ovx  VTTov 
evavSpel  twv  eV  Bai'ais  a  Siiavofxaff- 
7<xi  ttoXv  vdvToov  (xahiffTa.  Mart. 
vi.  42,  mentions  a  number  of  spas, 
which  must  all  have  had  a  certain 
celebrity,  since  he  compares  them 
with  the  thermce  Etrusci: — 

Nee  fontes  Aponi  rudes  puellis, 
Non  mollis  Sinue?sa,  fervidique 
Fluctus  Passeris,  aut  superbus  Anxur, 
Non  Phcebi  vada,  principesque  Baia;. 

Of  these,  four  belong  to  Campania 
and  its  environs,  and  only  one,  Phcebi 


vada,  Ceeretana  aqua,  to  Etruria. 
But  several,  as  the  cold  aqua  Clu- 
sina,  could  not  be  compared  with  the 
thermae  generally.  Naples  also  had 
warm  baths,  which,  however,  from 
its  proximity  to  Baire,  were  not  much 
frequented.  Strab.  v.  4:  "Ex«  8e  ical 
7]  NediroAis  dep/jLÖöv  uSdrcov  eKßoAas 
Ka\  tcaTacncevas  Aovrpuv  ov  ^eipovs 
tÜv  £v  Bd'iais,  tto\v  3e  tS  irkijQfi 
Aenro/xii'as. 

9  The  punishment  of  banishment 
was  rendered  more  severe  under  the 
emperors,  and  even  as  early  as  the 
time  of  Augustus,  by  the  convict 
being  not  only  expelled  from  Italy, 
but  also  exiled  to  some  fixed  spot  in 
a  distant  region.   Mcesia,  on  the  con- 


Scene  VII.]  A    DAY    IN    BALE.  91 

'Villain  !'  cried  the  enraged  Lycoris,  well  guessing  the 
meaning-  of  his  words,  '  worthless  betrayer,  whom  I  have 
long  seen  through  !  Away !  leave  my  presence,  and  be 
assured  that,  before  three  days  are  past,  Grallus  shall  be 
undeceived  about  you  !' 

'As  you  will,'  replied  he,  with  malicious  coldness  ;  'and 
if  you  lack  evidence  I  will  add  a  testimony  from  the  co- 
lumna  lactaria.' 

Lycoris  turned  pale..  Profiting  by  her  confusion,  Pom- 
ponius  was  again  about  to  approach  her,  when  he  was  in- 
terrupted by  a  noise  from  the  slave  who  was  listening  at 
the  door.  He  then  hastily  drew  the  pcenula  over  his 
head,  and  hurried  away. 

His  threats  had  not  failed  in  their  effect.  Fearful  of 
some  new  audacity,  Lycoris  set  out  the  same  night  from 
Eome.  Convinced,  however,  as  she  was,  of  the  necessity 
of  warning  Gallus  against  this  traitor,  she  hesitated  to  see 
him,  for  she  greatly  dreaded  to  make  confession  of  her 
former  guilt.  On  the  third  evening  she  sat  afflicted  in  her 
own  apartment.  By  her  side  were  two  female  slaves, 
busy,  the  one  in  loosening  her  braided  hair,  and  letting  it 
fall  in  long  ringlets  over  her  shoulders  and  neck,  prepara- 
tory to  collecting  it  in  the  golden  caul ;  the  other,  in  un- 
tying the  snow-white  thongs  of  her  shoes.  On  the  floor 
stood  a  tall  bronze  candelabrum,  partly  of  Tarentine,  and 
partly  of  .Eginetan,  workmanship.  A  beautifully-formed 
winged  sphinx  surmounted  the  delicately-fluted  shaft,  and 
bore  the  plate,  decorated  with  the  ornaments  of  the  Ionic 
capital,10  upon  which  was  an  elegant  two-flamed  lamp  of 
the  same  metal,  which  sufficiently  illuminated  the  small 


fines  of  the  Roman  empire,  was  as  i  particularly  elegant  bronze  candela- 
terrible  to  the  Romans  as  Siberia  is  |  brum,  somewhat  more  than  five  palms 
to  a  Russian.  Ovid,  who  was  banished  in  height,  given  in  the  Mus.  Borb. 
thither,  complained  bitterly  of  its  cli-  iv.  t.  57,  a  copy  of  which,  with  fur- 
mate  and  the  practices  adopted  there,  i  ther  information  on  the  subject,  is 

given  in  the  Excursus  on  the  tenth 

10  This  description  is  taken  from  a  scene,  The  Lighting. 


92 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VII. 


chamber.  Against  one  wall  there  stood  an  elegant  couch 
covered  with  purple,  on  which  Lycoris  could  recline  during 
the  evening,  whilst  her  two  handmaidens,  employed  at 
their  looms,  entertained  her  with  the  various  gossip  of 
the  day.  Close  to  this  was  a  small  three-footed  table,  on 
which  the  slave  had  recently  placed  a  crystal  ewer  of  fresh 
spring- water. 

The  attendant  had  just  taken  the  shoes  from  the  feet  of 
her  mistress,  when  footsteps  were  heard  at  the  door.  The 
curtain  was  drawn  back,  and  Gallus  entered.  With  a  cry 
of  joy  Lycoris  sprang  up  from  the  cathedra,  and  with  bare 
feet  and  dishevelled  hair,  as  she  was,  threw  herself  upon 
the  neck  of  her  lover.11 


Grallus  had  learned  from  the  slaves  who  followed  him 
to  the  villa,  the  hurried  departure  of  Lycoris,  and  was  glad 
of  the  opportunity  of  surprising  her,  when  quite  unpre- 
pared to  receive  him.  Intending  only  to  spend  a  few 
days  in  Baise,  he  had  hired  lodgings  above  the  grand  batb, 
where  rooms  for  strangers  were  always  ready.12  This 
abode  was  certainly  none  of  the  quietest,  for  the  apart- 
ments beneath  resounded  very  early  in  the  morning  with 
the  most  unpleasant  noises.     At  Baiae,  whence  all  serious 


"  SeeTibull.  i.  3,  89:— 

Tunc  veniam  subito,  nee  quisquam  nun- 
tiet  ante, 
Sed  videar  ccelo  missus  adesse  tibi. 
Tunc  mihi,  qualis  eris,  longos  turbata  ca- 
pillos, 
Obvia  nudato,  Delia,  curre  pede. 

12  There  were  several  public  baths 
iu  and  around  Baise,  and  above  them 
■were  lodgings  for  the  reception  of 
strangers  (  chamhrcs  g amies).  See 
Seneca,  Epist.  56  :  Ecce  varius  cla- 
mor undique  me  circumsonat :  supra 
ipsum  balneum  hahito.  Another  story 


was  probably  erected  over  the  baths. 
Hence  we  find  in  a  rescript  of  Sep- 
timius  Severus  and  Antoninus,  Cod. 
Just.  viii.  10,  1 :  Et  balneum,  ut  de- 
sideras,  exstruere,  et  mdificium  ei 
sirpcrponere  potes,  observata  tarnen 
forma,  qua  cateris  super  balneum 
cedificare  permittitur,  &c.  There  were 
besides  people  who  made  a  trade  of 
letting  out  lodgings  to  strangers,  as 
was  also  the  case  in  Kome.  This  was 
called  coenaculariam  exercere  (  Big. 
ix.  3,  5),  which,  of  course,  compre- 
hends the  lodgers  living  in  the  place. 


Scene  VII.] 


A    DAY    IX    BALE. 


93 


thoughts  were  banished,  people  used  to  bathe  as  their 
pleasure  alone  dictated,  and  not  merely  during  the  later 
hours  of  the  day.  Many,  indeed,  might  be  seen  splashing 
about  in  the  swimming  baths  two  or  three  times  in  the 
course  of  the  day :  hence  the  noise  of  the  baths  was  end- 
less.13 The  sphajristerium  resounded  with  the  cries  of  the 
exhilarated  ball-players,  and  the  loud  groans  of  those 
who  were  swinging  the  heavy  leaden  weights,  and  the 
baths  re-echoed  with  the  splash  of  swimmers,  or  the  sud- 
den plunge  of  divers.  Here  one  person  was  complacently 
making  trial  of  his  voice  in  a  song,  there  another  was 
engaged  in  hot  dispute,  or  perhaps  a  loud  cry  was  raised 
after  a  thief  who  had  been  detected  in  stealing14  some  of 
the  clothes  of  the  bathers.  If  the  hour  of  ccena  or  pran- 
dium  were  approaching,  the  sellers  of  provisions  might  be 
heard,  offering  their  goods.  Libarii  with  sweet  cakes, 
crustularii  with  the  favourite  slices  of  toasted  honey-bread, 
botularii  with  sausages,  as  well  as  the  servants  of  the 
numerous  tabernce  about  the  baths,  with  eggs,  lactuca, 
lacertce,  and  other  dishes, — all  loudly  eulogizing  the  excel- 
lence of  their  articles,  and  each  uttering  his  commenda- 
tions in  his  own  peculiar  cry.15 


13  The  whole  account  is  from  Sen- 
eca (Ep.  56),  who  was  compelled  to 
hear  the  disturbance. 

14  The  more  affluent  were  attended 
to  the  bath  by  a  slave,  who  not  only 
carried  the  necessary  utensils,  but 
also  watched  the  clothes  of  his  mas- 
ter. So  says  Martial  (xii.  70),  of 
Aper  even,  who  was  by  no  means 
wealthy : — 

Lintea  ferret  Apro  vatius  cum  vernula  nu- 
per, 
Et  supra  togulam  lusca  sederet  anus. 

There  were,  besides,  persons  in  the 
baths  appointed  to  take  care  of  the 
garments,  capsarii.  Pauli.  Big.  i. 
15,  3:    Adversus  capsarios  quoque, 


qui  mercede  servanda  in  bcdineis  ves- 
timenta  suscipiunt,  judex  est  consti- 

tutus  (prsef.  vig.)  In  spite  of  this 
it  often  happened  that  the  bathers 
had  their  clothes  stolen  from  them. 
Plaut.  Bud.  ii.  3,  51  :  — 

Sein'  tu  etiam  :  qui  it  lavatum 
In  balineas  ibi  cum  sedulo  sua  vestimenta 

Bervat, 
Tarnen  surripiuntur. 

Catull.  30  :  0  fur  optime  halneario- 
rum.  Hence  in  the  Pandects  there 
is  a  special  head,  xlvii.  17  :  Be  fu- 
ribus  balneariis.  Comp,  also  Petron. 
30,  where  the  slave  complains :  Sub- 
iibi  vestimenta  dispensatoris  in 
balneo. 

15  Just  as  we  have  people  crying 


94 


GALLÜS. 


[Scene  VII. 


Gallus  took  advantage  of  the  morning  to  bathe,  as  an 
excursion  on  the  lake  with  Lycoris  had  been  arranged  for 
the  time  of  the  prandinm.  The  decoration  of  the  saloons, 
especially  of  those  in  which  the  frescoes  on  the  walls  and 
ceilings  were  not  exposed  to  injury  from  heat  or  damp, 
was  far  superior  to  that  of  any  similar  establishment  in 
the  metropolis.  The  natural  springs  were  warm,  but  there 
were  also  cold  baths  for  those  who  preferred  bathing  in 
clear  spring-water,  rather  than  in  the  muddy  white10 
streams  of  the  thermce.  At  each  end  of  the  frigidarium 
was  a  huge  lion's  head  of  bronze,  from  which  flowed  the 
water,  transparent  as  air,  into  large  marble-sided  cisterns,17 


their  wares  in  the  streets,  so  were 
there  persons  of  this  description  to 
be  found  in  the  baths,  as  mentioned 
by  Seneca  :  Jam  libarii  varias  excla- 
mationes,  et  botularium,  et  crustu- 
larium,  et  omnes  popinarum  insti- 
tores,  merccm  suam  quadam  et  in- 
signifa  mochdatione  vendentes.  We 
find  the  receipt  for  making  the  liba 
in  Cato,  de  Re  Rustica,  75.  But 
it  was  not  always  of  such  simple  in- 
gredients, and  the  word  frequently 
seems  to  be  identical  with  placenta. 
At  least  Isid.  Orig.  xx.  2,  17,  says : 
Placenta  sunt,  qua  fiunt  de  Jarre, 
quas  alii  liba  dicunt.  So  crustula 
also,  known  through  Horat.  Sat.  i.  1, 
25,  denotes,  perhaps,  pastry-work 
generally,  dulcia.  Comp.  Euperti, 
Juven.  ix.  5.  The  explanation  of  the 
scholiast  in  both  passages  is  simply 
placenta.  Many  persons  took  a  pro- 
midsio  in  the  bath.  Martial,  xii.  19  : 
In  thermis  sumit  lactucas,  ova,  laoertum. 
We  may  conclude  from  Seneca,  Epist. 
51  :  Qucmadmodum  inter  tortorcs  ha- 
bitare  nolirn,  sic  nee  inter  popinas 
quidcvi,  and  Mart.  v.  70,  that  there 
were  all  sorts  of  eating-houses  around 
the  baths.     The  servants  from  these 


popinm  used  to  offer  their  eatables 
for  sale  in  the  halls  of  the  bath. 
There  were  certainly  among  the  ta- 
berna  lying  around  the  bath  at  Pom- 
peii, such  eating-houses. 

i6  Perfectly  clear  water  was  a  main 
desideratum  at  the  bath,  and  it  seems 
that  they  even  cleared  it  by  artificial 
means  when  it  came  muddy  through 
the  pipes.  Seneca  says,  Ejnst.  86,  of 
more  ancient  times  compared  with 
his  own  :  Nee  refer  re  credebant,  in 
quam  perlucida  sordes  deponerent ; 
and  of  Scipio :  Non  saccata  aqua  la- 
vahatur,  sed  safe  turbida  et,  cum 
plueret  vehementius,  pane  lutulenta. 
For  this  reason  Martial  commends 
the  purity  of  the  aqua  Martia  in  the 
balneum  Etrusci,  vi.  42,  19:  — 

Quas  tarn  Candida,  tarn  serena  lucet, 
TJt  nullas  ibi  suspiceris  undas, 
Et  credas  vacuam  nitere  Lygdon. 

Comp.  Stat.  i.  5,  51,  seqq.  On  the 
contrary,  the  warm  springs  of  Baine 
were  of  a  muddy  white.  Martial, 
vi.  43  — 

Dum  tibi  felices  indulgent,  Castrice,  Baine, 
Canaque    sulphureis    lympha    natatur 
aquis. 

17  Such  was  the  arrangement  of  the 


Scene  VII.] 


A    DAY    IX    BAI.E. 


95 


the  party-coloured  stone  bottoms  of  which  might  be  clearly 
discerned.  At  intervals  attractive  pictures  were  placed, 
contrasting  with  the  yellow  colour  of  the  rest  of  the  walls,18 
and  through  the  roof,  richly  adorned  with  reliefs,  the  blue 
sky  was  reflected  in  the  limpid  flood.  Gallus  entrusted  his 
clothes  to  the  slave  who  carried  after  him  the  ointment 
vessels,  stri'jiles,  and  linen  cloths,19  and  joined  in  the  plea- 
sures of  those  who  were  refreshing  themselves  in  the  trans- 
parent waters.  After  which,  he  was  anointed  with  oils  of 
a  sweet  perfume  in  the  adjoining  tepidarium,  and  then 
went  to  conduct  Lycoris  on  the  intended  excursion. 

On  the  shore  of  the  Lucrine  lake,20  whence  these  expe- 
ditions generally  started,  Gallus  found,  among  many  others, 


bath  described  by  Sidonius.  Epist. 
ii.  2  :  bi  hone  ergo  piscinamfl 
de  supercHio  mantis  elicitum  et  canal- 
ibv.s  circumactis  per  exteriora  na- 
tatorice  latera  curvatum  sex  fistula 
prominentes  leonum  simulatis  capi- 
tibus  effundunt,  qua  temere  ingressis 
Veras  dentiv.m  crates,  meros  oculo- 
rum  furores,  certas  cervicum  jubas 
imaginabuntur. 

18  The  frigidarium  in  Pompeii, 
too,  was  yellow,  though  not  furnished 
with  paintings. 

19  In  the  Mus.  Pio-Clem.  iii.  t. 
35,  we  see  such  a  slave  carrying  an 
oil-flask  and  strigil.  This  gives  a 
perfect  commentary  on  Persius.  v. 
126:  — 

I,  pner,  et  strigil  es  Crispini  ad  balnea  defer. 

50  The  Lucrine  lake,  as  it  was 
called,  was  nothing  but  a  bay  reach- 
ing far  inland,  and  separated  from 
the  sea  by  a  narrow  dam,  and  though 
often  called  by  the  Eoman  writers 
locus,  is  named  by  the  Greeks,  k6\ttos. 
See  Strabo,  v.  4  :  'O  5e  AoK/nVos  k6\- 
iros  TcXarvvtrai  jue'xP'   Baiav,   x^i"aTt 


eipyo/xevos     ctarb     ttj?     e£a>     oaAarrr;? 
OKTaffTaS'iCf.'     to     fxrJKOs,     ttKoltos     Si 
äua|iToC      irXaTeias.         EunrAouf     5' 
%XeL    7rAoioi?    4\a<ppoi9,    ivop[j.io~ao~dai. 
/uee  &xpT)nTOS,  rwv  oaTpeW  Se   Qrjpav 
I   ex^v    cupdovw-drT]!'.     Lake  Avernus 
i   was  connected  with  it,  ih.     Tals  Be 
Baiais   (Tvi/e^ris  Ö  re  AoKplvos  k6Kttos 
Kai  ivrbs  tovtov  o  "Aopyos  x^ppövr]- 
o~ov   iroiiv  tijv  airo\außavoixiv7}v   fj.4- 
Xpi    Mhttjvov   yrju  airb  T7Js   -rreAayias 
]    ttJs-    /j.era£u    Kv,ar]s    Kai    avrou.       On 
i   both,  parties  of  pleasure  used  to  be 
j   made,  as  may  be  gathered  from  Mar- 
tial, i.  63,  3:— 

Dum  modo  Lucrino,  modo  se  permittet 
Averno  : 

but  especially  on  the  Lucrine  lake, 
which,  from  its  calmness,  was  also 
called  stagnum.     Id.  iii.  20,  20  : — 

An  jestuantes  jam  profectus  ad  Baias 
Piger  Lucrino  nauculatur  in  stagno  ? 

Comp.  Ovid,  Art.  Am.  i.  255,  seqq. 
The  navigia  in  Cicero  and  Seneca 
allude  to  this,  and  on  this  account  it 
is  called  by  Mart.  vi.  43,  mollis  Lu- 
rrin  >/.-.-.  [ Agrippa  united  the  Lucrine 
and  Avernian  lakes  with  the  sea, 
Dio  Cass,  xlviii.  50;  Suet.  Oct.  16.] 


96 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VII. 


the  boat  which  had  been  hired  for  him.  It  was  the  pret- 
tiest there,  and  had  Aphrodite  herself  designed  it  for  her 
own  use,  she  would  not  have  decorated  it  otherwise.21 
The  gay  painting  of  the  planks,  the  purple  sails,  the 
ricroing  entwined  with  garlands  of  fresh  leaves  and  roses, 
the  merry  music  sounding  from  the  prow,  everything,  in 
short,  invited  to  joy  and  pleasure.  In  the  after  part  of  the 
skiff,  a  purple  awning  was  erected  on  tall  thyrsus-staves, 
and  under  it  stood  a  richly  loaded  table,  offering  all  the 
enjoyments  of  a  most  perfect  prandium  that  the  forum 
cupedinarium  of  Baise  could  supply. 

Lycoris  went  the  short  distance  to  the  lake  in  a  lectica, 
whilst  Gallus  repaired  thither  on  foot  with  two  friends 
whom  he  had  accidentally  met.  The  lady  looked  lovely  as 
the  goddess  of  flowers,  as  she  alighted.  Over  her  snow- 
white  tunica  were  thrown  the  ample  folds  of  an  amethyst- 
coloured  palla ;  round  her  hair,  which  wTas  most  skilfully 
ai-ranged,  and  fastened  with  an  elegant  gold  pin  in  the 
shape  of  a  winged  amor,  was  entwined  a  chaplet  of  roses. 
A  gorgeous  and  curiously  twisted  necklace  adorned  her  fair 
neck,  and  from  it  depended  a  string  of  pearls  also  set  in 
gold,  while  golden  bracelets,  in  the  form  of  serpents,  in 
whose  eyes  glittered  fiery  rubies,  encircled  her  well- 
rounded  arms.     Thus  led  by  Gallus,   with  her  right  foot 


21  The  skiffs  decked  with  various 
ornaments  are  likewise  mentioned 
by  Seneca,  Ep.  51 :  Haldtaturum  tu 
putas  unquam  fuisse  in  Utica  Ca- 
tonem,  lit  praternavig  antes  adulteras 
dinumeraret  et  adspiceret  tot  genera 
cyntbarum  variis  coloribus  picta  et 
fluitantem  tot  lacu  rosariis;  ut  audiret 
canentium  nocturna  convieia?  The 
purple  sails  are,  it  is  true,  not  men- 
tioned, yet  such  a  species  of  luxury 
is  easily  conceivable  at  Baise.  Call 
to  mind  only  what  Pliny  writes  (xix. 
1,  5)  of  Alexander's  fleet  and  of 
Antony  :     Stupuerunt    litora   flatu 


vcrsicoloria  implcnte.  Velo  purpu- 
rea ad  Aetium  cum  M.  Antonio  Cleo- 
patra venit  eodemque  effugit.  And 
Caligula  had  vessels  built  of  still 
larger  size,  Liburnicas,  versicolor ibus 
velis.  Seneca's  words,  fluitantem  toto 
lacu  rosam,  can  scarcely  be  taken  in 
their  proper  acceptation,  but  seem 
rather  to  allude  to  the  companies 
garlanded  with  roses,  and  the  adorn- 
ing of  the  vessels.  The  words  in 
which  he  and  Cicero  mention  music 
on  board  of  vessels,  have  been  al- 
ready quoted. 


Scene  VII.] 


A    DAY   AT   BALE. 


97 


first,22  in  compliance  with  the  warning  cry  of  the  boatmen, 
she  entered  the  festive  boat.  The  light  vessel  started 
merrily  into  the  lake,  where  the  occupants  of  a  hundred 
others  exchanged  greetings  as  they  passed.  They  rocked 
for  some  hours  on  the  tranquil  mirror,  whilst  the  men 
indulged  with  uncommon  relish  in  fresh '  oysters  from  the 
lake,  which  they  washed  down  with  the  noble  Falernian 
wine.  They  then  returned  to  Baiae,  where,  after  another 
bath,  G-allus  spent  a  delightful  evening  in  the  abode  of  his 
love.  Its  stillness  was  however  disturbed,  till  a  late  hour 
of  the  night,  by  the  noise  of  the  tabernce,  and  the  serenade 
of  many  a  lover,23  singing,  unheard,  at  the  closed  doors  of 
his  adored  one. 


22  It  was  one  of  the  innumerable 
superstitions  of  the  ancients  to  go 
■with  the  right  foot  foremost  into  any 
place.  Petron.  30.  His  repleti  vo- 
luptatibus  quicm  conaremur  in  tricli- 
nium i nt rare,  exclamavit  unus  ex 
pueris,  qui  super  Jwc  officium  erat 
jpositus:  Dextro  pede.  The  precept 
ofVitruvius,  iii.  8,  is  worth  attention: 
Gradus  in  fronte  eonstituendi  sunt, 
ut  semper  sint  impares :  namque,  cum 
dextro  pede  primus  gradus  ascendi- 
tur,  idem  in  summo  templo  primus 


erit  ponendus.     Juvenal  also,  x.  5, 
alludes  to  this, 

.  .  .  quid  tam  pede  dextro  concipis,  utte 
Conatus  nou  pooniteat  votique  peracti. 

Other  instances  have  been  cited  by 
Broukh,  on  Prop.  iii.  1,  6. 

23  It  is  not  necessary  to  determine 
■whether  the  canentium  nocturna  con- 
vicia,  in  Seneca,  Ep.  51,  refer  only  to 
such  serenades ;  but  at  all  events  th" 
custom  is  a  well-known  one,  and  they 
cannot  be  omitted. 


SCENE  THE  EIGHTH. 


THE    DISPLEASURE    OF    AUGUSTUS. 


GALLUS  passed  a  few  days  at  Baise  with  Lycoris  and 
some  friends,  who  happened  to  be  there,  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  agreeable  diversions  of  which  the  place  afforded 
a  rapid  succession.  He  then  returned  to  his  villa,  where 
Lycoris  promised  soon  to  join  him.  Hence  all  were  in  a 
bustle  at  the  villa,  some  in  arranging-  the  apartments  des- 
tined for  the  fair  one,  in  the  most  pleasant  manner  possible, 
others  in  decking  out  afresh  her  favourite  spots  in  the 
park,  and  contriving  here  and  there  something  new  to 
surprise  her.  Gallus  repaired  early  in  the  morning  to  that 
lovely  spot,  where,  amidst  a  cluster  of  rose-bushes,  *a 
charming  statue  of  Flora  had  been  erected  durino;  his 
absence  ;  the  goddess  was  placed,  as  it  were,  in  the  very 
centre  of  her  kingdom,  holding  dominion  over  the  lovely 
creations  of  her  power.  She  was  clad  in  a  light  and 
almost  transparent  tunica,  loosely  confined  by  a  girdle 
which  had  carelessly  sunk  down  to  her  hips.  Her  left 
hand  grasped  its  deeply-falling  border,  in  such  a  manner 
that  the  blooming  exuberance  of  the  figure  might  be  more 
than  guessed  at :  *  her  right  hand  held  a  luxuriant  garland 


1  The  beautiful  torso  found  at  the 
baths  of  Caracalla,  and  known  as  the 
Farnese  Flora,  served  as  the  model 
for  this  description.  Mus.  Borb.  ii. 
tab.  26.  The  master-works  of  Gre- 
cian art  were  often  mutilated  before 
they  came  to  Rome,  where  skilful 
artists  were  fortunately  found  to  re- 
store them.  So  says  Fliny  xxxvi.  5. 
4,  Timothei  manu  Diana  Bom<e 
est  in  Palatio,  Apollinis  dehibro,  cut 
signo  caput  rcposuit  Aidanius  Evan- 
dtr.    Pictures  too  were  restored,  but 


sometimes  spoiled  by  the  incompe- 
tency of  the  persons  employed,  as  the 
Tragcedus  et  puer  of  Aristides  (Plin. 
xxxv.  10,  36) ;  and  it  was  fortunate 
when  ihe  exquisiteness  of  the  work 
deterred  artists  from  attempting  to 
render  it  complete,  as  was  the  case 
with  the  Venus  of  Apelles  :  cujus 
inferiorem  partem  corruptam  quirefi- 
ceret,  non  potuit  reperiri.  We  must 
not  be  astonished  at  finding,  even  at 
that  period,  a  head  after  life  set  on 
an  ideal  statue  ;  although  it  M'as  not 


Scene  VIII.]        DISPLEASURE    OF   AUGUSTUS. 


99 


of  flowers,  destined,  it  would  seem,  to  encircle  the  temples 
of  a  most  lovely  head,  the  position  of  which  in  this  spot 
had  a  particular  significancy.  Gall  us  had  purchased  a 
splendid  specimen  of  art  in  a  mutilated  state,  and  had 
supplied  the  wanting  head  by  that  of  his  beautiful  mistress. 
The  likeness  of  Lycoris  was  well  caught,  and  whatever 
might  have  been  the  conception  of  the  original  sculptor, 
the  expression  of  the  countenance,  as  it  now  stood,  corre- 
sponded admirably  with  the  blooming  figure  and  propor- 
tions of  the  rest  of  the  statue. 

Gallus  was  occupied  in  giving  some  additional  orders 
about  the  surrounding  scene,  when  a  slave  announced  that 
a  courier  from  Pomponius  had  arrived,  and  desired  to  speak 
with  him.  He  seemed  to  be  in  haste,  it  was  added,  for  he 
had  travelled  in  a  light  cisium.2  Gallus  commanded  him 
to  be  introduced,  and  awaited  his  appearance  with  some 
uneasiness,  as  he  thought  that  something  important  must 


till  somewhat  later  that  the  scanda- 
lous abuses  of  the  works  of  Grecian 
art  became  prevalent ;  when,  for  in- 
stance, Caligula  designed  placing  a 
head  of  himself  upon  the  Olympic 
Zeus  by  Phidias,  Suet.  Ceil.  22,  57 ; 
when  Claudius  caused  the  head  of 
Alexander  to  be  cut  out  of  a  picture 
by  Apelles,  and  that  of  Augustus  to 
be  substituted  for  it,  Plin.  xxxv.  10, 
36 ;  and  when  Commodus  set  the  head 
of  himself  upon  a  colossus  110  feet 
high,  (not  that  of  Rhodes,  which  has 
never  been  set  up  again,  but  that 
which  Nero  caused  Zenodorus  to  erect 
as  a  portrait  of  himself,  and  which 
was  changed  under  Vespasian  or 
Hadrian  into  a  god  of  the  sun),  Plin. 
xxxiv.  7, 18;  Spart.  Hadr.  19 ;  Lam- 
prid.  Commod.  17;  Herodian.i.  15.  It 
does  not  matter  here  whether  the  Far- 
nese  statue  really  represents  a  Flora, 
on  which  point  opinions  differ,  as 
there  is  no  reason  why  this  goddess 


might  not  at  least  have  been  repre- 
sented in  such  a  manner. 

2  Augustus  had,  it  is  true,  estab- 
lished a  kind  of  post  communication 
between  the  provinces  and  Rome, but 
only  for  the  business  of  the  state. 
Suet.  Aug.  49.  Et  quo  eel  er  his  etc 
sub  raanum,  annuntiari  cognoscique 
posset,  quid  in  provinciei  epiaque  gere- 
retur,  juvenes  primo  modicis  inter- 
vcdlis  per  militares  vias,  dehinc 
vekicida  deposuit.  Commodius  id 
visum  est  ut  qui  a  loco  eidem  per- 
ferrent  literas  interrogari  quoque, 
sic  quid  res  exigerent,  possent.  The 
state  post  afterwards  received  a  great 
improvement. — There  were  also  cou- 
riers. It  is  very  natural  that  private 
persons  in  urgent  cases  should  have 
dispatched  tabellarii  in  vehicles  which 
were  easily  obtained  in  the  towns 
along  the  great  roads.  See  the  Ex- 
cursus on  the  Lectica  and  Carriages. 


h2 


100  GALLUS.  [Scene  VIII. 

have  happened  to  cause  Pomponius  to  dispatch  a  special 
messenger,  instead  of  availing  himself  of  the  constant 
communication  that  took  place  between  the  villa  and  his 
house  in  Rome. 

The  tabellarius  having  entered  and  delivered  his  letter, 
and  the  seal  having  been  found  correct,  Grallus  cut  asunder 
the  thread.  The  tablet  contained  only  a  few  words. 
*  Caesar  is  in  the  worst  possible  humour,'  wrote  Pomponius; 
'severe  decrees  against  you,  and  even  banishment,  are 
talked  of.  Hasten  as  quickly  as  possible  to  Rome,  in  order 
by  your  presence  to  prevent  the  impending  blow,  or,  if  too 
late  for  that,  to  take  measures  for  rendering  it  ineffec- 
tual. Calpurnius  is  beside  himself,  and  thinks  of  nothing 
but  revenge.  You  can  count  on  him  and  the  rest  of 
us  ; — but  speed.' 

The  tabellarius  had  stealthily  watched  him  whilst  he 
was  reading  these  lines,  and  seemed  prepared  for  the  deep 
impression  which  was  visible  in  every  feature  of  the  as- 
tounded Grallus.  'What  answer  shall  I  take  to  my  master?' 
inquired  he  of  the  latter,  who  seemed  struck  dumb. 

'  Take  him  my  thanks,'  replied  Gfallus,  collecting  him- 
self, 'and  inform  him  that  I  shall  soon  be  in  Rome  myself.' 

The  slave  departed.  '  Impossible  ! '  cried  Gallus,  as  he 
handed  the  letter  to  Chresimus,  who  had  just  approached. 
'  What  guilt  will  they  charge  me  with  ?  Have  we  come  to 
such  a  pass,  that  a  tyrant's  bad  humour  and  irritability 
shall  be  sufficient  ground  for  driving  a  free  and  deserving 
man  into  want  and  wretchedness  ?  No,  no  !  Pomponius,  in 
his  anxiety  for  his  friend's  fate,  paints  in  too  gloomy 
colours.     Do  you  not  think  so,  Chresimus  ?' 

The  old  domestic  tremblingly  returned  the  letter,  and 
tears  filled  his  eyes.  '  The  gods  send  this  blow,'  said  he, 
with  stifled  accents  ;  '  but  there  is  no  lack  of  wicked  men, 
and  of  false  friends,  also,'  added  he  significantly. 

'  Foolish  suspicion  ! '  replied  Grallus.  '  Are  you  like 
Lycoris,  who  not  long  since  tried  to  criminate  my  friend  ? 
Can  you  not  be  convinced  by  this  letter,  which  gives  me 


Scene  VIII.]        DISPLEASURE    OF   AUGUSTUS. 


101 


timely  warning,  while  so  many,  under  far  greater  obliga- 
tions to  me,  carelessly  allow  the  precious  moments  to 
elapse  without  sending  information  of  my  danger  ? ' 

'  That  Pomponius  should  have  gained  earlier  intelligence 
of  it  than  my  vigilant  Leonidas,  who  knows  a  hundred 
ways  of  catching  what  people  say  of  you,  is  exactly  what 
astonishes  me.  Would  he  have  been  less  speedy  in  giving 
you  information?' 

'  Enough  !'  said  Gallus,  angrily.-  '  Prepare  for  departure. 
You  must  accompany  me.  Select  the  lightest  cisium  I 
have,  and  send  off  one  of  my  Numidians  in  advance,  to 
order  everywhere  the  necessary  relays  of  horses.  Above  all, 
take  care  that  no  one  learns  the  cause  of  my  journey.' 


Chresimus  was  right.  No  one  but  Pomponius,  who  had 
himself  devised  the  secret  treachery  by  which  Ofallus  was 
to  fall,  could  have  obtained  such  early  intelligence  of  the 
success  of  his  schemes.  Nevertheless,  his  plans  had  only 
half  succeeded;  for  heavy  as  were  the  complaints  brought 
against  Gallus,  and  skilfully  as  his  unguarded  expressions 
had  been  made  use  of  to  prove  him  a  traitor  and  parti- 
cipator in  a  conspiracy,  yet  Augustus  had  not  been  able 
to  prevail  upon  himself  to  annihilate  one  whom  he  had 
formerly  esteemed.  Largus  and  Pomponius  had  counted 
on  his  banishment,  but  Augustus  had  confined  himself 
to  forbidding  the  accused  to  visit  his  palace,  or  stay  in 
his  provinces.3 

So  far,  his  accusers  had  not  gained  much ;  but   they 


s  Suet.  Aug.  76.  Ob  ingratum  et 
malevolum  animum  domo  et  provin- 
ciis  suis  interdixit.  Augustus  often 
did  this.  Seneca  (de  ira,  iii.  23)  re- 
lates, of  Timagenes,  who  had  spoken 
against  him  :  Scepe  ilium  Ceesar  mo- 
jiuit,  ut  moderatius  lingua  utere- 
tur :  ptrseveranti   domo   sua  inter- 


di.rit.  Tiberius  says,  (Tac.  Ann. 
iii.  12),  odero  seponamque  a  domo 
mca,  et  privatas  inimicitias  non  vi 
prineipis  ulciscar ;  and  ib.  vi.  29. 
Morem  fuisse  majoribus,  quotient 
dirimerent  amieitias,  interdicere  do- 
mo  cumque  finem  gratia  ponere,- 
Under  Augustus  such  a  renouncement 


102 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VIII. 


hoped  that  in  his  exasperation  he  would  be  led  on  to 
further  steps,  which  might  form  the  basis  of  severer  accu- 
sations. On  this  account  his  presence  at  Eome  was  de- 
sirable, and  so  Pomponius  had  tried  to  convince  him  of  the 
necessity  of  returning  thither,  before  the  imperial  edict 
was  made  known.  On  the  very  first  report  of  it,  Leonidas 
had  despatched  a  messenger  to  inform  Gallus  of  the  cir- 
cumstance. This  man  met  him  on  the  road  to  Eome,  and 
acquainted  him  with  the  position  in  which  matters  stood. 

Though  in  some  measure  deriving  comfort  from  the 
assurance  that  extreme  measures,  such  as  banishment, 
with  its  attendant  ills  of  want  and  misery,  were  not  to 
be  feared,  yet  the  humiliation  of  his  position  made  the 
strongest  impression  on  his  mind.  Banishment  would  have 
bowed  him  down  deeply,  but  the  disgrace  of  being  for- 
bidden the  house  of  him  to  whose  exaltation  he  had  so 
mainly  contributed,  whose  confidant  in  lighter  as  well  as 
more  important  affairs  he  had  always  been,  and  the  thought 
of  being  viewed  by  his  arrogant  rivals  with  scorn,  as  a 
fallen  favourite,  awoke  his  pride  in  all  its  intensity.  The 
news  made  a  different  impression  on  Chresimus,  who  sym- 
pathising heartily  with  his  lord,  yet  hoped  that  Augustus 
would  soon  be  convinced  of  the  invalidity  of  the  accusa- 
tions, and  that  Gallus  might,  by  the  intercession  of  true 
friends,  be  restored  to  his  former  position. 

By  the  evening  of  the  second  day  they  had  reached 
Eome,  where  the  domestics,  who  had  been  left  there,  in- 
formed by  the  Numidian  courier  of  their  master's  return, 


of  friendship  (renungiare  amicitiam) 
was  not  followed  by  the  desertion  of 
others.  Of  Timagenes,  Seneca  says : 
Postca  in  contubernio  Pollionis  Asi- 
nii  consenuit,  ac  tota  civitate  dilec- 
tus  est :  nullum  Uli  Urnen  frceclusa 
Ccesaris  domus  abstulit. — Nemo  ami- 
citiam ejus  cxtimuit ;  nemo  quasi  ful- 
guritum  rcfugit.  In  Seneca's  time 
it  was  therefore  clearly  otherwise. — 


Althoxigh  Gallus  was  forbidden  to 
reside  in  the  provinces  of  Augustus, 
(Suet.  47;  Dio  Cass.  liii.  12),  there 
was  nothing  to  prevent  him  from 
remaining  in  Rome  and  Italy.  Clau- 
dius was  the  first  to  issue  the  decree : 
ut  hi,  quibus  a  magistratibus  pro- 
vincicB  inter dicerentur,  xirbe  quoque 
et  Italia  submovcrentur .  Suet.  Claud. 
23. 


Scene  VIII.]        DISPLEASURE    OF   AUGUSTUS.  103 

were  waiting  for  him.  Grallus  did  not  receive  the  imperial 
edict,  as  it  had  been  sent  to  his  villa,  but  there  was  no 
doubt  about  the  fact  of  its  having  been  issued,  and  some 
even  professed  to  have  already  observed  the  effects  of  this 
declaration  of  Augustus.  Grallus  resolved  to  consult  his 
friends  on  the  following  day  as  to  the  line  of  conduct  best 
adapted  to  his  difficult  situation. 

The  morning  of  this  day  was  far  more  quiet  than  was 
usual  in  the  house  of  Grallus.  The  sunbeams  were  already 
gleaming  into  the  sleeping-apartment,  where  Gallus  lay 
awake,  contemplating  more  calmly  the  possible  conse- 
quences of  his  misfortune,  when  old  Chresimus  cautiously 
opened  the  door,  lifted  the  curtain,  and  saluted  his  master, 
whom  he  had  expected  to  find  still  asleep.  '  You  look  ill, 
Chresimus,'  said  Grallus.  '  Doubtless  your  anxiety  for  me 
has  prevented  you  from  sleeping  ;  but  be  calm.  After  all, 
what  does  it  matter  whether  the  house  of  Augustus  is  open 
to  me  or  not  ?  I  shall  still  continue  to  be  what  I  now  am  ; 
and  if  any  one  treats  me  haughtily,  I  shall,  be  assured, 
meet  him  with  all  befitting  disdain.' 

'  I  would  agree  with  you,  my  lord,'  replied  Chresimus, 
1  if  nothing  more  were  at  stake  than  retirement  from 
the  splendour  of  imperial  favour,  into  the  obscurity  of  pri- 
vate life  ;  but  take  care,  lest  the  present  misfortune  prove 
the  forerunner  of  sadder  occurrences.  Will  not  your  mode- 
ration be  interpreted  into  defiance  ?  Will  not  your  foes  be 
stimulated,  by  the  success  they  have  gained,  to  new  acts  of 
treachery,  and  at  last  induce  the  venal  senate  to  utter  its 
verdict  against  you,  whether  guilty  or  not?  Oh  !'  con- 
tinued he,  more  earnestly,  as  he  perceived  the  effect  his 
words  had  produced,  '  hear  the  counsel  of  a  faithful  servant. 
Divest  yourself  of  all  the  insignia  of  the  distinction  befit- 
ting your  rank.4  Throw  carelessly  around  you  the  worst 
and  oldest  toga  you  can  find,  and  publicly  display  the 
sorrow  with  which  the  interdict  has  filled  you.' 

4  In  the  same  manner  as  in  times  I  public  or  domestic  calamities,  the 
of  distress  and  mourning,  whether  for   i   sufferers  testified  their  affliction  by 


104 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VIII. 


'How!'  retorted  Grallus,  'humble  myself,  and  go  about 
in  dirty  garments,  like  a  criminal,  and  beg  for  mercy ! ' 

'  It  would  only  be  for  a  short  time,"1  said  the  servant. 
'  Apply  to  those  who  have  most  influence  with  Augustus. 
Let  Virgil  speak  for  you ;  and  if  you  succeed  in  effecting 
a  reconciliation  with  the  emperor,  and  in  restoring,  though 
in  appearance  only,  the  former  relations  between  you,  you 
can  laugh  at  your  enemies,  and  in  the  retirement  of  private 
life  escape  from  their  intrigues  ! ' 

The  warmth  with  which  the  faithful  old  man  uttered 
these  words,  seemed  to  make  a  deep  impression  upon  his 
lord.  Grallus  even  appeared  on  the  point  of  resolving  to 
follow  the  judicious  counsel,  when  a  cubicularius  an- 
nounced that  Pomponius  had  called,  and  desired  to  speak 
with  him.  Chresimus  prepared,  although  very  unwillingly, 
to  withdraw.  '  Oh  !  listen  not  to  him,'  I  conjure  you,  were 
his  words,  as  the  slave  disappeared  to  admit  the  visitor : 
'  follow  not  the  advice  that  he  will  give  you.  Would  that 
Lycoris  were  here  !  She  appears  to  know  some  secret  re- 
lating to  him,  and  intended  seeking  an  opportunity  at  the 
villa,  of  confiding  it  to  you.'  Pomponius  entered.  At  a 
sign  from  his  master,  Chresimus  slowly  retired  ;  but  it  was 
easy  to  read  in  his  countenance  the  curse  that  was  hanging 
on  his  lips. 

The  secret  conference  had  lasted  more  than  an  hour, 
when  Pomponius  at  length  quitted  the  chamber.  Chresi- 
mus, on  re-entering,  discovered  his  master  walking  to  and 
fro,  in  a  strong  state  of  excitement.  '  I  will  go  abroad, 
Chresimus,'  said  he.  '  Send  Eros  with  my  clothes.  Bid 
him  select  the  whitest  and  broadest  toga,  and  the  tunica  of 


sedulous  neglect  of  their  personal  ap- 
pearance; so  they,  over  whom  the 
danger  of  a  heavy  accusation  was  im- 
pending, appeared  in  sorry  apparel, 
with  disordered  hair,  and  divested  of 
all  insignia  and  ornaments,  sordidati. 


Liv.  vi.  20.  The  instance  of  Cicero 
is  known,  Plut.  30 :  KifSweiW  oiv 
Kal  SiwkSucvos  iodrjra  ixeTTjWa^e  Kal 
KWßrjs  avdwheccs  irepuwv  iKfreve  thv 
Srinov.  Comp.  ib.  31 ;  Dio  Cass, 
xxxviii.  16. 


Scene  VIII.]        DISPLEASURE    OF   AUGUSTUS.  105 

the  brightest  purple.  Not  a  word,  old  man  !  Your  advice 
was  well  meant,  but  the  present  is  not  the  time  for  de- 
meaning myself.     Send  Eros  to  me.' 

The  slave  came  with  the  tunica,  followed  by  two  others 
bearing  the  toga,  already  folded  in  the  approved  fashion, 
whilst  a  fourth  placed  the  purple  dress-shoes  near  the 
seat.  Eros  first  girded  the  under-garment  afresh,  then 
threw  over  his  master  the  upper  tunica,  taking  particular 
care,  as  he  did  so,  that  the  broad  strip  of  purple  woven  into 
it5  might  fall  exactly  across  the  centre  of  the  breast ;  for 
custom  did  not  permit  of  this  garment  being  girded.  He 
then,  with  the  assistance  of  another  slave,  hung  one  end  of 
the  toga,  woven  of  the  whitest  and  softest  Milesian  wool, 
over  the  left  shoulder,  so  as  to  fall  far  below  the  knee,  and 
cover  with  its  folds,  which  gradually  became  more  wide, 
the  whole  of  the  arm  down  to  the  hand.  The  right  arm 
remained  at  liberty,  as  the  voluminous  garment  was  passed 
at  its  broadest  part  under  the  arm,  and  then  brought  for- 
ward in  front ;  the  umbo,  already  arranged  in  an  inge- 
nious fashion,  being  laid  obliquely  across  the  breast  so  that 
the  well-rounded  sinus  almost  reached  the  knee,  and  the 
lower  half  ended  at  the  middle  of  the  shin-bone,  whilst  the 
remaining  portion  was  once  more  thrown  over  the  left 
shoulder,  and  hung  down  over  the  arm  and  back  of  the 
person  in  a  mass   of  broad  and  regular  folds.     Eros  was 


5  See  the  Excursus  on  Hie  Dress 
of  the  Men,  for  a  description  of  the 
clams  latus  and  angustus.  It  may  be 
doubted  whether  Gallus  possessed 
the  jus  lati  c/avi,  since  he  was  not 
entitled  to  it  either  by  birth  or  office, 
and  Augustus  had  made  him  prsefect 
of  Egypt  because  he  did  not  belong 
to  the  or do  scnatorius.  To  these  alone 


ttjs  f&ovXrjS  iXtrihi  iSwKi,  irpOTepov 
yap  ixovois,  ws  e'oi/ce  irtus,  Tails  e*c 
too  ßovAtvTiKOv  (pvAov  ")  eyevrifxevois 
tovto  iroiziv  itriv ;  see  also  the  in- 
scription found  in  Asia.  Ovid  had 
already  before  this  received  the  right ; 
Trist,  iv.  10,  28,  induiturque  hume- 
rus cum  lato  purpura  clavo ;  he  again 


did  the  j its  laticlavi  belong;  see  Dio  '■   however  either  lost   or  resigned  it 

Cass.lix.  4,  where  he  says  of  Caligula:  I   voluntarily,  because  he  was   not  of 

Kai   Tuny   avTwv   (rwv   lirniwv)   Kai  sufficiently  high  rank,  ib.  y.  35 :  clavi 

TTJ  e'<T0T7Ti  t?)    ßov\evTtKTJ,  Kai   nplv  j   mensura  coada  est,  Majus  erat  nos- 

aplai  riva  apxV,  5i'  rjs  is  tV  ytpou-  trig  viribus  illud  onus. 


106 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VIII. 


occupied  for  a  long  time  before  he  could  get  each  fold  into 
its  approved  position,  but  this  being  accomplished,  he 
reached  for  his  lord  the  polished  hand-mirror,  whose  thick 
silver  plate  reflected  every  image  with  perfect  clearness. 
Gallus  cast  but  a  single  glance  on  it,  allowed  his  feet  to  be 
installed  into  the  tall  shoes,  latched  with  fourfold  thongs, 
placed  on  his  fingers  the  rings  he  had  taken  off  overnight,6 
and  ordered  Chresimus  to  be  summoned. 

'  You  accompany  me,'  said  he  to  Chresimus,  who  was 
just  entering.  'I  intend  visiting  some  shops  in  the  Forum,7 
to  purchase  a  few  presents  for  Lycoris,  in  order  to  surprise 
her  on  her  return ;  give  instructions,  therefore,  for  four  of 
my  most  imposing-looking  slaves  to  follow  me.  No  orders 
require  to  be  given  about  my  dinner,  as  I  must  keep  my 
promise  to  Lentulus,  who,  with  all  his  folly,  is  not  one  of 
those  who  trouble  themselves  as  to  whether  Augustus  be 
displeased  with  me  or  not.  Here,'  continued  he,  as  he 
opened  a  closet,8  took  out  two  purses,  and  sealed  it  up 
again  with  the  key-ring,  'let  the  slaves  take  this  gold 
with  them ;  I  hope  it  will  be  enough  ;  if  not,  we  must  see 


6  Although  they  kept  the  signet- 
ring  on  at  night,  for  fear  of  its  being 
made  unfair  use  of,  yet  this  was  not 
the  case  with  those  which  were  merely 
ornamental.  Hence  Mart.  xi.  59, 
mentions  it  as  something  particular 
in  Charisianus,  nee  nocte  ponit  annu- 
los. 

7  In  the  most  frequented  streets 
and  places  of  Koine,  tabernce  were 
erected  against  the  houses  and  public 
buildings  ;  also  against  the  Forum. 
Juv.  vii.  132. 

Perque  forum  juvenes  longo  premit  assere 

Medos, 
Emturus  pueros,    argentum,     murrliina, 

villas. 

After  Agrippa  had   completed    the 
Septa  Julia,  the  most  splendid  maga- 


zines were  to  be  found  there.  At  least 
Martial  says  of  them,  ix.  60, 

Hie  ubi  Roma  suas  aurea  vexat  opes, 

From  this  epigram  almost  the  whole 
of  this  description  is  taken. 

8  The  area,  or  armarium,  wherein 
money  was  deposited,  was,  as  in  the 
case  of  thecellcB  and  other  repositories, 
not  only  locked,  but  also,  from  this 
not  being  considered  sufficient  se- 
curity, had  a  seal  placed  upon  it. 
Plaut.  Epid.  ii.  3,  3. 

Quin  ex  occluso  atque  obsignate  armario 
Decutio  argentum  tantum,  quantum  mihi 
lubet. 

For  this  purpose  there  was  mostly  a 
signet  attached  to  the  key-ring,  of 
which  great  numbers  are  still  extant. 


Scene  VIII.]        DISPLEASURE    OF   AUGUSTUS. 


107 


whether  Alphius9  will  give  credit  to  the  fallen  favourite. 
Chresimus  took  the  gold  in  silence,  and  departed. 

Gallus  had  good  reasons  for  selecting  the  tabernce  of 
the  Forum  as  the  direction  of  his  morning's  walk.  Irri- 
tated by  Pomponias,  who  had  insinuated  much  about  the 
displeasure  of  Augustus,  and  the  ridicule  of  the  distin- 
guished circles,  he  fancied  he  could  not  better  evince  his 
indifference  to  the  interdict,  than  by  appearing  in  all  the 
splendour  of  his  order,  at  the  very  focus  of  life  and  bustle, 
and  that  too,  for  no  weightier  purpose  than  to  purchase 
ornaments  and  trinkets  for  a  libertina.  He  soon  per- 
ceived, as  he  stalked  along  the  streets,  what  a  difference 
had  been  brought  about  by  a  single  word  from  the  Em- 
peror. Many,  who  at  former  times  pressed  forward  to 
meet  him,  passed  along  unconcernedly  or  shyly,  without 
noticing  him.  Proud  patricians,  who  had  no  other  merit 
to  boast  of,  but  the  glory  of  their  ancestors,  whose  images 
adorned  the  atrium,  cast  scornful  looks  upon  him,  whilst 
their  slaves  pointed  at  him  with  their  fingers.  Now  and 
then  only  would  some  worthy  citizen  or  intimate  friend 
approach,  to  express  their  sympathy  by  a  hearty  shake  of 
the  hand. 

Without  apparently  observing  these  indications  of  base- 
ness and  paltry  timidity,  Gallus  strode  proudly  through 
the  streets,  and  careless  of  the  crowds  that  beset  the 
Forum,  entered  the  shops  where  all  the  valuables  that 
streamed  into  Rome  from  the  most  remote  regions,  lay 
stored  up  in  rich  profusion.  These  tabernce  never  lacked 
a  number  of  visitors.  They  were  frequented  not  only  by 
such  as  really  intended  to  make  purchases,  but  also  by 
those  who,  full  of  repining  at  not  possessing  all  the  costly 
articles, l0  devoured  them  with  greedy  gaze,  demanded  to 


9  Alphius  was  the  name  of  the/a?- 
nerator,  known  from  Hor.  Epod.  ii., 
who  need  not,  however,  as  is  here  in- 
tended, have  been  an  argentarius. 


10  The  sorrowful  feelings  which 
arose  in  the  mindsof  many  on  behold- 
ing these  displays  of  finery,  is  beau- 
tifully described  by  Martial,  x.  80. 


108 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  VIII. 


see  every  thing,  made  offers  for  some  of  the  goods,  and 
ordered  others  to  be  put  aside,  as  if  chosen ;  whilst  others 
pointed  out  slight  defects,  or  regretted  that  they  did  not 
quite  suit  their  purpose,  and,  after  all,  went  away,  without 
purchasing  anything  beyond  mere  trifles.  In  the  tabernce 
of  the  slave-merchants  particularly,  there  were  persons 
who,  under  the  pretence  of  becoming  purchasers,  penetrated 
into  the  interior,  where  the  most  beautiful  slaves  were 
kept,  in  order  that  they  might  be  out  of  sight  of  ordi- 
nary visitors. 

Passing  these  tabernce,  Gallus  entered  one  where  costly 
furniture  was  exposed  for  sale  :  expensive  cedar-tables, 
carefully  covered  and  supported  by  strong  pillars,  veneered 
with  ivory ;  dinner  couches  of  bronze,  richly  adorned  with 
silver  and  gold,  and  inlaid  with  costly  tortoise-shell.  Be- 
sides these,  were  trapezophorce  of  the  most  beautiful  mar- 
ble, with  exquisitely-worked  griffins,  seats  of  cedar-wood 
and  ivory,  candelabra  and  lamps  of  the  most  various 
forms,  vases  of  all  sorts,  costly  mirrors,  and  a  hundred 
other  objects,  sufficient  to  furnish  more  than  one  house  in 
magnificent  style.  Some  one  who  hardly  meant  to  be  a 
purchaser,  was  just  getting  the  covers  removed  from  some 
of  the  cedar-tables  by  the  attendant,  but  he  found  they 
were  not  spotted  to  his  taste.     A  hexaclinon11  of  tortoise- 


Plorat    Eros,    quoties    maculosa    pocula 
myrrhse 
Inspicit,  ant  pueros,  nobiliusve  citrum, 
Et  gemitus  imo  ducit  de  pectore,  quod  non 
Tota  miser  coemat  Septa   feratque  do- 
mum. 
Quam  multi  faciunt,  quod  Eros,  sed  lumine 
sicco ! 
Pars  major  lacrymas  ridet,et  intus  habet. 

11  For  the  meaning  of  the  word 
kexaclinon,  consult  the  Excursus  on 
The  Triclinia.  Here  again  the  words 
of  Martial's  often-quoted  epigram 
(ix.  60)  are  the  ground-work  of  the 
description : 


Et  testudineum  mensis  quater  hexaclinon 
Ingemuit  citro  non  satis  esse  suo. 

From  this  epigram  we  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  olijects  exposed  for 
sale  in  these  tabernce.  Mamurra  there 
goes  about  inspecting  every  thing, 
and  finding  something  to  blame  in 
every  thing,  even  in  the  statues  of 
Polycletus,  then  selects  ten  Myrrhine. 
vases,  cheapens  other  things,  pre- 
tium  fecit, — which  custom  seems  to 
have  been  as  common  in  Eome  as 
amongstourselves, — and  at  last  buys 
two  miserable  glasses  for  an  as. 


Scene  VIII.]        DISPLEASURE   OF   AUGUSTUS.  109 

shell  seemed,  however,  to  attract  him  amazingly,  but,  after 
measuring  it  three  or  four  times,  he  said,  with  a  sigh, 
'  That  it  was,  alas !  a  few  inches  too  small  for  the  cedar- 
table  for  which  he  had  intended  it.'  Having  caused  several 
other  objects  to  be  reached  down  from  their  places  against 
the  wall,  he  at  last  departed  without  buying  any  thing. 
Gallus,  in  his  turn,  looked  over  the  stock,  but  seeing 
nothing  adapted  for  a  present  to  Lycoris,  left  the  shop, 
and  went  into  another.  In  this,  precious  metals  of  Corin- 
thian brass,  statues  by  Polycletus  and  Lysippus,  costly  tri- 
pods with  groups  of  figures  in  bronze,  and  similar  objects, 
were  displayed.  He  thence  proceeded  to  that  of  a  mer- 
chant, who  kept  for  sale  the  best  selection  of  gorgeous 
trinkets.  Beautiful  vessels  of  gold  and  silver ;  goblets,  of 
precious  stones  or  genuine  murvlia ;  ingenious  manufac- 
tures in  glass,  and  many-coloured  carpets  from  Babylon 
and  Alexandria ;  pearl  ornaments  for  females,  and  all  kinds 
of  precious  stones ;  rings  set  with  magnificent  cameos, 
engraved  emeralds  and  beryls ;  and  many  other  precious 
wares,  were  exhibited  in  such  profusion  that  it  was  difficult 
to  choose. 

Gallus  selected  a  pair  of  pearl  ear-drops  of  great  value, 
a  neck  ornament  of  the  most  beautiful  electrum,  a  pair  of 
pretty  glass  vessels,  and  one  of  the  richest  carpets.  He 
then  despatched  Chresimus  to  the  Vieris  Tuscus  to  pur- 
chase one  of  the  best  silk  robes.  '  Send  the  slave  with  my 
bathing  apparatus  to  the  house  of  Fortunatus,'12  said  he ; 
6  also  my  sandals,  and  a  synthesis ;  I  am  now  going  to  call 
upon  a  friend.'  With  these  words  he  dismissed  his  domestic, 
who  obeyed  in  silence,  and  took  charge  of  the  ornaments, 
while  two  of  the  slaves  bore  off  the  remainder  of  the  pur- 
chases.    The  others  followed  their  lord. 


12  Fortunatus,  the  owner  of  a  balneum  meritorium,  mentioned  by  Martial, 
ii.  14,  11. 


SCENE    THE   NINTH. 


THE  BANQUET.1 

THE  hour  of  the  ccena  had  arrived,  and  by  the  activity 
of  his  very  numerous  slaves  everything  was  prepared 
in  the  house  of  Lentulus  for  a  grand  reception  of  guests. 


1  Of  all  the  matters,  which,  in 
pursuance  of  the  plan  of  this  work, 
should  be  touched  upon,  none  appear 
of  so  critical  a  nature  as  the  descrip- 
tion of  a  Roman  banquet,  and  yet  it, 
above  all  others,  ought  not  to  be  omit- 
ted, considering  the  importance — 
not  merely  in  the  latest  times — that 
was  attached  to  everything  connected 
with  it.  The  analysis  of  the  habits 
of  the  Romans,  so  entirely  different 
from  our  own  in  this  respect,  the  ex- 
planation of  numerous  objects,  which 
were  important  in  their  daily  life,  and 
are  so  frequently  mentioned  in  their 
most  popular  authors,  in  short,  the 
antiquarian  research  itself,  is  attended 
with  much  interest ;  but,  as  the  dra- 
matic poet  can  introduce  on  the  stage 
nothing  more  tedious  than  banquets, 
(of  course  su"h  scenes  as  that  in 
Macbeth  are  an  exception,)  so  the 
description  of  them  must  always  be 
tiresome,  and  the  more  so,  when  the 
only  object  is  to  pourtray  the  exterior 
customs  of  a  class  of  persons.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  would  be  more 
dangerous  to  attempt  to  describe  the 
genuine  convivere,  the  actual  convi- 
viality, the  spirit  which  pervaded  the 
conversation  and  jests  of  the  banquet, 
instead  of  confining  oneself  to  the 
material  part  of  the  matter.  It  might 
be  more  feasible  in  the  Latin  tongue, 
but  in  a  modern  language  the  truest 
copy  of  antique  scenes,  especially  of 


common  life,  must  always  have  some- 
thing modern  about  it,  which  will 
render  it  disagreeable  to  the  taste  of 
the  literary  antiquary. 

There  is,  besides,  such  an  abund- 
ance of  apparatus,  attendance,  dishes, 
means  of  amusement,  out  of  which 
only  a  selection  can  be  made  in 
the  description  of  a  single  meal, 
and  great  caution  is  necessary  not  to 
under  or  over-do  any  thing,  and  to 
take  exaggerations  for  habits,  nor, 
on  the  other  hand,  to  consider  any 
thing,  to  us  improbable,  as  satire  or 
untruth. 

It  is  always  safer,  therefore,  to 
take  as  our  basis,  in  such  matters, 
some  antique  description,  even  though 
it  contain  many  eccentricities  and  ab- 
surdities, instead  of  usual  matters.  Of 
all  such  accounts,  the  detailed  one  by 
Petronius  of  the  ccena  Trimalchionis 
is  best  adapted  for  our  present  pur- 
pose, since  the  banquet  of  Nasidienus 
was  ridiculed  by  Horace,  because 
every  thing  there  was  unsuitable  and 
perverted.  Petronius  describes  an  un- 
usual ccena  at  the  house  of  a  man, 
whose  equal  in  prodigality  and  folly 
could  hardly  be  found,  and  therefore, 
although  the  satirist  may  have  ex- 
aggerated, we  unquestionably  learn 
best  from  him  what  the  general  habits 
were,  and  much  that  appears  absurd 
and  ostentatious  in  Trimalchio,  is 
shown,  by  passages  in  other  authors, 


Scene  IX.] 


THE    BANQUET. 


Ill 


The  fires  blazed  brightly  in  the  kitchens,  where  the  cook, 
assisted  by  a  number  of  underlings,  was  exhausting  all  his 
skill.  Whenever  the  covers  were  removed  from  the  vessels, 
a  grateful  odour,  more  inviting  than  the  smoke  of  a  fat 
burnt-offering,  diffused  itself  around,  and  ascended  on  high 
to  the  habitation  of  the  gods.2  The  pistor  and  structor 
were  occupied  in  arranging  the  dessert,  in  all  the  forms 
that  ingenuity  could  suggest,  while  the  first  course  was 
ready  for  serving. 

The  triclinium  had  been  placed  in  a  spacious  saloon, 
the  northerly  aspect  of  which  was  well  adapted  for  the 
time  of  year.  Around  a  beautiful  table,  covered  with  cedar- 
wood,  stood  elegant  sofas,  inlaid  with  tortoise-shell ;  the 
lower  part  decked  with  white  hangings  embroidered  with 
gold,  and  the  pillows,  which  were  stuffed  with  the  softest 
wool,  covered  with  gorgeous  purple.  Upon  the  seats, 
cushions,3  covered  with  silken  stuff,  were  laid  to  separate 
the  places  of  the  guests.  The  tricliniarch  was  still  arrang- 
ing the  side-tables,4  on  which  valuable  drinking-vessels 


to  hare  been  nothing  uncommon. 
Should  much  be  here  retained  that 
may  be  thought  pure  invention  of 
Petronius,  the  author  may  submit, 
that,  at  a  later  period,  still  stranger 
things  occurred,  and  therefore  that 
they  might  have  happened  in  the 
house  of  Lentulus.  It  would  not  be 
to  the  purpose  to  enter  here  into  a 
detailed  account  of  the  various  dishes, 
as  not  only  those  mentioned  by  Ho- 
race, Martial,  Juvenal,  and  Macro- 
bius,butalso  those  in  the  receipt-book 
of  Apicius,  must  then  be  described. 

2  The  cook  whom  Ballio  had 
hired,  speaks  thus  boastingly  of  his 
art,     Plaut.  Pseud,  iii.  2,  51 : 

Ubi  omnes  patinae  fervent, omnes  aperio  ; 
Is  odor  demissis  pedibus  in  ccclum  volat ; 
Eum  odorem  ceenat  Jupiter  quotidie. 

s  The    silken   cushions,  pulvini, 


on  which  they  supported  themselves 
on  the  left  elbow,  were,  perhaps,  not 
introduced  so  early  as  the  time  of 
Gallus,  but  they  are  mentioned  by 
Mart.  iii.  82,  7  : 

Jacet  occupato  galbanatus  in  lecto 
Cubitisque  trudit  hinc  et  hide  convivas 
Effultus  ostro  sericisque  pulvinis. 

4  The  abaci  and  Delphici  as  side- 
boards, are  spoken  of  in  the  Excursus 
on  the  Second  Scene.  It  need  only 
here  be  mentioned,  that  besides  the 
necessary  utensils,  many  things  were 
displayed  on  them  merely  for  show, 
the  proper  expression  for  which  is 
exponere.  Petr.  21 :  In  proximam 
cellam  ducti  sumus,  in  qua  tres  lecti 
strati  erant  et  reliquus  lautitiarum 
apparatus  splendidissime  expositus. 
lb.  22  :  Cecidit  etiam  mensa  cum  ur- 
gente    Comp.  Ib.  73. 


112 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  IX. 


were  displayed,  and  in  straightening  the  draperies  of  the  tri- 
clinium, when  his  lord  entered,  accompanied  by  the  guests. 
Lentulus  had  invited  only  six  friends,  but  Pomponius, — 
anxious  that  the  number  of  the  Muses5  should  occupy  the  tri- 
clinium, and  no  place  be  left  empty, — brought  with  him  two 
friends,  whom  he  introduced  as  gentlemen  from  Perusia.6 
'  It  is  long,  methinks,'  said  Grallus  to  his  courteous  host,  on 
entering, '  since  we  last  met  in  this  saloon  :  how  beautifully 
you  have  in  the  meantime  ornamented  it !  You  certainly 
could  not  have  chosen  a  more  appropriate  picture  for  a 
triclinium  than  those  satyrs,  celebrating  the  joyous  vintage : 
and  the  slain  boar,  a  scene  from  Lucania,  the  fruit  and  pro- 
vision pieces  over  the  doors,  and  between  them  the  elegant 
twio-s  on  which  thrushes  are  sitting, — all  are  calculated  to 
awaken  a  relish  for  the  banquet.' 

'  Yes,  really,'  interposed  Pomponius,  '  Lentulus  under- 
stands far  better  than  Calpurnius  how  to  decorate  a  dining- 
hall.  The  other  day  he  had  the  walls  of  his  finest  tricli- 
nium painted  with  the  murder  of  Hipparchus,  and  the 
death  of  Brutus ;  and  instead  of  agreeable  foliage,  threat- 
ening lictors  were  to  be  seen  at  every  corner.' 

'  He,  too,  is  right  in  his  way,'  said  Grallus ;  '  but  where 

is  he?  I  understood  that  you  had  invited  him,  Lentulus? ' 

<  He  was  unfortunately  pre-engaged,'  replied  the  other. 

<  But  we  shall  see  him  before  the  evening  be  over,'  added 


5  Varro  on  Gelliusxiii.  11,  writes, 
Convivarum  numerum  incipere  op- 
portere  a  Gratiarum  numero  et  pro- 
gredi  ad  Musarum,  i.  e.  proficisci  a 
tribus  et  consistere  in  novem. 

6  We  learn  from  Horace  and  Plu- 
tarch the  custom  hy  which  invited 
guests  frequently  took  uninvited  per- 
sons, called  w?w£ra,  with  them.  Heind. 
on  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  22.  This,  how- 
ever, generally  took  place  only  when 
the  host  had  left  it  to  his  guests'  op- 
tion to  do  so,  as  when  Hor.  Ep.  i.  o, 


30,  writes  to  Torquatus  :  Locus  est  et 
pluribus  umbris ;  and,  tu  quotus  esse 
velis  scribas.  Salmasius  thought  that 
the  lowest  places  on  the  lectus  imus 
were  allotted  to  them,  but  this  will 
not  apply  to  all  cases :  the  passage  he 
quotes,  Juv.  v.  17,  is  not  to  the  pur- 
pose, as  an  uninvited  client  is  there 
alluded  to.  In  Horace  the  two  um- 
bra introduced  by  Maecenas  lay  upon 
the  lectus  medius,  probably  out  of  re- 
gard to  him :  it  generally  depended 
upon  what  sort  of  people  the  umbra 
were,  and  by  whom  introduced, 


Scene  IX.]  THE    BANQUET.  113 

Pomponius.  '  As  our  friend  Farmius  is,  you  know,  averse 
to  sitting  late,  and  Lentulus  will  not,  I  am  sure,  let  us  go 
before  the  crowing  of  the  cock,  we  shall  be  one  short  at 
the  triclinium,  unless  Calpurnius  come  according  to  his 
promise,  and  fill  the  vacant  place,  so  soon  as  he  can  get 
released  from  his  formal  consular  supper.  But  I  scarcely 
think  we  ought  to  keep  the  cook  waiting  any  longer.  The 
tenth  hour  is,  I  verily  believe,  almost  elapsed.  Had  we 
not  better  take  our  seats,  Lentulus  ?' 

The  host  answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  conducted7 
(lallus  to  the  lowest  place  on  the  middle  sofa,  which  was 
the  seat  of  honour  at,  the  table.  At  his  left,  and  on  the 
same  lectus,  sat  Pomponius  ;  above  him,  Fannius.  The 
sofa  to  the  left  was  occupied  by  Bassus,  Faustinus  and 
Cascilianus.  To  the  right,  and  next  Grallus,  sat  Lentulus 
himself;  below  him,  the  Perusians  whom  Pomponius  had 
brought. 

As  soon  as  they  had  reclined,  slaves  took  off  their 
sandals,  and  youths,  with  their  loins  girded,  offered  water 
in  silver  bowls  for  their  ablutions.  At  a  nod  from  Lentulus, 
two  slaves  entered,  and  placed  upon  the  table  the  tray 
which  contained  the  dishes  composing  the  first  course. 
Lentulus  cast  his  eyes  with  secret  joy  around  the  circle,  as 
if  desirous  of  noting  the  impression  made  on  his  friends 
by  the  novel  arrangements  of  this  gustatorium,  the  inven- 
tion of  which  was  due  to  himself;  and,  indeed,  the  service 
was  worthy  of  a  nearer  observation. 

In  the  centre  of  the  plateau,  ornamented  with  tortoise- 
shell,  stood  an  ass  of  bronze,8  on  either  side  of  which  hung- 


7  There  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  any  general  rule  with  regard  to 
the  distribution  of  the  places :  in 
most  eases  the  host  left  it  to  each 
guest  to  choose  his  own,  but  in  others 
he  assigned  them.  Plutarch,  -who 
discusses  the  matter  in  a  special 
chapter,  (Sympos.  i.  2),  decides,  that 
it  ought  to  be  left  entirely  free  to 


intimate  friends  and  young  people 
to  choose  their  own,  but  not  so  with 
strangers  and  persons  deserving  par- 
ticular attention. 

8  Petron.  31  :  Cceterum  in  pro- 
mulsidari  asellus  erat  Corinthius  cum 
bisaccio  positus,  qui  habebat  olivas, 
in  altera  parte  albas,  in  altera  nigras. 


114 


GALLUS. 


[ScEXE   IX. 


silver  panniers,  filled  with  white  and  black  olives,  preserved 
by  the  art  of  the  cook  until  this  period  of  the  year  ;  on  the 
back  of  the  beast  sat  a  Silenus,  from  whose  skin  the  most 
delicious  garum  flowed  upon  the  swmen  beneath.  Near 
this,  on  two  silver  gridirons  lay  delicately-dressed  sausages, 
beneath  which  Syrian  plums,  mixed  with  the  seed  of  the 
pomegranate,  presented  the  appearance  of  glowing  coals. 
Around  stood  silver  dishes  containing  apparagus,  lactuca, 
radishes,  and  other  productions  of  the  garden,  in  addition 
to  lacerta,  flavoured  both  with  mint  and  rue,  and  with 
Byzantine  muria,  and  dressed  snails  and  oysters,  whilst 
fresh  ones  in  abundance  were  handed  round.  The  company 
expressed  their  admiration  of  their  host's  fanciful  invention, 
and  then  proceeded  to  help  themselves  to  what  each,  ac- 
cording to  his  taste,  considered  the  best  incentive  of  an 
appetite.  At  the  same  time  slaves  carried  round  in  golden 
goblets  the  mulsum,  composed  of  Hymettian  honey  and 
Falernian  wines. 

They  were  still  occupied  in  tasting  the  several  deli- 
cacies, when  a  second  and  smaller  tray  was  brought  in,  and 
placed  in  a  vacant  spot  within  the  first,  to  which  it  did 
not  yield  in  point  of  singularity.  In  an  elegant  basket 
sat  a  hen,  ingeniously  carved  out  of  wood,  with  outspread 
wings,  as  if  she  were  brooding.9  Straightway  entered  two 
slaves,  who  began  searching  in  the  chaff  which  filled  the 
basket,  and  taking  out  some  eggs,  distributed  them  amongst 
the  guests.  '  Friends,'  said  Lentulus,  smiling,  '  they  are 
pea-hen's  eggs,  which  have  been  put  under  the  hen  ;  my 
only  fear  is  that  she  may  have  sat  too  long  upon  them  ; 
but  let  us  try  them.'     A  slave  then  gave  to  each  guest  a 


9  Petronius  (33),  -whence  this^«^- 
lina  is  borrowed,  says,  gustantibus 
adhuc  nobis  repositormm  allatum  est 
cum  corbe,  in  quo  gallina  erat  lignea 
patentibus  in  orbem  alis,  quales  esse 
solent,  qua  incubant  ova.  The  first 
repositorium  was  not  removed,  and 


the  gallina  must  either  have  been 
placed  upon  it,  or  there  must  have 
been  room  enough  left  for  it  on  the 
table.  There  were,  however,  also 
repositoria  of  several  tabulata,  and 
one  might  consequently  have  been 
set  on  the  top  of  the  other. 


Scene  IX.]  THE    BANQUET.  115 

silver  cochleare,  which  was,  however,  found  almost  too  large 
and  heavy  for  the  purpose,  and  each  proceeded  to  break 
an  egg  with  the  point  of  it.  Most  of  the  party  were 
already  acquainted  with  the  jokes  of  Lentulus,  but  not  so 
the  Perusians.  '  Truly,  my  egg  has  already  become  a 
hen  ! '  cried  one  of  them  in  disgust,  and  about  to  throw  it 
away.  'Examine  a  little  more  closely,'  said  Pomponius, 
with  a  laugh,  in  which  the  guests  at  the  upper  sofa,  who 
were  better  acquainted  with  the  matter,  joined ;  'our  friend's 
cook  understands  well  how  to  dress  eggs  that  have  been 
already  sat  upon.'  The  Perusian  then  for  the  first  time 
remarked  that  its  shell  was  not  natural,  but  made  of  dough, 
and  that  a  fat  fig-pecker  was  hidden  in  the  yolk,  which 
was  strongly  seasoned  with  pepper.  Many  jokes  were 
made,  and  whilst  the  guests  were  eating  the  mysterious 
eggs,  the  slaves  again  presented  the  honey-wine.  When 
no  one  desired  more,  the  band,  which  was  at  the  other  end 
of  the  hall,  began  to  play,  as  a  sign  for  the  slaves  to  re- 
move the  gustatorium,10  which  they  proceeded  to  do. 

Another  slave  wiped  the  table  with  a  purple  colth  of 
coarse  linen,  and  two  Ethiopians  again  handed  water  for 
washing  the  hands.11  Boys,  wearing  green  garlands,  then 
brought  in  two  well-gypsumed  amphora;,  the  time-corroded 
necks  of  which  well  accorded  with  the  inscription  on  a  label 
hanging  round  them,  whereon  might  be  read,  written  in 
ancient  characters,  the  words  L.  Opirnio  Cos.  '  Discharge 
your  office  well,  Earinos,'  cried  Lentulus  to  one  of  the  boys. 
'To-day  you  shall  bear  the  cyathus.  It  is  Falernian,  my 
friends,  and  Opimianum,  too  ;  and  is,  as  you  know,  usually 


10  Petron.34:  Subito  Signum  sym- 
phonia  datur  et  gustatoria  par  iter  a 
choro  cantante  rapiuntur. 

11  It  is  not  certain  -whether  this 
took  place  after  each  fercuhem,  but 
Petronius  describes  it  after  the  pro- 
mulsio.  Subinde  intraverunt  duo 
.Ethiopes  capillati  cum  pusdlis  utri- 


bus,  quales  solent  esse,  qui  arenam 
in  amphitheatre)  spargunt,  vinum- 
que  dedere  in  rnanus ;  aquam  enitn 
nemo  porrexit.  No  further  mention 
is  made  of  the  usage  between  the 
courses,  but  it  may  easily  be  imagin- 
ed that  they  -washed  frequently  dur- 
ing the  meal,  as  they  used  no  forks. 


116  GALLUS.  [Scene  IX. 

clouded.'  '  It  was  bright  enough,'  said  Gallus,  '  when  the 
free  citizen  wrote  the  name  of  the  consul  on  this  label. 
Yet  it  only  shares  the  fate  of  the  age,  which,  like  it,  has 
also  become  clouded.'  The  Perusians  began  to  listen  atten- 
tively, and  Pomponius  cautiously  placed  his  finger  on  his 
mouth.  *  Actually,'  continued  he,  i  only  five  years  more, 
and  this  noble  juice  would  have  witnessed  a  century  pass 
away,  and  during  this  century  there  has  never  been  a 
growth  like  it.  Why,  Maximus,  your  great-grandfather 
was  consul  in  the  same  year  as  Opimius  ;  and  see,  here  is 
the  fourth  generation  already,  and  yet  the  wine  is  still  in 
existence.' 

f  Quite  right,'  replied  Maximus ;  ( my  ancestor  was 
consul  with  Opimius  ;  and  much  as  I  like  the  wine,  I  am 
yet  vexed  to  think  that  my  name  does  not  appear  on  the 
amphora.' 

'  Content  yourself,'  quoth  Grallus  ;  'there  are  more 
serious  accidents  in  life  than  that.'  '  Oh  ! '  quickly  inter- 
posed Pomponius,  '  let  us  end  this  grave  conversation. 
Only  see  how  Bassus  and  Caecilianus  are  longing  for  the 
contents  of  the  amphorae,  whilst  we  are  indulging  in 
speculations  about  the  label  outside.  Have  them  opened, 
Lentulus.' 

The  vessels  were  carefully  cleansed  of  the  gypsum,  and 
the  corks  extricated.  Earinos  cautiously  poured  the  wine 
into  the  silver  colum,  which  was  placed  ready,  and  was 
now  filled  again  with  fresh  snow,  and  then  mixed  it,  ac- 
cording to  his  master's  directions,  in  the  richly-embossed 
crater,  and  dipping  a  golden  cyathus  therein,  filled  the 
amethyst-coloured  glasses,  which  were  distributed  amongst 
the  guests  by  the  rest  of  the  boys. 

This  operation  was  scarcely  finished,  before  a  new  repo- 
sitorium  was  placed  upon  the  table,  containing  the  first 
course  of  the  cosna,  which,  however,  by  no  means  answered 
the  expectations  of  the  guests.  A  circle  of  small  dishes, 
covered  with  such  meats  as  were  to  be  met  with  only  at 
the  tables  of  plebeians,  was  ranged  around  a  slip  of  natural 


Scene  IX.]  THE    BANQUET.  117 

turf,  on  which  lay  a  honey-comb.  A  slave  carried  round 
the  bread  in  a  silver  basket,  and  the  guests  were  preparing, 
although  with  evident  vexation,  to  help  themselves  to 
chick-peas  and  small  fish,  when  at  a  sign  from  Lentulus, 
two  slaves  hurried  forward,  and  took  off  the  upper  part  of 
the  tray,  under  which  a  number  of  dishes,  presenting  a  rich 
selection  of  dainties,  were  concealed.  There  were  ring- 
doves and  field-fares,  capons  and  ducks,  mullets  of  three 
pounds  weight,  and  turbot,  and,  in  the  centre,  a  fatted 
hare,  which,  by  means  of  artificial  wings,  the  structor  had 
ingeniously  changed  into  a  Pegasus.  The  company  on  the 
lectus  summits  were  agreeably  surprised,  and  applauded 
the  host  with  clapping  of  hands,  and  the  scissor  immedi- 
ately approached,  and,  with  great  solemnity  and  almost  in 
musical  time,  began  to  carve.  Earinos,  meanwhile,  was 
diligently  discharging  his  functions ;  and  the  guests,  ani- 
mated by  the  strength  of  the  Falernian,  already  began  to 
be  more  merry.  On  the  disappearance  of  the  first  course, 
much  conversation  was  kept  up,  Gallus  alone  taking  less 
share  in  it  than  he  was  accustomed  to  do. 

But  no  long  interval  was  allowed  for  talking.  Four 
slaves  soon  entered  to  the  sound  of  horns,  bearing  the 
second  course,  which  consisted  of  a  huge  boar,  sur- 
rounded by  eight  sucking-pigs,  made  of  sweet  paste,  by 
the  experienced  baker,  and  surprisingly  like  real  ones. 
On  the  tusks  of  the  boar  hung  little  baskets,  woven  of 
palm  twigs,  and  containing  Syrian  and  Theban  dates. 
Another  scissor,  resembling  a  jager  in  full  costume,  now 
approached  the  table,  and  with  an  immense  knife  com- 
menced cutting  up  the  boar,  pronounced  by  Lentulus  to 
be  a  genuine  Umbrian.  In  the  meantime  the  boys 
handed  the  dates,  and  gave  to  each  guest  one  of  the  pigs 
as  apophoreta. 

'  An  Umbrian,'  said  one  of  the  guests  of  the  lectus  sum- 
mus,  turning  to  the  strangers,  'a  countryman,  or,  at  all 
events,  a  near  neighbour,  of  yours  then.  If  I  were  in 
your  place,  I  should  hesitate  before  partaking  of  it ;  for 


118 


GALLÜS. 


[Scene  IX. 


who  knows  whether,  by  some  metamorphosis,  one  of  your 
dear  friends  may  not  have  been  changed  into  this  animal.' 

'The  days  for  metamorphoses  are  past,'  replied  one  of 
them.  ( There  are  no  more  Circes,  and  the  other  gods  do 
not  trouble  themselves  much  about  mankind.  I  know  only 
one,  who  potently  rules  all  the  world,  and  can  doubtless 
bring  about  many  metamorphoses.' 

'  Do  not  say  so,'  Pomponius  quickly  added ;  '  our  friend 
Bassus  will  teach  you  directly  that  many  wonders  happen 
even  in  the  present  times,  and  that  we  are  by  no  means 
sure  that  we  shall  not  see  one  amongst  us  suddenly  assume 
the  character  of  a  beast.' 

'  Laugh  as  you  will,'  said  Bassus,  '  it  still  cannot  be 
denied.  Only  the  other  day,  one  who  was  formerly  a  slave 
to  a  man  in  humble  circumstances  at  Capua,  but  has  now 
become  a  rich  freedman,  related  to  me  a  circumstance 
which  he  had  himself  experienced ;  it  is  enough  to  make 
one's  hair  stand  on  end.  If  not  displeasing  to  you  I  will 
communicate  it.'12  The  company,  partly  from  curiosity, 
and  partly  wishing  for  a  laugh  against  Bassus,  begged  him 
to  tell  the  story,  and  he  thus  began : — 

'"When  I  was  a  slave,"  related  my  informant,  "I  hap- 
pened, by  the  dispensation  of  the  gods,  to  conceive  a  liking 
for  an  innkeejDer's  wife ;  not  from  an  unworthy  passion, 
but  because  she  never  denied  me  what  I  asked  for,  and 


12  The  thousand-fold  superstitions 
that  reigned  over  the  minds  of  the 
ancients,  are  shewn  by  the  belief  in 
omens,  soothsayers,  ghosts,  and  the 
effects  of  sympathetic  means,  diffused 
amongst  all  classes,  so  that  Horace, 
Epist.  ii.  2,  208,  in  naming  the  follies 
from  which  a  man  must  become 
emancipated,  asks — 

Somnia,  terrores  magicos,  miracula,  sagas, 
Noctumos  lemures  portentaque  Thessala 
rides  ? 

There   appear  to  have   been   fewer 
fabulous  histories,  such  as  our  fairy 


tales,  because  they  were  generally  in- 
cluded in  the  mythology,  and  thus 
rose  to  a  higher  significance.  The 
tales  here  taken  from  Petronius,  are 
interesting  proofs  that  the  ancients 
were  in  the  habit  of  telling  anecdotes, 
which  via.y  well  compete  with  our 
renowned  fairy  tales.  Many  such 
wondrous  occurrences  might  be  quot- 
ed from  Appuleius,  but  in  Petronius 
they  appear  as  objects  of  supersti- 
tion, although  only  amongst  the  lower 
classes,  but  this  is  not  the  ease  with 
the  Milesian  tales. 


Scene  IX.]  THE   BANQUET.  119 

anything  I  saved  and  gave  into  her  charge,  I  was  sure  not 
to  be  cheated  of.  Her  husband  had  a  small  villa  at  the  fifth 
milestone,    and,    as  it  chanced,  fell  sick  there  and  died. 
In  misfortune,  thought  I,  we  know  our  friends,  and  there- 
fore considered  how  I  could  get  to  my  friend  at  the  villa. 
My  master  was  by  accident    absent  from  Capua,  but    a 
stranger,  a  warrior,  was  stopping  in  our  house ;  of  him  I 
made  a  confidant,  begging  that  he  would  accompany  me 
in  the  night  to  the  villa,  and  he  consented  to  do  so.     We 
waited  for  the  time  of  the  cock-crowing,  and  then  stole  off; 
the  moon  was  shining,   and    it  was  as   clear  as   midday. 
About  halfway,  by  the  .side  of  the  road,  was  a  group  of 
sepulchral  monuments,  at  which  my  companion  stopped  on 
some  pretence  or  other ;  but  I  went  on,  beginning  a  song 
and  gazing  at  the  stars.     At  length  I  looked  round,  and 
saw  my  companion  standing  in  the  road.     He  took  off  his 
clothes  and  laid  them  down ;  then  went  round  them  in  a 
circle,  spat  three  times  upon  them,  and  immediately  became 
a  wolf."     '  Now  do  not  suppose  that  I  am  telling  you  a 
falsehood;    for  the  fellow  assured    me  that  it  was    pure 
truth.'     "  He  next,"  continued  the  man,  "  began  to  howl, 
and  then  dashed  into  the  thicket.     At  first  I  did  not  know 
what  to  do,  but  at  length  approached  for  the  purpose  of 
taking  the  clothes  with  me,  but  behold  !  they  had  become 
stone.     Horror-stricken,  I  drew  my  sword,  and  continued 
slashing  it  about  in  the  air  until  I  reached  the  villa.     I 
entered  the  house  breathless,  the  sweat  dropped  from  me, 
and  it  was  long  before  I  recovered  myself.    My  friend  was 
astonished  at  my  visiting  her  at  such  an  unusual  hour. 
'Had  you  only  come  sooner,'  said  she,  'you  might  have 
assisted  us;  for  a  wolf  has  been  breaking  into  the  villa 
and  destroying  several  sheep ;  but  he  did  not  escape  with 
impunity ;  for  my  slave  has  pierced  him  through  with  a 
spear.'    I  shuddered,  and  could  not  obtain  any  sleep  during 
the  night.     As  soon  as  it  was  day  I  hastened  homewards, 
and  saw,  on  reaching  the  place  where  the  clothes  had  lain, 
nothing  more  than  a  large  stain  of  blood ;  but  found  the 


120 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  IX. 


warrior  lying  in  bed  at  home,  and  a  surgeon  bandaging  his 
neck.  I  then  became  aware  that  he  was  one  of  those  whom 
we  call  versipelles  ,13  and  could  never  afterwards  eat  bread 
in  his  company."  This  was  the  man's  story,  in  recounting 
which  he  even  then  shuddered.  Say  what  you  will,  such 
things  often  happen.' 

The  company  laughed  and  jeered  at  the  narrator,  who 
endeavoured  by  philosophical  arguments  to  defend  his  cre- 
dulity. At  length  the  second  Perusian,  who  sat  in  the 
lowest  place,  said, '  Bassus  may  not  be  so  very  wrong,  after 
all ;  for  some  time  since  I  bought  a  slave  who  had  formerly 
lived  at  Miletus,  and  who  told  me  a  wonderful  story,  in  the 
following  words.  "  In  the  house  where  I  served,  a  child, 
a  boy — beautiful  as  a  statue — had  died.  His  mother  was 
inconsolable,  and  all  were  standing  mourning  round  the 
bed,  when  the  strigce  were  heard  shrieking  round  the 
house.  There  was  in  the  family  a  Cappadocian,  a  tall, 
daring  fellow,  who  had  once  overcome  a  mad  ox.  This 
man  having  seized  a  sword,  ran  out  of  doors,  with  his  left 
hand  cautiously  concealed  in  his  mantle,  and  cut  one  of 
the  hags  in  two.  We  heard  their  shrieks,  although  we  saw 
nothing;  but  the  Cappadocian  staggered  backwards  upon  a 
couch,  and  his  whole  body  became  as  blue  as  if  he  had  been 
beaten :  for  he  had  been  touched  by  the  hands  of  the 
witches.  He  closed  the  house-door  again,  but  when  the 
mother  returned  to  her  dead  child,  she  saw  with  horror 
that  the  strigse  had  already  taken  away  the  body,  and  left 
a  straw  doll  in  its  place." ' 

This  anecdote  was  received  with  no  less  laughter  than 


13  The  name  vcrsipellis  was  con- 
sidered as  a  term  of  abuse,  and  is  so 
used  by  Petron.  62.  Pliny  also  styles 
it  the  peculiar  designation  of  such 
persons,  viii.  22.  Homines  in  lupos 
verti  rursumque  restitui  süri,  falsum 
esse  confidenter  exist  imare  debemus, 
aut  credere  omnia,  qua  fahulosa  tot 
seculü  comperi?nus.    Undc  tarnen  ista 


vulffo  infixa  sit  fama  in  tantum,  ut 
in  maledictis  versipelles  habcat,  in- 
dicabitur.  There  was,  according  to 
Euanthes,  an  Arcadian  legend,  that 
each  member  of  a  certain  family  was 
changed  into  a  wolf  for  nine  years, 
and  after  that  period  again  resumed 
his  natural  shape. 


Scene  IX.] 


THE    BANQUET. 


121 


the  other.  Bassus  alone  bent  unobserved  towards  the  table, 
and  inwardly  besought  the  strigge  not  to  meet  him  on  his 
way  home.14 

Some  more  stories  of  a  similar  kind  would  perhaps 
have  been  introduced,  had  not  the  slaves  produced  a 
fresh  ferculum,  which,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  com- 
pany, contained  a  vast  swine,  cooked  exactly  like  the  boar. 
'  Ha ! '  cried  Lentulus,  rising  from  his  couch,  in  order  to 
inspect  it  more  closely,  '  I  really  believe  that  the  cook  has 
forgotten  to  disembowel  the  animal.  Bring  him  hither 
directly.'  The  cook  appeared  with  troubled  mien,  and 
confessed,  to  the  indignation  of  the  whole  party,  that  in 
his  hurry  he  had  forgotten  to  cleanse  the  beast.  '  Now, 
really,'  said  the  enraged  Caecilianus,  '  that  is  the  most 
worthless  slave  I  ever  beheld.  Who  ever  heard  of  a  cook 
omitting  to  gut  a  swine  ?  Were  he  mine,  I  would  hang 
him.'  Lentulus,  however,  was  more  leniently  disposed. 
'  You  deserve  a  severe  chastisement,'  said  he  to  the  slave, 
'  and  may  thank  my  good  humour  for  escaping  it.  But, 
as  a  punishment,  you  must  immediately  perform  the  neg- 
lected duty  in  our  presence.'  The  cook  seized  the  knife, 
and  having  carefully  slit  open  the  belly  on  both  sides,  gave 
a  sudden  jerk,  when,  to  the  agreeable  surprise  of  the  guests, 
a  quantity  of  little  sausages  of  all  kinds  tumbled  out.15 


14  Petron.  64.  Miramur  nos  et 
pariter  credimus,  oseulatique  mensam 
rogamus  nocturnas,  ut  suis  se  teneant, 
dum  redimus  a  ccena.  The  table  here 
supplied  the  place  of  the  altar,  as  in 
Ovid.  Armor,  i.  4,  27  : 

Tange  manu  mensam,  qno  tangunt  more 
precantes. 

A  similar  superstitious  usage  was 
that  of  touching  the  ground  with  the 
hand  at  mention  of  the  inferi.  Plaut. 
Most.  ii.  2,  37. 

15  The  whole  of  this  joke  is  to  be 
found  in  Petron.  49,  who,  however, 


relates  a  far  more  extraordinarypiece 
of  legerdemain,  performed  by  the 
cooks  on  the  boar,  c.  40.  Strictoque 
venatorlo  cultro  latus  apri  vehementer 
percussit,  ex  cujus  plaga  turdi  evola- 
verunt.  Such  absurdities  might  be 
taken  as  inventions  of  the  author,  had 
we  not  sober  witnesses  who  relate  the 
same  things  at  a  much  earlier  period. 
Macrob.  Sat.  ii.  9.  Cincius  in  sua- 
sione  legis  Fannies  ohjecit  sceculo  suo, 
quod  porcum  Trojanum  mensis  infe- 
rant,  quem  Uli  idea  sic  vocabant, 
quasi  aliis  inclusis  animalihus  gravi- 
dum,  ut  ille  Trojanus  equus  gravidus 


122  GALLUS.  [Scene  IX. 

'That  is  indeed  a  new  joke,'  cried  Pomponius,  laughing; 
*  but  tell  me,  why  did  you  have  a  tame  swine  served  up 
after  the  wild  boar  ?  ' 

'  If  the  remainder  of  my  friends  be  of  that  opinion,' 
replied  the  host,  'we  will  grant  him  his  liberty,  and  he 
may  appear  to-morrow  at  my  table  with  his  cap  on.' 16 

On  a  given  signal  the  slaves  removed  the  dish,  and 
brought  another  containing  peacocks,  pheasants,  the  livers 
of  geese,  and  rare  fish.  At  length  this  course  also  was 
removed,  the  slaves  wiped  the  table,  and  cleared  away 
with  besoms  of  palm-twigs 17  the  fragments  that  had  fallen 
on  the  floor,  strewing  it  at  the  same  time  with  saw-dust, 
dyed  with  minium  and  pleasant-smelling  saffron.18 

Whilst  this  was  being  done,  the  eyes  of  the  guests 
were  suddenly  attracted  upwards  by  a  noise  over-head ; 
the  ceiling  opened,  and  a  large  silver  hoop,  on  which  were 
ointment-bottles  of  silver  and  alabaster,  silver  garlands 
with  beautifully-chiselled  leaves  and  circlets,  and  other 
trifles,  to  be  shared  amongst  the  guests  as  apophoreta,19 
descended  upon  the  table.  In  the  meantime,  the  dessert 
had  been  served,  wherein  the  new  baker,  whom  Lentulus 
had  purchased  for  a  hundred  thousand  sesterces,  gave  a 


armatisfuit.  So  also  geese  were  filled       It  was  customary  to  strew  the  floor 
with  smaller  birds.  with   dved    or  sweet-smelling  saw- 


dust, or  something  similar.  Petron. 
68.  Scobem  croco  et  minio  tinctam 
sparserunt  (not  to  be  swept  away 
again)  et,  quod  nunquam  antca  vide- 
ram,  ex  lapide  spcculari  pulverem 
tritum.  The  absurd  Elagabalus  car- 
17  Luxury  extended  even  to  the  |  ried  his  prodigality  still  further, 
besoms,  which  were  made  of  palm-  [  Lamprid.  31.     Scobe  auri  porticum 


16  At  Trimalchio's  table,  the  boar 
c&me  ptfeatus,  as  a  freedman,  because 
it  had  appeared  ou  the  table  on  the 
preceding  day,  but  had  not  been  cut, 
a  convivis  dimissus. 


twigs.     Mart.  xiv.  82  : 

In  pretio  scopas  testatur  palma  fuisse. 
Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  83 : 


stravit  et  argenti,  dolens,  quod  non 
posset  et  electri;  idque  frequenter 
qvMxv.aque  fecit   iter   pedibus  usque 


Lapides  varios  lutulenta  rädere  palma.  a(l  eqUum  vel  carpentum,  tit  ft  hodie 

18  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  81  :  de  aurosa  arena. 

Vilibns  in  scopis,  in  rnappis,  in  scobe 

„     luantus  is  So  Petronius  relates,  60. 

Consistit  sumptus  '.   neglectis,  flagitium 
ingens. 


Scene  IX.] 


THE    BANQUET, 


123 


specimen  of  his  skill.  In  addition  to  innumerable  articles 
of  pastry,  there  were  artificial  muscles,  field-fares  filled 
with  dried  grapes  and  almonds,  and  many  other  things  of 
the  same  kind.  In  the  middle  stood  a  well-modelled  Ver- 
tumnus,  who  held  in  his  apron  a  great  variety  of  fruits. 
Around  lay  sweet  quinces,  stuck  full  of  almonds,  and  having 
the  appearance  of  sea-urchins,  with  melons  cut  into  various 
shapes.  Whilst  the  party  was  praising  the  fancy  of  the 
baker,  a  slave  handed  round  tooth-picks,20  made  of  the 
leaves  of  the  mastich-pistachio,  and  Lentulus  invited  the 
guests  to  assist  themselves  to  the  confectionary  and  fruits 
with  which  the  god  was  loaded. 

The  Perusians,  who  were  particularly  astonished  by  the 
gifts  of  Vertumnus  at  such  a  season,  stretched  across  the 
table,21  and  seized  the  inviting  apples  and  grapes,  but  drew 
back  in  affright  when,  as  they  touched  them,  a  stream 
of  saffron  discharged  from  the  fruit,  besprinkled  them.22 
The  merriment  became  general,  when  several  of  the  guests 
attempted  cautiously  to  help  themselves  to  the  mysterious 
fruit,  and  each  time  a  red  stream  shot  forth. 

'  You  seem  determined,'  exclaimed  Pomponius,  '  to  sur- 
prise us  in  every  way ;  but  yet  I  must  say,  Lentulus,  that 
in  this,  otherwise  excellent,  entertainment,  you  have  not 
sufficiently  provided  for  our  amusement.  Here  we  are  at 
dessert,  without  having  had  a  single  spectacle  to  delight 
our  e}res  between  the  courses.'  '  It  is  not  my  fault,'  replied 
Lentulus ;  •'  for  our  friend  Gallus  has  deprecated  all  the 
feats  of  rope-dancing  and  pantomime  that  I  intended  for 


20  The  stems  of  the  leaves  of  the 
mastich-pistachio,  lentiscus  (Pis- 
tacia  lentiscus  ;  Lin.),  made  the  best 
tooth-picks,  denti-sca/pia,  for  which 
quills  were  also  used.  Mart.  xiv. 
22,  Dentiscalpium. 

Lentiscum  melius  ;   sed  si  tibi  frondea 
cuspis 
Defuerit,  dentes  perma  levare  potest. 

Martial  frequently  mentions  them, 


as  iii.  82,  9,  vi.  74,  vii.  53. 

21  Plaut.  Mil.  in.  i.  167. 

Sed  procellunt  et  procumbunt  dimidiati, 
dum  appetunt. 

22  Petron.  60.  Omnes  enim  pla- 
centa omniaque  poma  etiam  minima 
vexatione  contacta  cceperant  effun- 
dere  crocum  ut  usque  ad  nos  molestus 
humor  accedtre. 


124  GALLUS.  '[Scene  IX. 

you,  and  you  see  how  little  he  shares  in  the  conversation. 
Besides,  the  sun  is  alreadv  nigh  setting,  and  I  have  had 
another  triclinium  lighted  up  for  us.23  If  no  one  will 
take  more  of  the  dessert,  we  may  as  well,  I  think,  repair 
thither  at  once.  Perhaps  the  cloud  which  shades  the 
countenance  of  our  friend  may  disappear  under  the  gar- 
land. Leave  the  Falernian  alone  at  present,  Earinos,  and 
await  us  in  the  other  saloon.'  The  youth  did  as  his  lord 
commanded,  and  just  at  that  moment  Calpurnius  entered, 
pouting  discontentedly  at  the  servile  souls  of  the  company 
he  had  left,  because  he  could  no  longer  endure  their 
'  Hail  to  the  father  of  our  fatherland  ! ' 

The  party  now  rose,  to  meet  again  after  a  short  time  in 
the  brilliant  saloon,  the  intervening  moments  being  spent 
by  some  in  sauntering  along  the  colonnades,  and  by  others 
in  taking  a  bath. 


23  Petron.  73:  Ebrietate  discussa  in  aliud  triclinium  deducti  sumus. 


SCENE    THE    TENTH. 


THE  DEIXKERS. 


THE  lamps  had  been  long  shining  on  the  marble  panels 
of  the  walls  in  the  triclinium,  where  Earinos,  with 
his  assistants,  was  making  preparations,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  tricliniarch,  for  the  nocturnal  comissatio.1 
Upon  the  polished  table  between  the  tapestried  couches 
stood  an  elegant  bronze  candelabrum,  in  the  form  of  astern 
of  a  tree,  from  the  winterly  and  almost  leafless  branches 
of  which  four  two-flamed  lamps,  emulating  each  other  in 
beauty  of  shape,  were  suspended.  Other  lamps  hung  by 
chains  from  the  ceiling,  which  was  richly  gilt  and  inge- 
niously inlaid  with  ivory,  in  order  to  expel  the  darkness  of 
night  from  all  parts  of  the  saloon.  A  number  of  costly 
goblets  and  larger  vessels  were  arranged  on  two  silver 
sideboards.  On  one  of  these  a  slave  was  just  placing 
another  vessel  filled  with  snow,  together  with  its  colum, 
whilst  on  the  other  was  the  steaming  caldarium,  contain- 
ing water  kept  constantly  boiling  by  the  coals  in  its  inner 
cylinder,    in    case    any    of  the  guests  should    prefer  the 


1  The  comissatio  was  a  co~"  v 
also,  and  the  Greek  avfnroaiov  an- 
swers better  to  it,  but  it  must  not  be 
confounded  with  the  carta.  The  name 
(derived  from  küixos,  Kw/xäCeiv)  de- 
notes a  carousal,  such  as  frequently 
occurred  after  the  repast.  In  Livy, 
xl.  7,  Demetrius  inquires  of  his  guests 
after  a  coma  at  his  own  house :  Quin 
comissatum  ad  f 'rat rem  imusl  And 
hence  it  is  said  of  Habinnas.  who 
after  the  cxna  at  another  house  went 
to  Trimalchio's.  Petron.  65;  eomis- 
sator  intravit.  Suet.  Bom.  21 :  Con- 
vivabatur  frequenter  ac  large,  sed 
pcene  raptim;  certe  non  ultra  solis 


occasum,  nee  ut  postea  comissaretur. 
These  co7nissationes  began  late,  and 
were  frequently  kept  up  till  far  into 
the  night,  and  attended  with  much 
noise  and  riot.     Martial  alludes  to 
this,  when  addressing  his  book,  x. 
19,  18, 
Seras  tutior  ibis  ad  lucernas. 
Haec  hora  est  tua.  cum  furit  Lyaeus, 
Cum  regnat  rosa,  cum  madent  capilli : 
Tunc  rne  vel  rigidi  legant  Catones. 
and  iii.  68, 

deposito  post  vina  rosasque  pudore, 

Quid  dicat,  nescit  saucia  Terpsichore. 
They  were  not  in  good  odour,  and  the 
name  was  connected  with  the  idea  of 
all  sorts  of  debauchery. 


12G 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  X. 


calda,  the  drink  of  winter,  to  the  snow-drink,  for  which 
he  might  think  the  season  was  not  sufficiently  advanced. 

By  degrees  the  guests  assembled  from  the  bath  and 
the  peristylum,  and  took  their  places  in  the  same  order 
as  before  on  the  triclinium.  Gallus  and  Calpurnius  were 
still  wanting.  They  had  been  seen  walking  to  and  fro 
along  the  cryptoporticus  in  earnest  discourse.  At  length 
they  arrived,  and  the  gloom  seemed  dissipated  from  the 
brow  of  Gallus ;  his  eyes  sparkled  more  brightly,  and  his 
whole  being  seemed  to  have  become  more  animated. 

'  I  hope,  my  friends,  you  have  not  waited  for  us,' 
said  he  to  Pomponius  and  Csecilianus,  who  reproached  him 
for  his  long  absence.  '  How  could  we  do  otherwise,' 
responded  Pomponius,  '  as  it  is  necessary  first  to  choose 
the  king2  who  shall  reign  supreme  over  the  mixing  bowl 
and  cyathus  ?  Quick,  Lentulus,  let  us  have  the  dice  di- 
rectly, or  the  snow  will  be  turned  to  calda  before  we  are 
able  to  drink  it.'  On  a  signal  from  Lentulus,  a  slave  placed 
upon  the  table  the  dice-board,  of  Terebinthus-wood,  the 
four  dice  made  from  the  knuckles  of  gazelles,3  and  the 
ivory  turret-shaped  dice-box.  '  But  first  bring  chaplets 
and  the  nardum,1  cried  the  host ;  '  roses  or  ivy,  I  leave 
the  choice  to  each  of  you.'  Slaves  immediately  brought 
chaplets,  both  of  dark-green  ivy  and  of  blooming  roses. 
'  Honour  to  the  spring,'  said  Gallus,  at  the  same  time  en- 
circling his  temples  with  a  fragrant  wreath  ;  '  ivy  belongs 
to  winter ;  it  is  the  gloomy  ornament  with  which  nature 


2  The  custom,  common  to  both 
Greeks  and  Romans,  of  choosing  a 
sym'poai&rch.,magist er,  or  rex  convivii, 
arbiter  bibendi,  who  prescribed  the 
laws  of  the  drinking,  is  well  known. 
He  fixed  not  only  the  proportions  of 
the  mixing,  but  also  the  number  of 
cyathi  each  person  was  to  drink. 
Hence  the  leges  insane,  Hor.  Sat.  ii. 
6,  69.  Cie.  Vtrr.  v.  11,  Iste  enim 
prator  severus  ac  diligens,  quipopuli 


Ilomani  legibus  nunquam  paruisset, 
Ulis  dUigcnter  h gibus,  qum  in  poculis 
ponebantur,  obtemperabat.  He  was 
generally  elected  by  the  throw  of  the 
dice,  tali,  and  of  course  the  Venus 
decided  it.  Hor.  Od.  ii.  7,  25.  Quern 
Venus  arbitrum  dicet  bibendi? 

3  We  find  a    tabula  terebintkina 

mentioned  in  Petron.33;  karparyaXia 
AißvK?is  Sopicbs  in  Lucian,  Amor.  884. 


Scene  X.]  THE    DRINKERS.  127 

decks  her  own  bier.'  '  Not  so,'  said  Calpurnius,  '  the 
more  sombre  garland  becomes  men.  I  leave  roses  to  the 
women,  who  know  nothing  but  pleasure  and  trifling.' 

'  No  reflection  on  the  women,'  cried  Faustinus,  from 
the  lectus  summus  ;  '  for  they,  after  all,  give  the  spice  to 
life,  and  I  should  not  be  at  all  grieved  if  some  gracious 
fair  one  were  now  at  my  side.  Listen,  Gallus  ;  you  know 
that  I  sometimes  attempt  a  little  poetry  ;  what  think  you 
of  an  epigram  I  have  lately  made  ? ' 

Let  woman  come  and  share  our  festal  joy, 
For  Bacchus  loves  to  sit  -with  Venus'  hoy  ! 
But  fair  her  form,  and  witty  he  her  tongue, 
Such  as  the  nymph's,  whom  Philolaches  sung. 
Just  sip  her  wine,  with  jocund  glee  o'erflow, 
To-morrow  hold  her  tongue — if  she  know  how  .H 

'  Very  good,'  said  Gallus  :  '  but  the  last  doctrine  will 
apply  as  well  to  men  ;  I  will  continue  your  epigram  : — 

And  you,  0  men  !  who  larger  gohlets  drain, 
Nor  draining  blush, — this  golden  rule  maintain. 
While  foams  the  cup,  drink,  rattle,  joke  away, 
All  unrestrained  your  boisterous  mirth  display. 
But  with  the  wreath  be  memory  laid  aside, 
And  let  the  morn  night's  dangerous  secrets  hide.'5 

'  Exactly  so,'  cried  Pomponius,  whilst  a  loud  aofyws 
resounded  from  the  lips  of  the  others;  'let  the  word  of 
which  the  nocturnal  triens  was  witness,  be  banished  from 
our  memory,  as  if  it  had  never  been  spoken.  But  now  to 
business.  Bassus,  you  throw  first,  and  he  who  first  throws 
the  Venus  is  king  for  the  night.' 

Bassus    collected  the  dice  in  the  box,    and  shook    it. 


*  Non  veto,  ne  sedeat  mecum  conviva 
puella : 
Cum  Veneris  puero  vivere  Bacchus  amat. 
Sed  tainen  ut  possit  lepida  esse  venustaque 
tota, 
Philolachis  quondam  quails  arnica  fait. 
Parciusillabibat ;  multum  lascivajocetur ; 
Cras  taceat,  mulier  si  qua  tacere  potest. 


'"  Te  quoque,  majores  cui  non  haurire 

trientes 

Sit  rubor,  liac  cautum  vivere  lege  velim. 

Dum  spumant  calices,  pota,  strepe,  lüde, 

jocare, 

VinctaquesitnullisMusaprotervamodis. 

Sedpudeat.posita noctis memiuisse corona  ; 

Non  sibi  sepc  niero  sauria  lingua  cavet 


128 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  X. 


'  Cytheris  for  me,'6  cried  he,  as  he  threw;  it  was  an  in- 
different cast.  '  Who  would  think  of  making  so  free  with 
the  name  of  his  beloved  !'  said  Faustinus,  as  he  prepared 
for  his  chance.  '  To  the  beautiful  one  of  whom  I  am 
thinking ;  take  care,  it  will  be  the  Venus.'  He  threw  ; 
loud  laughter  succeeded;  it  was  the  dog.  The  dice  passed 
in  this  manner  from  hand  to  hand  till  they  came  to  Pom- 
ponius.  '  Ah  !'  exclaimed  Lentulus,  as  Pomponius  seized 
the  box,  'now  I  am  anxious  to  know  which,  out  of  the  num- 
ber of  his  loves,  he  will  invoke, — Chione  or  Galla,  Lyde  or 
Neaera  ?'  '  Neither  of  them,'  answered  Pomponius.  'Ah  ! 
one,  three,  four,  six ;  here's  the  Venus  !  but  as  all  have 
not  yet  thrown,  another  may  be  equally  fortunate.'  He 
handed  the  dice  to  Gallus,  who,  however,  as  well  as  the 
Perusians,  having  declined  the  dignity,  Pomponius  was 
hailed  as  lord  over  the  crater  and  cyathus. 

'  Do  not  let  us  have  too  much  water  in  the  mixture,' 
said  Cascilianus ;  '  for  Lentulus,  you  know,  would  not  be 
sulky  even  should  we  drink  the  wine  neat.'  '  No,  no,' 
replied  Pomponius ;  '  we  have  had  a  long  pause,  and  may 
now  well  indulge  a  little.  Three  parts  of  water  and  two 
of  wine  is  a  fair  proportion,7  that  shall  be  the  mixture 


6  Plautus  frequently  mentions 
that  the  person  about  to  throw  the 
dice  invoked  the  name  of  his  mistress 
or  some  deity. 

Capt.  i.  1,  5. 
Amator,  talos  cum  jacit,  scortum  invocat. 

Asin.  v.  2,  54. 

Arg.    Jace,  pater,  talos,  ut  porro  nos 
jaciamus.    Dem.  Admodum. 
Te,  Philenium,  mihi  atque  uxori  mortem  : 
hoc  Venereum  est. 

Cure.  ii.  3,  77. 

Cur.   Provocat  me  in  aleam ;    ut    ego 
ludam,  pono  pallium, 
II  le  suum  annulum  opposuit :  iuvocat  Pla- 
nesium. 
I'h.    Meosne  amores?     Cur.    Tace  pa- 
rumper  :  jacit  vulturios  quatuor. 
Talos  arripio  :  invoco  almain  nieam  nutri- 
cem  Herculem. 


From  these  passages,  however,  we 
cannot  conclude  that  they  called  upon 
the  gods  ;  but  this  is  clearly  proved 
by  a  second  passage  from  the  Asi- 
naria,  iv.  1,  35,  where  it  said,  under 
the  conditions  of  a  contract,  which 
Diabolus  makes  with  his  arnica, 
Cum  jaciat,  Te  ne  dicat;  nomen  nominet. 
Deam  invocet  sibi,  quam    lubebit,    pro- 

pitiam  ; 
Deum  nullum. 

Nevertheless  these  passages  from  co- 
medies originally  Greek,  give  no  sure 
proof  that  it  was  a  Roman  custom ; 
but  probably  when  Gtcbco  more  bibere 
had  got  into  fashion,  this  habit  also 
was  adopted. 

7  The  proportions   of    the   wine 
and  water,  differed  according  to  the 


Scene  X.] 


THE    DRIXKERS. 


120 


to-night.     Do  you,  Earinos,  measure  out   five  cyathl  for 
each  of  us.1 

The  goblets  were  filled  and  emptied  amidst  jokes  and 
merriment,  which  gradually  grew  louder,  for  Pomponius 
took  care  that  the  cyathi  should  not  have  much  repose. 
'  I  propose,'  said  he  at  length,  when,  from  the  increased 
animation  of  the  conversation,  the  power  of  the  Falernian 
became  evident,  'that  we  try  the  dice  a  little.     Let  us 


frugality  of  the  drinkers.  The  Greek 
rule, 

ij   Tre't'Te  Trii'fii',  7]  TpC ,  r)  fxr]  Te'crtrapa, 

(■which  also  occurs  in  Plaut.  Stich,  v. 
4,  25),  •was  unintelligible  even  to  the 
later  -writers.  Plautus,  as  well  as 
others,  seems  to  have  understood  it 
of  the  number  of  cyathi  which  were 
drank,  as  the  context  explains : 

Ha.  Vide,  quot  cyathos  bibimus?  St.  Tot, 
quot  digiti  sunt  tibi  in  manum. 

Ha.  Cantio  est  Gra?ca  :  rj  77eVre  ttii/ ,  rj  rpca 
7tlu,  77  jxtj  Te'rrapa: 

but  most  of  the  later  authors  refer  it 
to  the  proportions  of  the  mixing,  al- 
though they  differ  in  their  explana- 
tions. Plut.  Sympos.  iii.  9.  irei/re 
— rpiwv  vBaros  Ktpo.vvvp.ivwv  Trpbs 
Svo  oivoxi.  rpia  —  Trpoaixi.yvvfj.4vuv 
Svdiv  ricraapa  Be  eis  eva  rpiwv 
vSaros  inL^fOfxei/uy.  Athen,  x.  p. 
426,  on  the  contrary:  f)  yap  Svo  wpbs 
■ntvre  irivtiv  (p-qal  Selv,  3)  eva  Trpbs 
Tpus,  -which  explanation  is  given 
afterwards  by  Eustath.  on  Odyss.  vs.. 
209,  although  he  cites  the  other  pro- 
portions of  mixingalso.  Several  other 
proportions  are  mentioned  in  Hesiod, 
Op.  596  : 

Tpis  &'  üäaTos  Trpo\eeiv,  to  Se  Tirparov 
l€,U€l>  olvov. 

So  also  Ion  in  Athenseus,  of  Bacchus, 
or  wine  : 

Xatpei  Kipiä/iffos  Tpicri  Nvp.$ais  Te'rparoj 
aiiros, 

which  is  supposed  to  be  just  the  pro- 


portion denoted  by  retrcrapa :  but  the 
half-and-half  mixture,  taov  io~w,  fre- 
quently commemorated  by  Athenae- 
us,  may  be  equally  well  understood. 
Another  proportion,  irivre  Ka\  Svo,  is 
thus  explained  by  him :  Svo  olvov 
Trpbs  ir-evre  vSaros  ;  but  in  the  Ana- 
creontic cited  by  him,  we  have :  ra 
/j.kv  Sv  iy^eas  vSarus,  ra  Ttivre  S' 
olvov,  where  others  read,  to  fxev  Sen' 
ey\e1.  The  custom  of  drinking  the 
wine  and  water  mixed  in  equal  pro- 
portions, iffoir  lau,  and  still  more,  of 
the  wine  unmixed,  was  reprehended. 
Far  less  is  known  of  the  strength 
usual  among  the  Eomans.  The  pas- 
sage in  Hör.  Od.  iii.  19,  11,  will  not 
resolve  the  matter,  tribus  aut  novem 
miscentur  cyathis  pocv.la  eommodis, 
&c.  It  is  only  certain  that  a  homo 
frugi  drank  the  wine  diluted,  that 
meracius  bibere  was  considered  not 
praiseworthy,  and  merum  bibere,  as 
the  mark  of  a  drunkard.  The  guests 
doubtless  mixed  their  wine  according 
to  their  tastes  ;  and  whilst  one  called 
for  meracius,  another  drank  almost 
water,  as  in  the  example  given  by 
Martial,  i.  107  : 

Interponis  aquam  subinde,  Rufe, 
Et  si  cogeris  a  sodale,  raram 
Diiuti  bibis  unciam  Falerni. 

;  This  passage  is  remarkable  for  the 
expression  cogere,  used  like  press, 
or  invite,  by  us,  and  for  the  Eomau 
name  uncia  for  eyathus. 


130 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  X. 


play  for  low  stakes,  merely  for  amusement ;  let  each  of  us 
stake  five  denarii,  and  put  in  another  for  every  ace  or  six 
that  may  be  thrown.  Whoever  throws  the  Venus  first, 
gains  the  whole  sum  staked.'  The  proposal  was  acceded 
to,  and  the  play  began.  *  How  shall  it  be,  Bassus  ?  '  said 
Pomponius,  'a  hundred  denarii  that  I  make  the  lucky 
throw  before  you.' 8  'Agreed,'  replied  the  other.  '  I  will 
also  bet  the  same  with  you,'  said  Gallus :  *  a  hundred 
denarii  on  each  side.'  e  And  I  bet  you  the  same  sum,' 
said  Lentulus  to  Gallus  ;  '  and  if  either  of  us  should  throw 
the  dog,  he  must  pay  double.' 

The  dice  went  round  the  table,  and  first  Cascilianus, 
and  then  one  of  the  Perusians,  won  the  pool.  The  bets 
remained  still  undecided.  When  Pomponius  had  again 
thrown,  he  cried,  'Won!  look  here,  each  dice  exhibits  a 
different  number.'  Gallus  took  the  box  and  threw.  Four 
unlucky  aces  were  the  result.  The  Perusians  laughed 
loudly ;  for  which  Gallus  darted  a  fierce  glance  at  them. 
The  money  was  paid.  '  Shall  we  bet  again  ? '  inquired  Len- 
tulus. '  Of  course,'  replied  Gallus ;  '  two  thousand  sesterces, 
and  let  him  who  throws  sixes  also  lose.'  Lentulus  threw ; 
again  the  Venus  appeared,  and  loud  laughter  arose  from 
the  lectus  imus.  By  degrees  the  game  became  warmer, 
the  bet  higher,  and  Gallus  more  desperate.  In  the  mean- 
time Pomponius  had,  unnoticed,  altered  the  proportions  of 
the  mixture.  '  I  am  now  in  favour  of  a  short  pause,'  said  he, 
'  that  we  may  not  entirely  forget  the  cups.  Bring  larger 
goblets,  Earinos,  that  we  may  drink  according  to  the  cus- 
tom of  the  Greeks.' 9     Larger  crystal  glasses  were  placed 


8  It  has  been  already  mentioned 
that,  betting  was  not  uncommon ; 
indeed,  this  is  evident  from  the  in- 
terdicts issued  against  it ;  and  the 
enormous  sums  often  lost  on  one 
game,  render  it  probable  that  there 
was  betting  at  the  same  time. 

9  The   chief   passage   respecting 


the  drinking  after  the  manner  of  the 
Greeks,  Graco  more  bibere,  is  Cic. 
Vtrr.  i.  26  :  Biscumbitur :  fit  sermo 
inter  cos  et  invitatio,  ut  Grceco  more 
biberetur  ;  hortatur  hospes  ;  poscunt 
majoribus  poeulis.  On  which,  Pius 
Asconius,  Est  autem  Grcecus  mos,  ut 
Grceci  dicunt,  ovfj.iru'iv  Kvadi^ofievovs, 
cum  mcrum  cyathis  libant  salutantes 


Scene  X.]  THE   DRINKERS.  131 

before  him.  '  Pour  out  for  me  six  cyathi,'10  cried  he.  '  This 


primo  deos,  dein  de  amicos  suos  nomi- 
nantes ;  nam,  toties  merum  bibunt, 
quoties  et  deos  et  caros  suos  nomina- 
tim  vocant.  Cicero  also  says,  Tusc. 
i.  40 :  Grceci  enim  in  convimis  solent 
nominare,  cuipocidum  tradituri  sunt, 
which  agrees  with  Athenseusx.,  ir\i}- 
puvvres  yap  irpotmvov  a.Wrj\ms  fie- 
to  trpoo-ayopevfftüis.  The  custom 
was,  that  a  person  pledged  the  cup  to 
another,  thereby  challenging  him  to 
empty  it,  at  the  same  time  uttering 
the  name  of  him  to  whom  the  cup  was 
given.  It  seems  to  have  been  pretty 
general,  but  Sparta  formed  an  excep- 
tion to  the  rule.  Athen,  x. :  ttpott6- 
creis  Se  ras  yivo/x4vas  tv  to?s  crvfj.- 
Troaiois  AaK(5ai/j.oi>lois  uxjk  r]v  edos 
iroielv,  ovTe  (piXoTt)<Jias  8ia  rovrtcv 
■npbs  öXAtjAous  TtoitioQai.  SrjAoi  5e 
ravra  Kpirias  h>  to?s  iKzytiois, 

Kai   TÖ5'    eöos   27räpT77  y.fkiTqp.0.  re  K€ip.(- 

VQV  €(771, 

irivtiv  7t\v  av7T|f  oirocfropov  KvAcxa* 
/i7)S'  Ö77o6iupei(TÖai  7Tpo7rö<rets  ÖvoiumttI  Ae- 
yovra. 

The  following  verses  mark  the  cus- 
tom : 

Kai  TrpoTTocreis  öpeyeiv  €7riSe'£ia  itai  Trpo/ca- 
i$ovonaK\r)Sriv,  <S    Trpomclv  iBiXei. 

The  poet  describes  the  usage  as  dan- 
gerous and  immoral,  as  it  naturally 
led  to  immoderate  indulgence ;  for, 
not  satisfied  withbeingforcedtodrink 
freely  on  account  of  the  mutual  chal- 
Li  ngi  s,  they  mixed  very  little  water, 
and  exchanged  the  smaller  for  larger 
pocula,  as  we  learn  from  Cicero. 
Comp.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  35.  Curculio 
also  says  (Plaut,  ii.  3,  81),  propino 
magnum  poculum ;  propinare,  and 
more  rarely  preebibere,  were  the  Ro- 
man expressions  for  irpotrlvav ;  per- 
haps also  invitare,  although  all  the 


passages  where  it  occurs  may  be 
otherwise  explained.  Plaut.  Rud.  ii. 
3,  32: 

Neptunus  magnis  poculis  hac  nocte  earn 
invitavit. 

10  The  drinking  of  the  names  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  proportions  of 
the  mixture,  nor  did  it  properly  be- 
long to  the  Grcecus  mos,  although  it 
may  have  thence  originated.  This 
bibere  nomen,  liter  as,  ad  numerum, 
has  often  been  erroneously  referred 
to  the  number  of  cups,  of  which  it 
was  thought  as  many  were  drunk  as 
the  name  had  letters.  We  must 
rather  suppose  the  number  of  the 
ci/afhi,  determined  by  the  letters  of 
the  name,  and  drunk  out  of  one  cup. 
Still  many  qiiestions  may  be  raised 
on  the  passages  of  Martial  from 
which  we  derive  almost  our  only  in- 
formation on  this  subject  :  the, 
plainest  of  which  is,  i.  72: 

Kaevia  sex  cyathis,  septem  Justina  bibatur, 
Quinque  Lycas,  Lyde  quatuor,  Ida  tribus. 

Omnis  ab  infuso  numeretur  arnica  Falerno, 
Et  quia  nulla  venit,  tu  mihi,  somne,  veni. 

The  question  arises,  whether,  if  the 
name  were  changed  in  the  vocative, 
the  number  of  cyathi  would  depend 
on  the  number  of  letters  it  then  had, 
or  on  the  entire  number  of  the  casus 
rectus.  Martial  speaks  in  favour  of 
the  latter,  xi.  36  : 

Quincunces  et  sex  cyathos  bessemque  biba- 
mus, 
Cai'us  ut  fiat,  Julius  et  Proculus  ; 

with  which  agrees  ix.  94.  On  the 
contrary,  in  viii.  51,  it  is  said  : 

Det  numerum  cyathis  Instantis  litera  Run  ; 

Auetor  enim  tanti  muneris  ille  mihi. 
Si  Telethusa  venit,  promissaque  gaudia  por- 
tat, 

Servabor  dominie,  Rufe,  triente  tuo. 


k  2 


132  GALLUS.  [Scene  X. 

cup  I  drink  to  you,  Gallus.  Hail  to  you!' ll  Gallus  replied 
to  the  greeting,  and  then  desired  the  cyathus  to  be  emptied 
seven  times  into  his  goblet.  '  Let  us  not  forget  the  absent,' 
said  he.  '  Lycoris,  this  goblet  I  dedicate  to  you.'  '  Well 
done,'  said  Bassus,  as  his  cup  was  being  filled.  'Now  my 
turn  has  come.  Eight  letters  form  the  name  of  my  love. 
Cytheris  ! '  said  he,  as  he  drained  the  glass.  Thus  the  toast 
passed  from  mouth  to  mouth,  and  finally  came  to  the  turn 
of  the  Perusians.  '  I  have  no  love,'  said  the  one  on  the 
middle  seat,  '  but  I  will  give  you  a  better  name,  to  which 
let  each  one  empty  his  glass  ;  Caesar  Octavianus !  hail  to 
him.'  12  '  Hail  to  him,'  responded  the  other  Perusian.  '  Six 
cyathi  to  each,  or  ten  ?  What,  Gallus  and  Calpurnius  ! 
does  not  the  name  sound  pleasant  to  you,  that  you  refuse 
the  goblet  ? '  'I  have  no  reason  for  drinking  to  his  wel- 
fare,' rejoined  Gallus,  scarcely  suppressing  his  emotion. 
' Keason  or  no,'  said  the  Perusian,  'it  is  to  the  father  of 
our  fatherland!'  'Father  of  our  fatherland  !'  screamed 
Calpurnius,  violently  enraged.  '  Say  rather  to  the  tyrant, 
the  bad  citizen,  the  suppressor  of  liberty  ! '     'Be  not  so 


,Sidubiaesi,septuiicetrahar;sifallitaman-  I         n    The    words    with    which   they 

tem'                                             ..  I    drank  to    a   person's    health,    were 

L't  juguleni  curas,  uomen  utrumque  bi-  ,                       ,r    ,„,       _         ,     .      , 

bam  bene  te,  or  bene  tibi.      1  hey  drained 

There  the  vocative  form   fixes  the  I    the  goblet  to  ihe  health  either  of 

measure,  as  the  trims  contained  four  one  or  of  the  yllole  company.    Plaut. 

cyathi,  and  the  word   septunx  will  &tich-  y-  4>  27  : 

not  allow  of  the  word  heing  taken  Bene  tos,  bene  nos,  bene  te,  bene  me,  bene 

in  a  more  general  sense.    Perhaps  it  nostrum  etiam  Stepbanium. 

made  a  difference  whether  the  person  ;   go  a]s0  pers;US;  v.  l,  20,  and  else- 

whose  health  was  drunk  were  absent  [   wnere> 

or  present.     The  passage  in  Plaut.  | 

Stick,  v.  4,  26  :  12  The  abject  senate  had  expressly 

Tim  propiuo  decuma  fönte,  tibi  tute  inde,  enjoined  that  both  at  public  and  pri- 

1  sapls '  '    rate  banquets  a   libation  should  be 

where  they  refer  the  unintelligible  '    made  tQ  Augustus.    Dio  Cass.  li.  19 ; 

decuma  to  the  name  of  Stephanium,  Qy{^  Fast.  ii.  637 : 

who  was  present,  can  (laying  aside  ! 

f           ,            A             j-      \  Et,  bene  nos,  patria?,  bene  te,  pater  optime, 

all    question    about    the    reading)  Csesar 

scarcely  allude    to    this  ;    for  Saga-  Dicite  suffuso,  sint  rata  verba,  mero. 

riuus  evidently  pledges  Stichus. 


Scene  X.]  THE   DRINKERS.  133 

violent,'  said  the  stranger,  with  a  malicious  smile  ;  '  if  you 
will  not  drink  it,  why  leave  it  undone.  But  yet  I  wager, 
Gallus,  that  you  have  often  enough  drunk  to  our  lord 
hefore  his  house  was  closed  upon  you.  It  certainly  is  not 
pleasant  when  a  man  thinks  he  has  made  the  lucky  throw 
to  find  the  dog  suddenly  before  him.'  '  Scoundrel ! '  cried 
Gallus,  springing  up,  'know  that  it  is  a  matter  of  entire 
indifference  to  me  whether  the  miserable,  cowardly  tyrant 
close  his  doors  on  me  or  no.'  '  No  doubt  he  might  have 
used  stronger  measures,'  quietly  continued  the  stranger ; 
'and  if  the  lamentations  of  the  Egyptians  had  made  them- 
selves heard,  you  would  now  be  cooling  yourself  by  a  resi- 
dence in  Mcesia.'  '  Let  him  dare  to  send  me  there,'  called 
out  Gallus,  no  longer  master  of  himself.  '  Dare  ! '  said  the 
Perusian,  with  a  smile,  '  he  dare,  who  could  annihilate  you 
with  a  single  word  ! '  '  Or  I  him,'  exclaimed  Gallus,  now 
enraged  beyond  all  bounds  ;  '  Julius  even  met  with  his 
dagger.'  '  Ah  !  unheard-of  treason  ! '  cried  the  second 
stranger,  starting  up  ;  '  I  call  the  assembled  company  to 
witness  that  I  have  taken  no  part  in  the  highly  treasonable 
speeches  that  have  been  uttered  here.  My  sandals,  slave ; 
to  remain  here  any  longer  would  be  a  crime.' 

The  guests  had  all  risen,  although  a  part  of  them 
reeled.  Some  endeavoured  to  bring  Gallus,  who  now  did 
not  seem  to  think  so  lightly  of  the  words  which  had 
hastily  escaped  him,  to  moderation.  Pomponius  addressed 
the  Perusians,  but  as  they  insisted  on  quitting  the  house, 
he  promised  Gallus  that  he  would  endeavour  to  pacify 
them  on  the  way  home. 

The  other  guests  also  bethought  them  of  departing; 
one  full  of  vexation  at  the  unpleasant  breaking  up  of  the 
feast,  another  blaming  Pomponius  for  introducing  such 
unpolished  fellows ;  Gallus  not  without  some  anxiety, 
which  he  in  vain  endeavoured  to  silence  by  bold  resolu- 
tions for  the  future. 


SCENE    THE    ELEVENTH. 


THE    CATASTKOPHE. 

THE  day  commenced  very  differently,  on  the  present 
occasion,  in  the  house  of  Grallus,  from  what  it  had  done 
on  the  morning  of  his  journey.  His  disgrace,  by  some  fore- 
seen, but  to  most  both  unexpected  and  looked  upon  as  the 
harbinger  of  still  more  severe  misfortunes,  formed  the  prin- 
cipal topic  of  the  day,  and  was  discussed  in  the  forum  and 
the  tabernse  with  a  thousand  different  comments.  The 
intelligence  of  his  return  to  Home  soon  became  diffused 
throughout  the  city ; '  and  the  loud  tidings  of  his  presence 


1  Although  the  ancients  had  no 
newspapers  to  disseminate  quickly 
the  news  of  the  day,  the  want  was 
in  some  degree  remedied  by  their 
public  style  of  living.  Much  more  of 
their  time  was  passed  from,  than  at, 
home.  They  visited  the  forum,  the 
piazzas,  and  other  places  of  resort ; 
they  met  each  other  at  the  baths,  the 
tabernce  of  the  tonsores,  the  mcdici, 
and  librarii,  and  thus  the  occurrences 
of  the  day  were  easily  passed  from 
one  to  another.  Itwas  therefore  quite 
possible  that  the  news  of  the  return 
of  Gallus  should  have  spread  over 
the  whole  city  by  the  following  day. 

[Another  compensation  for  our 
modern  newspapers  were  copies  of  the 
acta  diurna publica,  or  tirbana,  which 
were  dispatched  to  all  parts  of  the 
Roman  empire.  These  acta  or  chro- 
nicles of  Roman  diary  did  not  con- 
tain merely  important  events,  as  in 
earlier  times  did  the  annales  tnaximi, 
as  for  example,  new  laws,  appoint- 
ments, decrees  of  the  senate,  edicts  of 
the  magistrates,  &c. ;  but  also  many 
other  notices  of  minor  importance  in 
the  circle  of  the  day's  news,  as  an- 


nouncements of  festivals,  sacrifices, 
tires,  processions,  and  also  births, 
marriages,  divorces,  and  deaths.  They 
commenced  during  Caesar's  first  con- 
sulate,or  at  any  rate  not  much  earlier. 
Suet.  Cms.  20.  Their  compilation  was 
the  business  of  actuarii  appointed  for 
the  purpose  under  the  superinten- 
dence of  the  director  of  the  tabula 
publica  and  the  ararium.  After  the 
writing  down  was  finished,  the  tables 
of  chronicles  were  openly  exposed,  so 
that  any  one  could  read  and  copy 
them.  Thus  many  scribes  made  a 
business  in  writing  out  the  acta  for 
certain  persons  for  pay,  and  even  a 
greater  number  in  making  extracts 
from  them,  and  sending  their  copies 
to  their  subscribers,  even  in  the  most 
distant  provinces.  So  these  public 
chronicles  compensated  in  a  certain 
degree  for  the  modern  newspapers,  as 
appears  from  many  passages.  Tac. 
Ann.  xvi.  22,  Diurna  Populi  Eo- 
mani  "per  provincias,  per  exercilus 
curatius  leguntur,  ut  noscatur,  quid 
Thrasca  non  feccrit.  Cic.  ad  Fam. 
xii.  22,  23,  28,  etc.  Petronius,  53, 
gives  a  curious  copy  of  the  acta.] 


Scene  XI.] 


THE    CATASTROPHE. 


135 


should  have  collected  the  troop  of  clients  who,  at  other 
times,  were  accustomed  to  flock  in  such  great  numbers  to 
his  house.  On  this  day,  however,  the  vestibulum  remained 
empty  ;  the  obsequious  crowd  no  longer  thronged  it.  The 
selfish,  who  had  promised  themselves  some  advantage  from 
the  influence  of  their  patron,  became  indifferent  about  a 
house  which  could  no  longer  be  considered,  as  it  had  lately 
been,  the  entrance-hall  of  the  palace.  The  timid  were  de- 
terred by  fear  of  the  cloud  which  hung  threatening  over 
Gallus,  lest  they  themselves  should  be  overtaken  by  the 
destroying  flash.2  The  swarm  of  parasites,  prudently 
weicfhinsr  their  own  interest,  avoided  a  table  of  doubtful 
duration,  in  order  that  they  might  not  forfeit  their  seats 
at  ten  others,  where  undisturbed  enjoyment  for  the  future 
appeared  more  secure.  And  even  those  few  in  whom  feel- 
ings of  duty  or  shame  had  overcome  other  considerations, 
seemed  to  be  not  at  all  dissatisfied  when  the  ostiarius 
announced  to  them  that  his  master  would  receive  no  visitors 
that  day.  In  the  house  itself  all  was  quiet.  The  majority 
of  the  slaves  had  not  yet  returned  from  the  villa,  and  those 
who  were  present  seemed  to  share  the  grief  of  the  deeply- 
affected  dispensator. 

Uneasiness  and  anxiety  had  long  since  banished  sleep 
from  the  couch  of  Gallus.  He  could  not  conceal  from  him- 
self to  what  a  precipice  a  misuse  of  his  incautious  expres- 
sions would  drive  him,  and  that  he  could  expect  no  for- 
bearance or  secresy  from  the  suspicious-looking  strangers. 


2  Although  it  has  been  said  that 
the  fact  of  Augustus  having  repudi- 
ated a  man's  friendship,  was  not  ne- 
cessarily followed  by  the  desertion  of 
his  friends,  yet  this  was  not  exactly 
the  position  of  Gallus,  to  whom  the 
interdict  was  a  sort  of  favour,  in  place 
of  a  more  rigorous  punishment,  and 
hence  might  probably  cause  the  alien- 
ation of  friends.  Ovid  bitterly  com- 
plains of  those  who,  in  a  similar  case, 


abjured  their   friend   through  fear. 
See  Trist,  i.  8  and  9,  17. 

Dum  stetimus,  turbae  quantum  satis  esset, 
habebat 
Notaquidem,  sed  non  ambitiosa  domus  ; 
At  simul  est  impulsa,  omnes  timuere  rui- 
nam 
Cautaque  communi  terpa  dedere  fuga;. 
Sarva  nee    adniiror  metuunt  si  fulmina, 
quorum 
Ignibus  afflari  proxima  qmeque  vident. 


136  GALLUS.  [Scene  XT. 

Animated  by  the  dreams  of  freedom  with  which  Calpurnius 
had  entertained  him ;  half  enlisted  in  the  plans  which  the 
enthusiast,  sincerely  moved  at  the  misfortune  of  his  friend, 
had  proposed  to  him ;  highly  excited  by  the  strength  of 
the  wine  and  the  heat  of  play ;  and  stung  to  fury  by  the 
insolence  of  the  strange  guests,  he  had  suffered  himself  to 
be  drawn  into  an  indiscreet  avowal  which  he  was  far  from 
seriously  meaning.  On  calmer  reflection  he  perceived  the 
fol]y  of  all  those  bold  projects  which,  in  the  first  moment 
of  excitement,  seemed  to  present  the  possibility  of  averting 
his  own  fate  by  the  overthrow  of  the  tyrant ;  and  he  now 
found  himself  without  the  hope  of  escape,  in  the  power  of 
two  men,  whose  whole  behaviour  was  calculated  to  inspire 
anything  but  confidence.  His  only  consolation  was  that  they 
had  been  introduced  by  Pomponius,  through  whose  exer- 
tions he  hoped  possibly  to  obtain  their  silence  ;  for  Grallus 
still  firmly  believed  in  the  sincerity  of  his  friendship,  and 
paid  no  attention  even  to  a  discovery  which  his  slaves  pro- 
fessed to  have  made  on  the  way  homeward.  It  was  as 
follows: — His  road,  in  returning  from  the  mansion  of  Len- 
tulus,  passed  not  far  from  that  of  Largus  ;  and  the  slaves 
who  preceded  him  with  the  lantern  had  seen  three  men, 
resembling  very  much  Pomponius  and  the  two  Perusians, 
approach  the  house.  One  of  them  struck  the  door  with 
the  metal  knocker,  and  they  were  all  immediately  admitted 
by  the  ostiarius.  Gallus  certainly  thought  so  late  a  visit 
strange ;  but,  as  it  was  no  uncommon  thing  for  Largus  to 
break  far  into  the  night  with  wine  and  play,  he  persuaded 
himself  that  it  must  be  some  acquaintances  who  had  called 
upon  him  on  their  return  from  an  earlier  party. 

At  last  the  drowsy  god  had  steeped  him  in  a  beneficial 
oblivion  of  these  cares,  and  although  the  sun  was  by  this 
time  high  in  the  heavens,  yet  Chresimus  was  carefully 
watching  lest  any  noise  in  the  vicinity  of  his  bed-chamber 
should  abridge  the  moments  of  his  master's  repose.  The 
old  man  wandered  about  the  house  uneasily,  and  appeared 
to   be  impatiently  waiting  for  something.     In  the  atrium 


Scene  XL]  THE    CATASTROPHE.  137 

he  was  met  by  Leonidas,  approaching  from  the  door.  'Well, 
no  messenger  yet  ? '  he  hastily  inquired  of  him.  '  None,' 
replied  the  vicarius.  '  And  no  intelligence  in  the  house? ' 
Chresimus  again  asked.  '  None  since  his  departure,'  was 
the  answer.  He  shook  his  head,  and  proceeded  to  the 
atrium,  where  a  loud  knocking  at  the  door  was  heard. 
The  ostiarius  opened  it.  It  was  an  express  with  a  letter 
from  Lycoris.  'At  last,'  cried  Chresimus,  as  he  took  the 
letter  from  the  tabellarius.  '  My  lady,'  said  the  messenger, 
'enjoined  me  to  make  all  possible  haste,  and  bade  me  give 
the  letter  only  to  yourself  or  your  lord.  Present  it  to 
him  directly.'  'Your  admonition  is  not  wanted,'  replied 
Chresimus ;  '  I  have  been  long  expecting  your  arrival.' 

The  faithful  servant  had  indeed  anxiously  expected  the 
letter.  Although  Gallus  had  strictly  forbidden  him  from 
letting  the  cause  of  his  departure  from  the  villa  become 
known,  yet  Chresimus  believed  that  he  should  be  rendering 
him  an  important  service  by  acquainting  Lycoris  with  the 
unfortunate  occurrence.  She  had  at  Baias  only  half  broken 
to  him  the  secret,  which  confirmed,  but  too  well,  his  opinion 
of  Pomponius.  He  had  therefore  urged  her  not  to  lose  a 
moment  in  making  Gallus  acquainted,  at  whatever  sacri- 
fice to  herself,  with  the  danger  that  was  threatening  him, 
and  immediately  return  herself,  in  order  to  render  lasting 
the  first  impression  caused  by  her  avowal.  He  now  has- 
tened towards  the  apartment  in  which  his  master  was  still 
sleeping,  cautiously  fitted  the  three-toothed  key  into  the 
opening  of  the  door,  and  drew  back  the  bolts  by  which  it 
was  fastened.  Gallus,  awakened  by  the  noise,  sprang  up 
from  his  couch.  '  What  do  you  bring  ? '  cried  he  to  the 
domestic,  who  had  pushed  aside  the  tapestry,  and  entered. 
'  A  letter  from  Lycoris,'  said  the  old  man,  'just  brought  by 
a  courier.  He  urged  me  to  deliver  it  immediately,  and  so 
I  was  forced  to  disturb  you.'  Gallus  hastily  seized  the 
tablets.  They  were  not  of  the  usual  small  and  neat  shape 
which  afforded  room  for  a  few  tender  words  only,  but  by 
their  size  evidently  enclosed  a  large  letter.     '  Doubtless,' 


138  GALLUS.  [Scene  XI. 

said  he,  as  he  cut  the  threads  with  a  knife  which  Chresimus 
had  presented  to  him,  *  doubtless  the  poor  girl  has  been 
terrified  by  some  unfavourable  reports.'  He  read  the  con- 
tents, and  turned  pale.  With  the  anxiety  of  a  fond  heart, 
she  accused  herself  as  the  cause  of  what  had  befallen  her 
lover,  and  disclosed  to  him  the  secret  which  must  enlighten 
him  on  the  danger  that  threatened  him  from  Pomponius. 
Without  sparing  herself,  she  alluded  to  her  former  con- 
nexion with  the  traitor,  narrated  the  occurrences  of  that 
evening,  his  attempt  to  deceive  her,  and  his  villanous 
threats.  She  conjured  Gallus  to  take,  with  prudence  and 
resolution,  such  steps  as  were  calculated  to  render  harmless 
the  intrigues  of  his  most  dangerous  enemy.  She  would 
herself  arrive,  she  added,  soon  after  he  received  the  letter, 
in  order  to  beg  pardon  with  her  own  mouth  for  what  had 
taken  place. 

There  stood  the  undeceived  Gallus  in  deep  emotion. 
'  Eead,'  said  he,  handing  the  letter  to  the  faithful  freedman, 
who  shared  all  his  secrets.  Chresimus  took  it,  and  read 
just  what  he  had  expected.  '  I  was  not  deceived,'  said  he, 
'  and  thank  Lycoris  for  clearly  disclosing  to  you,  although 
late,  the  net  they  would  draw  around  you.  Now  hasten 
to  Csesar  with  such  proofs  of  treachery  in  your  hand,  and 
expose  to  him  the  plot  which  they  have  formed  against 
you.  Haply  the  Gods  may  grant  that  the  storm  which 
threatens  to  wreck  the  ship  of  your  prosperity  may  yet 
subside.' 

'  I  fear  it  is  too  late,'  replied  his  master,  '  but  I  will 
speak  with  Pomponius.  He  must  know  that  I  see  through 
him ;  perchance  he  will  not  then  venture  to  divulge  what, 
once  published,  must  be  succeeded  by  inevitable  ruin. 
Dispatch  some  slaves  immediately  to  his  house,  to  the 
forum,  and  to  the  tabernse,  where  he  is  generally  to  be 
met  with  at  this  hour.  He  must  have  no  idea  that  I  have 
heard  from  Lycoris.  They  need  only  say  that  I  particu- 
larly beg  he  will  call  upon  me  as  soon  as  possible.' 

Chresimus  hastened  to  fulfil  the  command  of  his  lord. 


Scene  XL]  THE    CATASTROrHE.  139 

The  slaves  went  and  returned  without  having  found  Poni- 
ponius.  The  porter  at  his  lodgings  had  answered  that 
his  master  had  set  out  early  in  the  morning  on  a  journey; 
but  one  of  the  slaves  fancied  that  he  had  caught  a  glimpse 
of  him  in  the  carina?,  although  he  withdrew  so  speedily 
that  he  had  not  time  to  overtake  him.  At  last,  Leonidas 
returned  from  the  forum ;  he  had  been  equally  unsuc- 
cessful in  his  search,  but  brought  other  important  intelli- 
gence, communicated  to  him  by  a  friend  of  his  master. 
'  An  obscure  report,'  said  this  man,  '  is  going  about  the 
forum,3  that  Largus  had,  in  the  assembled  senate,  accused 
Gallus  of  high  treason,  and  of  plotting  the  murder  of  the 
emperor  ;  that  two  strangers  had  been  brought  into  the 
curia  as  witnesses,  and  that  Augustus  had  committed  to 
the  senate  the  punishment  of  the  outrage.' 

The  intelligence  was  but  too  well  founded.  In  order 
to  anticipate  any  steps  that  Gallus  might  take  for  his 
security,  Pomponius  had  announced  to  Largus  on  the  very 
night  of  the  supper  with  Lentulus,  that  his  artifice  had 
met  with  complete  success.  At  daybreak4  Largus  repaired 
to  the  imperial  palace,  and  portrayed  in  glaring  colours 
the  treasonable  designs  which  Gallus,  when  in  his  cups, 
had  divulged.  Undecided  as  to  how  he  should  act,  yet 
solicitous  for  his  own  safety,  Augustus  had  referred  the 


s  The  acts    of   the    senate,  until  j    culo  manebat.     The  meaning  of  ma- 

publicly  proclaimed,  remained  äir6p-  tutina  vigilia   is   explained   by  the 

prjra,    not    to   be    divulged   by   the  t    preceding   words :     Si   interruptum 

members ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  somnum  recuperare,  ut   evenit,   non 

that  some  part  of  the  debate*  was  posstt,   lectoribus  aut   fabulatoribus 

often  suffered  to  transpire  previously.  |    arccssitis,    resumebat    producebatque 

ultra  primam   s<epe  lucem.      Other 

4  The  remark  of  Suet.   78,  about  emperors  gave  admission  to  distiu- 

Augustus,  will  admit  of  exception  in  guished    persons   long   before    day- 

a  particular  case :  Matutina  vigilia  break.     So  says  Pliny,  Epist.  iii.  5, 


offendcbatur,  ac  si  vel  officii,  vel  sacri 
causa  maturius  evigilandum  esset,  ne 
id  contra  commodum.  facirct,  in  prox- 
imo cujuscunque  domesticorum  coena- 


of  his  uncle,  Ante  lucem  ibat  ad 
Vespasianum  Imperator  tm ;  nam 
ille  quoque  noctibus  utebatur. 


140  GALLUS.  [Scenk  XI. 

matter  to  the  decision  of  the  senate,5  most  of  the  members 
of  which  were  far  from  displeased  at  the  charge.  It  is 
true  that  many  voices  were  raised,  demanding  that  the 
accused  should  not  at  least  be  condemned  unheard  ;  but 
they  availed  nothing  against  the  louder  clamour  of  those 
who  declared  that  there  were  already  previous  charges 
sufficient  to  justify  extreme  severity ;  and  that  they  them- 
selves should  be  guilty  of  high  treason  did  they,  by  delay 
or  forbearance,  expose  the  life  of  Caesar  and  the  welfare 
of  the  republic  to  danger.  The  result  of  the  debate  was 
a  decree,  by  which  Gallus  was  banished  to  an  inhospitable 
country  on  the  Pontus  Euxinus,  and  his  property  con- 
fiscated to  the  emperor.6  He  was  also  ordered  to  leave 
Rome  on  the  following  morning,  and  Italy  within  ten  days. 
At  the  seventh  hour  Calpurnius  rushed  into  the  house 
of  Gallus  bringing  confirmation  of  the  dread  decree,  and 
was  soon  followed  by  others  from  all  quarters.  Gallus 
received  the  news,  which  cleared  up  the  last  doubts  con- 
cerning his  fate,  with  visible  grief  but  manly  composure. 
He  thanked  his  friend  for  his  sympathy,  warning  him  at 
the  same  time  to  be  more  cautious  on  his  own  account  for 
the  future.  He  then  requested  him  to  withdraw,  ordered 
Chresimus  to  bring  his  double  tablets,  and  delivered  to 
him  money  and  jewels  to  be  saved  forLycoris  and  himself. 
Having  pressed  the  hand  of  the  veteran,  who  wept  aloud, 
he  demanded  to  be  left  alone.  The  domestic  loitered  for 
a  while,  and  then  retired  full  of  the  worst  forebodings. 


4  Suet.  Aug.  66,  says  only  :   Gallo  he  acceded  to  it ;  from  his  complaints 

quoque    et    accusatoruun    denuncia-  after  it  took  place,  we  may  rather 

iionibus  et  senatus  consultis  ad  ne-  I   conclude  the  contrary. 
eem  compulso.     Dio  Cass.  liii.  23,  is 

more  explicit :  Kcu  rj  yepovaia  airacra  6  Dio  Cass,  supra  :  Kal  6  fj.lv 
aXQvai  re  abrhv  ev  ro7s  BiKairT)piois,  irepia\yricras  iirl  tovtois  eavruv  ir pö- 
nal <pvyuv  rrjs  ovaias  creprjdevra,  I  KarexpveaTo.  Amm.  Marc.  xvii.  4 : 
Kal  laurriv  re  tw  AvyouffTca  SoOr/uat,  \  stricto  incubuit  ferro.  Ovid,  Amor. 
Kai    eauTovs     ßovövrrioai    e^/rj^i'craTo.  j    in.  6,  63  : 

It  is  nowhere  said  that  Augustus  was  |  sanguinis  atqneanime  predige,  OaUe,  tue. 
the  direct  cause  of  his  death,  or  that 


Scene  XI.]  THE    CATASTROPHE.  141 

Gallus  fastened  the  door,  and  for  greater  security 
placed  the  wooden  bar  across  it.  He  then  wrote  a  few 
words  to  Augustus,  begging  him  to  give  their  freedom  to 
the  faithful  servants  who  had  been  in  most  direct  attend- 
ance upon  him.  Words  of  farewell  to  Lycoris  filled  the 
other  tablets.  After  this,  he  reached  from  the  wall  the 
sword,  to  the  victories  achieved  by  which  he  owed  his 
fatal  greatness,  struck  it  deep  into  his  breast,  and  as  he  fell 
upon  the  couch,  dyed  yet  more  strongly  the  purple  coverlet 
with  the  streams  of  his  blood. 

The  lictor,  sent  to  announce  to  him  the  sentence  of 
banishment,  arrived  too  late.  Chresimus  had  already, 
with  faithful  hand,  closed  the  eyes  of  his  beloved  master, 
and  round  the  couch  stood  a  troop  of  weeping  slaves,  un- 
certain of  their  future  lot,  and  testifying  by  the  loudness 
of  their  grief,  that  a  man  of  worth  was  dead. 


SCENE    THE    TWELFTH. 


THE    GRAVE. 


THE  intelligence  of  the  melancholy  end  of  Gallus  soon 
reached  Augustus,  and  made  the  stronger  impression 
on  him,  from  several  influential  voices  having  been  already 
raised  in  disapproval  of  the  senate's  premature  and  severe 
decree,  and  expressing  doubts  as  to  the  sincerity  of  his 
accusers.  Now  that  Gallus  himself  had  decided  matters 
in  such  a  way  as  allowed  of  no  recall  or  mitigation  of  his 
sentence,  and  that  the  emperor  had  no  longer  any  anxiety 
for  his  own  safety,  the  consciousness  of  great  injustice 
having  been  committed,  took  its  place.  A  true  version  of 
what  had  passed  at  the  house  of  Lentulus  soon  got  abroad, 
and  it  became  by  degrees  established  that  Gallus  was  much 
less  guilty  than  had  been  supposed,  and  that  he  had  fallen 
a  victim  to  an  intrigue,  which  the  hostilely-disposed  senate 
had  embraced  as  a  welcome  opportunity  for  his  destruction.1 
Augustus  then  loudly  lamented  the  fate,  which  robbed  him 
alone,  among  all  men,  of  the  liberty  of  being  angry  with 
his  friends,  according  to  his  own  measure  and  will.2     He 


1  The  base  conduct  of  the  senate 
in  the  condemnation  of  Gallus,  is 
well  described  by  Dio  Cass.  liii.  24. 
Tb    St)  twv  iroWöJv  KißSriAov  Kai  c'k 

TOVTOV     8tTjAe'7X0TJ,      OTL       iKUvSu      T6, 

%v  Tews  €koAclkzvuv,  ovtw  r6re  Sie- 
6r\Kav,  &ctt€  Kal  aiiTOxeipia  ano- 
Gavtlv  auayKaffai,  Kai  vpbs  rbv  Adp- 
yov  aireK\tivav,  iTreiS-qwep  av^eiv 
tfpxeTO-  /AeAAovTes  irov  ita\  Kara  tov- 
tov  to  avra,  av  ye  re  toioutov  oi 
crvfißfj,  $rj<pie7oQat. 

2  See  Suet.  Aug.  66.  Scd  Gallo 
quoque  et  accusatorum  denunciatio- 
nibus  et  senatus  consultis  ad  necem 
compulse»,  laudavit  quidem  pietatem 


tantopcre  pro  se  indignantium  :  cce- 
terum  et  illacrimavit  et  vicem  suam, 
conquestus  est,  quod  sibi  soli  non 
Hard  amicis,  quantum  vellet,  irasci. 
Whether  the  complaint  of  Augustus 
was  sincere,  whether  his  grief  was 
real  or  pretended,  whether  he  consi- 
dered the  fate  of  Gallus  too  hard, 
or  whether,  after  all  anxiety  on  his 
own  account  was  at  an  end,  ho  played 
the  part  of  a  magnanimous  man,  can- 
notbe  decided  from  the  accounts  given 
us.  We  must  look  for  the  truth  in 
Dio  Cassius,  according  to  whom  Lar- 
gus  continued  to  rise  in  the  emperor's 
favour,  and  so  come  to  a  decision  as 
to  the  real  feelings  of  Augustus. 


Scene  XII  ] 


THE   GRAVE. 


143 


firmly  denounced  the  decree  which  made  him  master  over 
the  property  of  Gallus,  and  ordained  that  whatever  dispo- 
sition of  it  might  have  been  previously  made,  should  have 
full  effect.  The  senate,  with  the  same  alacrity  that  they 
had  entertained  the  accusation,  now  proceeded  to  declare 
that  all  guilt  had  been  effaced  by  his  death,  and  that 
nothing  should  stand  in  the  way  of  an  honourable  funeral.3 

In  the  other  parts  of  Eome  the  most  violent  indig- 
nation was  excited  by  the  news  of  the  death  of  Gallus  and 
of  the  treachery  employed  against  him.  Pomponius  was 
nowhere  to  be  found,  but  Largus  was  made  to  feel,  in  its 
full  measure,  the  contempt  due  to  his  villany.4  On  his 
appearance  next  morning  in  the  forum,  a  man  with  whom 
he  was  unacquainted  stepped  forward,  and  asked  whether 
he  knew  him.  On  Largus  replying  in  the  negative,  he 
called  his  companion  as  a  witness,  and  made  him  sign 
his  name  to  a  tablet  containing  this  avowal,  in  order  to 
be  secure  against  any  charge  which  Largus  might  bring 
against  him.  Another,  as  Largus  approached,  held  his  hand 
before  his  mouth  and  nose,  and  advised  the  bystanders  to 
do  the  same,  since  it  was  scarcely  safe  even  to  breathe  in 
the  vicinity  of  such  a  person.  Sincere  compassion  for  the 
unhappy  fate  of  Gallus  was  everywhere  evinced,  and  more 
especially  among  those  classes  which  had  not  found  in  his 
advancement  any  cause  of  envy. 

Profound  quiet  and  sincere  lamentation  reigned  in  the 


*  "We  need  not  stop  to  inquire 
how  far  truth  has  been  set  aside  for 
this  opportunity  of  describing  a  fune- 
ral. But  if,  according  to  Suetonius, 
a  declaration  was  made  by  Augustus 
concerning  the  treachery  employed 
against  Gallus,  then  such  a  repara- 
tion would  be  not  at  all  unlikely. 

4  These  facts  are  related  by  Dio 
Cass.  liii.  24.  'O  /xeVtoi  TlpoKoiAios 
o'ürw  irpjs  avrbv  taytv,  liar'  airayrrj- 


aas  irore  avrqi  rr]v  T6  plva  Kal  rb 
or6/j.a  rb  iavrov  rfj  xelPl  eirio"xfiv  • 
tv5eiKvv/j.evos  rots  avvovaiv,  Sti  litjo" 
avcnvvivcrai  rwi  -napbvros  avrov  aa- 
<pd\(ia  ttr).  aAAos  Se  Tis  TrporrrjAOe 
re  avT<S,  tca'nrep  ayvus  &>v,  ixera 
fxapTupoiv  Kai  enr,pero.  el  yvwpi^ot 
eavröv  eneiSi)  Se  e£r)pvt]naTO,  is 
ypanixaruov  ttjj/  apv-qniv  avrov  iae- 
ypatyev.  Sxrirep  Kai  e£bi>  rqi  KaKw 
Kal,  Sv  ovk  ijSei  Trpörepov,  avKofav- 
rfjaai. 


144 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  XI T. 


Louse  of  misfortune.  Before  the  doors  the  mournful 
cypress  had  some  time  before  been  placed, — a  sign  to  all 
who  approached,  that  one  of  the  occupants  of  the  house 
had  passed  into  the  region  of  shadows.  Within  doors,  the 
men  were  engaged  in  anointing  the  body,  and  in  endea- 
vouring to  efface  the  marks  of  the  last  struggle.  They 
afterwards,  with  the  help  of  Eros,  placed  on  it  the  purple- 
edged  toga,  and  adorned  the  brows  with  one  of  those  gar- 
lands which  the  valiant  warrior  had  gained  in  battle. 
This  finished,  they  laid  the  corpse  softly  on  its  last  bed, 
the  purple  coverlet  of  which  left  the  ivory  feet  alone 
visible,  and  then  set  it  down  in  the  atrium,  with  the  feet 
towards  the  door.  Close  by  the  body,  Arabian  incense5 
was  burnt  in  a  silver  censer,  and  a  slave  performed 
his  last  offices  to  the  departed,  by  driving  away  the 
flies  from  the  hands  and  feet  with  a  fan  of  peacock's 
feathers.6 

The  corpse  lay  in  state  for  several  days,  and  during 
that  time  the  remaining  preparations  were  made  for  the 
funeral,  which  Chresimus  had  commissioned  the  libiti- 
narius  to  celebrate  with  all  the  pomp  suitable  to  the  rank 
of  the  deceased.  Authorised  to  do  so  by  the  emperor, 
the  old  man  found  some  alleviation  of  his  grief  in  the  most 
careful  fulfilment  of  this  his  last  duty,  and  willingly  sacri- 
ficed a  portion  of  the  half  of  the  property  which  fell  to  his 
share,  that  nothing  might  be  wanting  which  could  increase 
the  splendour  of  the  solemnity. 

About  the  fourth  hour  of  the  eighth  day  a  herald 
proceeded    through    the    streets,  and    with  a  loud    voice 


5  Arabia  is,  as  is  known,  the 
fatherland  of  frankincense,  and  Saba 
was,  according  to  Pliny,  xii.  14,  30, 
the  regio  turifera  :  hence  Virgil, 
Georg,  ii.  116,  says: 

Solis  est  turea  virga  Sabasis. 

6  The  use  of  fans,  made  of  pea- 
cock's   and   other  feathers,   is   well 


known.  The  custom  here  mentioned 
does  not  apply  merely  to  the  apotheo- 
sis of  the  emperors ;  in  a  decree  of 
Justinian,  Cod.  vii.  6,  5,  it  is  said, 
Sed  et  qui  domini  funus  pileati  ante- 
cedunt  vel  in  ipso  leotulo  stantes  ca- 
daver ventilare  videntur,  si  hoc  ex 
voluntate  fiat  vel  testatoris  vel  lie- 
red  is,  fiaut  illico  cives  Roman  i. 


Scene  XII.]  THE   GRAVE.  145 

invited  the  populace  to  the  funeral,  and  the  games  attend- 
ant upon  it.  'A  Quirite,'  cried  he,  'is  dead.  Now  is  the 
time,  for  any  who  have  leisure,  to  join  the  funeral  pro- 
cession of  Cornelius  Grallus ;  the  corpse  is  being  carried 
from  the  house.'  The  summons  was  not  without  effect. 
A  crowd  of  sight-seers  and  inquisitive  people  flocked 
towards  the  house  and  the  forum  to  witness  the  spectacle, 
but  many  persons  were  to  be  seen  clad  in  dark-coloured 
togas,  a  token  that  the}'  wished  to  be  not  idle  spectators, 
but  assistants  at  the  ceremony. 

Meanwhile  the  designator,  supported  by  some  lictors, 
to  keep  off  the  crowd,  had  arranged  the  order  of  the 
procession,  which  already  had  begun  to  move  from  the 
house  in  the  direction  of  the  forum.  In  front  marched  a 
band  of  flute-players  and  horn-blowers,  who  by  pouring 
forth  alternately  plaintive  strains  and  spirit-stirring  music, 
seemed  at  one  time  to  express  the  sorrow  and  mourn- 
ing of  the  escort,  and  at  another  to  extol  the  greatness 
and  worth  of  the  deceased.  Next  followed  the  customary 
mourning-women,  who,  with  feigned  grief,  chanted  forth 
their  untutored  dirge  of  eulogy  of  the  departed.  Then 
came  a  number  of  actors,  reciting  §uch  passages  from 
the  tragedians  as  were  applicable  to  the  present  occur- 
rence. The  solemnity  of  the  scene  was  interrupted  only 
now  and  then  by  some  witty  buffooneries,  whilst  the 
leader  endeavoured  to  represent  the  defunct  in  dress, 
gesture,  and  manner  of  speech.  After  these  came  swarms 
of  hirelings  ;  there  followed  no  lengthy  train  of  glorious 
ancestors,  it  is  true,  but  freedmen  bearing  brazen  tablets, 
on  which  were  inscribed  the  victories  gained  by  the 
deceased,  and  the  cities  he  had  conquered.  These  were 
succeeded  by  others,  carrying  the  crowns  won  by  his 
deeds  of  valour,  and,  in  compliance  with  a  wish  which 
Grallus  while  living  had  often  expressed,  the  rolls  of 
his  elegies,  Avhich,  more  enduring  than  martial  renown 
and   honours,    have   handed    down   his   name   to   poste- 

L 


146 


GALLUS. 


[Scene  XII. 


rity.7  After  all  these  came  the  lectus  itself,  with  the 
corpse  borne  by  eight  freedraen,  and  followed  by  Chresi- 
rnus,  and,  with  few  exceptions,  the  rest  of  the  family,  with 
hat  on  head,  a  sign  of  that  freedom  which  had  been  be- 
queathed to  them  in  their  master's  will.  The  cavalcade 
was'  finished  by  his  friends  and  many  citizeDS  who,  though 
not  intimate  with  Grallus,  bewailed  his  death  as  a  public 
calamity. 

Having  arrived  at  the  forum,  the  bearers  set  the  lectus 
down  before  the  rostra,  and  the  cavalcade  formed  a  semi- 
circle round  it.  A  friend  of  many  years'  standing  then 
mounted  the  stage,  and  pictured  with  feeling  and  eloquence 
the  merits  of  the  deceased,  as  a  warrior,  a  citizen,  a  poet, 
and  a  man,  throwing  in  but  a  slight  allusion  to  the  recent 
event.  It  was  not  one  of  those  artificial  panegyrics  which 
too  often  sought  to  heap  unmerited  glory  on  the  dead,  at 
the  expense  of  truth ;  but  all  who  heard  him  were  bound 
to  confess  that  the  words  he  spoke  bore  a  simple  and  honest 
testimony  to  the  life  and  actions  of  a  deserving  man. 

This  act  of  friendship  having  been  performed,  the  pro- 
cession was  re-formed,  and  moved  onwards  to  the  monu- 
ment which  Gallus  had  erected  for  himself  on  the  Appian 
Way.8  There  the  funeral  pile,  made  of  dried  fir-trees, 
and  hung  round  with  festoons  and  tapestry,  had  been 
erected,  and  the  whole  encompassed  by  a  circle  of  cypress- 
trees.  The  bearers  lifted  the  lectus  upon  it,  whilst  others 
poured  precious  ointments  on  the  corpse  from  boxes  of 


7  Taken  from  Propertius,  ii.  13, 
25:— 

Sat  mea,  sat  magna  est,  si  tres  sint  ponipa 

libelli. 
Quos  ego  Persephona;  maxima  dona  feram. 

In  the  same  place  he  mentions  the 
lances  odoriferas,  which  were  carried 
in  front. 

s  As  Ovid  says  in  that  brilliant 


elegy,  written  in  a  just  spirit  of  self- 
respect  {Amor.  i.  15)  :— 
Cedunt  carminibus  reges  regumque  trium- 

phi> 
Cedat  et  auriferi  ripa  beatä  Tagi. 

Although  the  poems  of  Gallus  are 
almost  unknown  to  us,  yet  his  name 
still  lives,  and  what  Ovid  sang  is 
fulfilled:— 

Gallus  et  Hesperus  et  Gallus  notus  Eois ; 
Et  sua  cum  Gallo  nota  Lycoris  erit. 


Scene  XII.]  THE    GRAVE.  147 

alabaster,  and  the  bystanders  threw  frankincense  and  gar- 
lands upon  it,  as  a  last  offering  of  affectionate  regard. 
Chresimus,  with  the  same  faithful  hands  that  had  closed 
the  eyes  of  the  deceased,  now  opened  them,  that  they 
might  look  upwards  to  heaven.  Then,  amidst  the  loud 
wailing  of  the  spectators,  and  the  sounds  of  the  horns  and 
flutes,  he  seized  the  burning  torch,  and  with  averted  face 
held  it  underneath  the  pile,  until  a  bright  flame  shot  up- 
wards from  the  dry  rushes  that  formed  the  interior. 

The  pile  was  burnt  to  the  ground,  and  the  glowing 
ashes,  according  to  custom,  extinguished  by  wine.  Some 
friends  of  the  deceased,  and  Chresimus,  collected  the 
remains  of  his  body,  which  were  not  more  than  sufficient 
to  fill  a  moderate-sized  urn,  sprinkled  them  with  old  wine 
and  fresh  milk,  dried  them  again  in  linen  cloths,  and 
placed  them  with  amomum  and  other  perfumes  in  the 
urn.  This  Chresimus  having  bedewed  with  a  flood  of 
tears,  next  deposited  in  the  tomb,  which  on  being  opened 
sent  forth  odours  from  roses  and  innumerable  bottles  of 
ointment.  The  doors  were  again  closed,  and  after  pro- 
nouncing the  last  farewell  to  his  manes,  and  receiving  the 
purifying  water,  the  assembled  multitude  departed  on  its 
way  back  to  the  city. 

The  procession  was  a  numerous  one;  there  had  been 
wanting  only  one  person — she  who  above  all  others  seemed 
bound  and  entitled  to  fulfil  the  last  offices  to  the  manes  of 
the  deceased.  Lycoris  did  not  arrive  in  Rome  till  the 
rites  had  been  accomplished.  She  had  with  difficulty 
escaped  the  traitor,  whose  inflamed  passion  had  urged  him 
even  to  offer  her  violence.  Earlv  in  the  morning:  of  the 
succeeding  day,  Chresimus  was  seen  to  open  the  door  of 
the  monument,  and  to  enter  with  her,  that  she  might 
there  weep  hot  tears  of  affliction  over  the  ashes  of  Grallus. 


L  2 


EXCURSUSES. 


EXCURSUSES   OX   THE  FIRST  SCEXE. 


THE  ROMAN  FAMILY. 

THE  word  Family,  the  derivation  of  which  from  the  Oscan 
famely  famul,  is  indubitable,  signifies  everything  which  an  in- 
dependent man  has  by  private  right  in  potestate,  or  which  is  under 
his  control,  as  well  persons  (free  or  slaves)  as  articles  of  property  ; 
for  instance,  in  the  old  legal  form  :  familia  ad  cedem  Cereris — ve- 
num  iret,  in  Liv.  iii.  55  :  and  xlv.  40.  In  a  more  contracted  sense, 
however,  familia  signifies,  first,  the  whole  collected  society  of  a 
house,  free  and  slaves,  at  the  head  of  which  stands  a  paterfami- 
lias ;  as,  for  example,  we  frequently  meet  in  the  old  legal  forms 
with  familia  et pecunia  (persons  in  opposition  to  property)  :  Fest. 
Sacratee  Leges,  318;  Cic.  de  Invent,  ii.  50.  Secondly,  the  free 
members  united  together  by  common  descent,  that  is,  either  all 
the  free  persons  ranged  under  one  paterfamilias  (Paul.  Diac.  p. 
86),  or  in  a  wider  acceptation,  all  the  members  of  a  larger  family 
circle,  who  have  a  common  ancestor,  and  bear  therefore  the  same 
name,  but  are  not  under  the  authority  of  one  paterfamilias  (thus 
the  agnati,  who  form  a  subdivision  of  a  gens)  •  and  still  more  com- 
prehensively, all  the  members  of  a  gens,  as  in  Liv.  i.  7  ;  ii.  40:  ix. 
33,  where  the  Petilii  and  Fabii  are  signified  by  the  word  familia. 
Thirdly,  the  slaves  belonging  to  a  house  (see  the  Excursus  on 
the  Slaves).  Fourthly,  the  property  of  those  belonging  thereto, 
especially  of  the  deceased,  as  in  the  term  families  herciseundce,  the 
division  of  an  inheritance,  or  agnatus  familiam  habeto,  Liv.  ii.  41 ; 
Ter.  Kernt,  v.  1,  36 ;  ülp.  Dig.  50,  16,  105,  §  1.  {Famüies  appel- 
latio)  varie  accepta  est ;  nam  et  in  re*  et  in  personas  diducitur.  Ad 
personas  autem  refertur  families  significatio  ita,  cam  de  patrono  et 
liberto  loquitur  lex:  ex  ea  familia,  etc.  §2.  Families  appellatio  re- 
fertur et  tal  corporis  eujusdam  significationem,  quod  aid  jure  proprio 
ipsorum,  out  communi  universes  cognationis  cmtinetur,  etc. 

Every  free  man,  not  in  the  potestas  of  another,  but  having  a 
domestic  position  of  his  own,  was  considered  as  a  paterfamilias, 
whether  he  were  really  a  father  or  not.  Ulp.  Dig.  50,  16,  105,  §  2. 
Paterfamilias  appellatur,  qui  in  domo  dominium  habet  (cf.  Sen. 
Epist.  47),  recteque  hoc  nomine  appettatur,  quamvis  filium  non  ha- 
beat ;  non  enim  solum  personam  ejus,  sedetjus  demonstramus.  De- 
nique  et  pupillum  patrem  appellamus.  TJt  cum  paterfamilias  mori- 
tur,  quotquot  capita  ei  subjecta  fuerunt,  singula»  familias  incipiunt 


152  THE   EOMAN    FAMILY. 

habere,  singidi  enim  patrumfamiUarum  nomen  subeunt,  etc.  So  also 
the  sons,  if  married,  aud  having  children  themselves,  beeanie^j«£m- 
familiarum,  but  not  until  they  were  freed  from  the  patria  potestas, 
which  happened  with  the  death  of  the  father,  or  in  the  particular 
case  of  the  son  becoming  ajhtmen  dialis  (or  the  daughter  a  virgo 
vestalis) ;  or  lastly,  by  emancipation  under  the  form  of  a  thrice- 
repeated  sale  and  freedom. 

If  we  add  to  the  nearest  members  of  a  family,  as  children  and 
grandchildren,  the  number  of  slaves  and  clients,  such  a  Roman 
family  assumes  the  position  of  a  small  state,  in  which  the  pater- 
familias ruled  with  patriarchal  authority.  Cicero,  de  Sen.  ii.,  so 
describes  the  house  of  Appius  Csecus:  Quatuorrobustosßlios,  quin- 
quefilias,  tantam  domum,  tantas  clientelas  Appius  regebat  et  senex  et 
ccecus — tenebat  non  modo  auctoritatem,  sed  etiam  Imperium  in  saos  ; 
metuebant  send,  verebantur  liberi,  carum  omnes  habebant ;  vigebat  ilia, 
in  domo  patrius  mos  et  disciplina.  A  further  acöount  of  a  man  at 
home  is  given  in  the  discussion  of  the  various  relations  in  which  the 
members  of  a  family  stand  to  each  other.  We  sball  next  consider 
the  women,  then  the  children,  the  slaves,  and,  lastly,  the  clients. 


EXCURSUS  I.     SCEXE  I. 


THE  WOMEN  AXD  ROM  AX  MARRIAGE. 

AiflJIXST  we  see  that  in  most  of  the  Grecian  states,  and  espe- 
'  '  dally  in  Athens,  the  women  (i.e.  the  whole  female  sex )  were 
little  esteemed  and  treated  as  children  all  their  lives,  confined  to  the 
gyneekonitis,  shut  out  from  social  life,  and  all  intercourse  with  men 
and  their  amusements,  we  find  that  in  Rome  exactly  the  reverse 
was  the  case.  Although  the  wife  is  naturally  suhordinate  to  the 
husband,  yet  she  is  always  treated  with  open  attention  and  regard. 
The  Roman  housewife  always  appears  as  the  mistress  of  the  whole 
household  economy,  instructress  of  the  children,  and  guardian  of 
the  honour  of  the  house,  equally  esteemed  with  the  paterfamilias 
both  in  and  out  of  the  house.  Plut.  Horn.  20  :  'AXXd  ukv-ot  jroXXä 
raff  ywai^iv  tiQ  rifiijv  äiredüHcav,  iov  Kai  ravrä  fasTiv'  ii'iGT arrBai  ukv 
öcov  ßaSiZoüoaiQ,  c.r.X.  The  women  continued,  it  is  true,  as  a  rule, 
out  of  public  life,  as  custom  kept  them  back,  yet  they  might  appear 
and  give  evidence  in  a  court  of  law.  The  cases  in  which  they  ap- 
peared as  complainants  or  defendants,  extremely  seldom  occurred 
before  the  time  of  the  decline  of  the  Republic  (although  it  was  not 
forbidden  by  law,  as  we  learn  by  Plutarch,  Num.  c.  Dye.  3)  ;  for  the 
examples  which  Val.  Max.  viii.  3;  Cic.  Brut.  58;  Quinct.  Inst.  i. 
1,  give,  belongto  a  later  period  ;  and  what  Val.  Max.  iii.  B,  6,  relates 
of  Sempronia,  is  of  an  entirely  different  nature.  Originally,  women 
had  even  the  right  of  appearing  to  complain  for  another  (pro  ah'is 
postulare),  but  they  very  rarely  made  use  of  it,  and  it  was  after- 
wards forbidden  by  a  prastorian  edict,  because  Apania  made  a 
shameless  use  of  this  permission.  (Val.  Max.  viii.  3,  2  :  Ulp.  Dig. 
iii.  1,1.)  Afterwards  they  appeared  frequently,  and  in  all  times,  in 
court  as  witnesses,  or  to  intercede  for  their  relatives.  Cic.  Verr.  i. 
37,  says:  Cur  (cogis)  sodalis  uxorem,  sodalis  socrum.  domum  denique 
totam  sodalis  mortui  contra  te  testimonium  dicere  f  cur  pudentissimas 
leitissimasque  feminas  in  tantum  virorum  conventum  msolitas  invi- 
tasaue  prodire  cogis  f  but  it  by  no  means  follows  that  this  was 
merely  an  exception ;  amongst  us,  also,  women  always  appear  re- 
luctantly in  court.  See  also  Suet.  Cces.  74  ;  Claud.  40  ;  Tac.  Aim. 
iii.  49 :  Paul.  Dig.  xxii.  5,  18  ;  LTp.  Dig.  xxviii.  1,  20.  "We  find 
even  vestals  appearing,  in  order  to  intercede  in  behalf  of  their 
relatives,  or  to  give  evidence,  as  in  Cic.  p.  Font.  17  :  Tendit  ad  vos 
virgo  vestalis  manus  suppliers,  etc.     And  Tacitus  mentions  as  an 


151      THE  WOMEN  AND  KOMAN  MARRIAGE.  [Excursus  I. 

instance  of  the  pride  of  Urgulania,  that  she  would  not  appear  as 
a  witness  (Ann.  ii.  34)  :  Caterum  Urgulania  potentia  adeo  nimia 
civitati  erat,  ut  testis  in  causa  quadam,  qua  apud  senatum  tracta- 
batur,  venire  dedignaretur :  missus  est  prator,  qui  domi  interrogaret, 
cum  virgines  Vestales  in  furo  et  judicio  audiri,  quoties  testimonium 
dicerent,  vetus  mos  fuerit.  As  the  vestal  Tarratia  was  expressly 
allowed  this  privilegium  of  hearing  testimony  by  the  lex  Horatia, 
it  might  he  supposed  that  women  generally  had  not  this  right ; 
but  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  capability  of  bearing  witness  is 
here  to  be  understood  in  a  wider  sense,  which  also  includes  the 
power  of  being  a  witness  at  an  act  of  emancipatio. 

Walking  abroad  was  only  limited  by  scruple  and  custom,  not  by 
law  or  the  jealous  will  of  the  husband.  The  women  frequented 
public  theatres  as  well  as  the  men,  and  took  their  places  with 
them  at  festive  banquets.  Setting  aside  the  licence  of  later 
times,  we  find  great  freedom  in  these  matters  in  the  days  of  the 
republic.  Cic.  p.  C'cel.  8  :  Est  enim  dictum  ab  Ulis  fore  qui  dicerent, 
uxores  mas  a  ccena,  redeuntes  attrectatas  esse  a  Cos'io.  Val.  Max. 
iii.  1,  2.  Cicero  relates  an  interesting  trait  in  the  life  of  Q.  Cicero, 
ad.  Att.  v.  1  :  Prandimus  in  Arcano.  Nosti  huncfundum  :  quoutveni- 
mus,  humanissime  Quintus,  Pomponia,  inquit,  tu  invita  midieres,  ego 
acciveropueros.  At  ilia  audientibus  nobis,  Ego  sum,  inquit,  hie  hospita: 
id  autem  ex  eo,  ut  opmor,  quod  antecesserat  St  alius,  ut  prandium  nobis 
videret.  Turn  Quintus,  En,  inquit  mihi,  heec  ego  potior  quotidie. 
Bices,  quid  quaso  istuc  erat  ?  magnum  :  itaqiie  me  ipsum  commoverat, 
sic  absurde  et  asper e  verbis  vultuque  responderat :  dissimidavi  dolens. 
Biscubuimus  omnes  prater  illam,  cut  tarnen  Quintus  de  mensa  misit, 
ilia  rejecit.  Even  the  vestals  participated  in  the  banquets  of  the 
men,  Macrob.  Sat.  ii.  8.  In  ancient  drawings  we  see  the  women  at 
table  beside  the  men. 

In  her  own  house  the  woman  was  not  confined  to  particular 
separate  apartments,  but  in  ancient  times,  at  least,  her  own  place 
of  abode  was  in  the  most  important  part  of  the  house,  the  atrium. 
Corn.  Praf. :  Quem  enim  Romanorum  pudet  uxorem  ducere  in  convi- 
vium  aid  cujus  materfamilias  ?ion  primum  locum  tenet  tedium  atque 
in  celehritate  versatur  f  Here,  in  the  midst  of  her  slaves,  she  pur- 
sued her  domestic  occupations;  here  stood  the  lectus  genialis  or 
adversus,  in  ancient  times  the  real,  afterwards  the  symbolical  bridal 
bed,  her  own  proper  place  of  honour.  We  find  it  so  even  in  Cicero's 
time,  in  the  house  of  M.  ^Emilius  Lepidus,  who,  as  interrex,  was 
insulted  by  the  Clodiani.  Cic.  p.  Mil.  5:  Bernde  omni  vi  janua 
expugnata  et  imagines  majorum  dejeeerunt  et  lectulum  adversum  uxoris 
ejus  Cornelia  fregerunt,  itemque  telas,  qua  ex  vetere  more  in  atno 


Scene  L]    THE   WOMEN   AXD   ROMAN   MARRIAGE,      155 

texebantur,  diruerunt.  So  Lucretia  is  represented  in  Liv.  i.  57  : 
Node  sera  deditam  lance  inter  lucubrantes  aneillas  in  medio  csdium 
(atrio),  sedentem  mveniunt.  And  in  a  fragment  quoted  by  Gell, 
xvi.  '.»,  the  materfamilias  appears  sitting  on  thislectus:  Mater- 
familias  tua  in  leeto  adverso  sedet. 

As  regards  conjugal  fidelity,  we  may  safely  conclude  that  in  the 
earlier  times  excesses  on  either  side  seldom  occurred.  When 
morals  began  to  deteriorate,  we  first  meet  with  great  lapses  from 
this  fidelity,  and  men  and  women  outbid  each  other  in  wanton 
indulgences,  Sen.  Ep.  95.  The  original  modesty  of  the  women 
became  gradually  more  rare,  whilst  luxury  and  extravagance 
waxed  stronger,  and  of  many  women  it  could  be  said,  as  Clitipho 
complained  of  his  Bacchis,  Ter.  Heaut.  ii.  1,  15,  Mea  est  petax, 
proeax,  magnißca,  sumptuosa,  nobilis.  Many  Roman  ladies,  to 
compensate  for  the  neglect  of  their  husband,  had  a  lover  of  their 
own,  who,  under  the  pretence  of  being  the  lady's  procurator,  ac- 
companied her  at  all  times.  See  Mart.  vi.  61 ;  xii.  38 ;  Hor.  JEpod. 
8,  12.  As  a  natural  consequence  of  this,  celibacy  continually 
increased  amongst  the  men,  and  there  was  the  greatest  levity 
respecting  divorce. 

Notwithstanding  this  more  independent  position  of  the  female 
sex,  Roman  marriage  appears  to  have  had  very  severe  forms  in 
relation  to  the  woman,  but  these  are  seen  in  a  milder  light,  when 
the  potestas  of  the  paterfamilias  is  rightly  understood.  The  sub- 
ject may  be  divided  into  matrimoniumjustum  (also  legitimum)  and 
non  Justum.  The  first  (jmt<r>  nuptice  in  Cic.  de  Pap.  v.  5:  Gai. 
last,  i.  55),  occurred  only  when  the  conmdnum  was  competent  to 
both  parties,  i.  e.  an  equal  right  on  either  side  to  fulfil  a  lawful 
marriage  according  to  the  Roman  rites.  In  ancient  times  equality 
of  condition  was  required,  so  that  both  patricians  and  plebeians 
married  only  amongst  their  own  class.  By  the  Lex  Cuntrfeia,  809 
A<  r.  c,  445  b.  c,  connnubium  between  patricians  and  plebeians 
was  authorised,  but  the  necessity  of  citizenship  still  remained 
(with  some  exceptions  made  afterwards,  as  in  the  case  of  senators 
and  their  children,  who  might  not  intermarry  with  freedmen). 
The  matrimonium  non  justum,  on  the  other  hand  (uxor  injusta, 
Up.  Dig.  xlviii.  5,  13),  in  which  connubium  was  wanting  on  one 
side,  as  in  the  case  of  marriage  between  patricians  and  plebeians 
before  the  lex  Canuleia,  and  between  Romans  and  peregrini,  was 
certainly,  in  a  moral  point  of  view,  an  equally  lawful  and  binding 
marriage,  but  it  was  not  valid /wrfi  gentium,  and  it  wanted  the  im- 
portant consequences,  as  regards  civil  rights,  of  the  putria  potestas 
and  manus.     Actual  marriage,  with  the  rights  of  having  children, 


156     THE  WOMEN  AND  EOMAN  MAKKIAGE.  [Excursus  I. 

was  the  privilege  of  the  free  alone,  whilst  slaves  could  live  in  a 
contubernium  :  see  the  Excursus  on  the  Slaves. 

The  matrimonium  justum  could  be  performed  in  two  ways 
(Quinct.  v.  10,  62,  duce  forma  sunt  matrimoniorum),  either  with 
conventio  in  manum,  or  without  it.  By  the  stricter  form  of  mar- 
riage the  woman  came  in  manum  viri  (in  manu  esse,  in  manum 
convenisse,  alienojuri  suhjectum  esse,  see  Liv.  xxxiv.  2)  i.e.  she  quite 
passed  out  of  her  own  family  (familia  mutatur  through  capitis  di- 
minutio  minima,  Ulp.  xi.  13)  and  into  that  of  her  husband,  who 
treated  her  as  his  daughter,  and  exercised  over  her  a  kind  of  patria 
potestas,  which  Livy,  xxxiv.  7,  calls  servitus  muliebris.  Ter.  Andr. 
i.  5,  GO  :  Te  isti  virum  do,  amicmn,  tutorern,  patrem. — As  the  com- 
mon expression  potestas  in  a  more  limited  sense  stands  also  for 
patria  potestas  and  servitus,  so  does  manus  in  a  more  limited  sense 
for  the  power  which  in  the  stricter  form  of  marriage  the  husband 
obtained  over  the  wife.  Potestas  also  is  used  for  manus  in  Tac. 
Ann.  iv.  16,  in  potestate  viri;  and  Serv.  on  Virg.  sEn.  iv.  103, 
coemptione  facta  midier  in  potestatem  viri  cedit.  And  inversely 
manus  is  used  in  a  wider  sense  for  potestas  by  Gell,  xviii.  6.  Yet 
potestas  and  manus  are  entirely  different,  Gai.  i.  109 ;  and  as  the 
mancipio  datus  is  only  in  loco  servi  and  not  servus,  so  the  wife  is 
but  filice  loco,  Gai.  i.  111.  The  husband  had  the  potestas  of 
punishment  and  correction  not  merely  in  the  marriage  with  manus, 
but  in  each  kind  of  marriage,  so  the  right  is  not  a  consequence  of 
the  manus.  But  in  this  he  was  limited  by  the  ancient  family 
tribunal,  and  he  could  decide  nothing  without  the  consent  of  his 
own  and  his  wife's  cognati.  Probably  in  the  marriage  with  manus 
the  cognati  of  the  husband,  in  that  without  manus  those  of  the 
wife,  were  principally  necessary,  as  in  the  latter  case  she  still  re- 
mained in  the  power  of  her  father.  Dionys.  ii.  25  :  oi  avyytvfi^  fiirä 
tov  ävcpoe  iSiKaZ,ov.  Tac.  Ann.  xiii.  32,  Is  (Plautius)  prisco  insti- 
tute propinquis  coram  de  capite  famaque  conjugis  cognovit.  Gell.  x. 
23  ;  Suet.  Tib.  35 ;  Val.  Max.  ii.  9,  2.  The  husband  never  decided 
by  himself,  except  when  he  discovered  his  wife  in  adultery,  and 
then  he  had  liberty  to  put  the  guilty  one  to  death,  Gell.  x.  23. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  the  wife  might  be  given  mancipio,  in 
order,  for  instance,  to  indemnify  by  her  labour  for  the  injuries  she 
had  caused,  noxee  dare. 

Many  learned  treatises  have  appeared  in  Germany,  tracing  the 
difference  between  marriage  with  and  without  manus,  both  amongst 
patricians  and  plebeians,  and  showing  that  amongst  the  former  no 
marriage  was  celebrated  without,  nor  amongst  the  latter  with,  until 
by  degrees  the  manus  was  introduced  amongst  the  plebeians  also. 


Scene  I.]     THE  WOMEN  AXD  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  157 

But  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  variations  in  an  institution  so 
deeply  rooted  in  the  life  of  a  nation,  could  rest  on  rank  and  position, 
and  not  rather  on  differences  of  race,  since  it  is  impossible  that  a 
people,  originally  one  and  the  same,  could  have  had  two  such  hete- 
rogeneous views  respecting  marriage.  The  plebeians  and  patri- 
cians were  not  of  a  different  race — at  least  not  the  Latin  and 
Sabine  members  of  each  class — but  of  different  rank,  and  with 
different  political  privileges.  In  the  rights  of  family  thev  were 
equal,  and  the  marriage  with  manus  was,  like  the  patria  potestas, 
an  original  and  fundamental  right  of  all  Roman  citizens. 

In  order  to  contract  this  marriage  with  manus  particular  cere- 
monies were  necessary,  which  did  not  occur  in  that  without  it.  The 
marriage  was  valid  only  through  the  consensus  of  both  parties  :  i.  e. 
it  resulted  from  the  acquiescence  contracted  on  either  side  to  cohabit 
ad  indiiidtiam  vitce  consuetudincm  and  liberorum  qucerendorum  causa, 
without  any  proper  celebration  of  wedding  solemnities  being  pre- 
scribed. Quinct.  Dec!.  247:  Fingamus  c/ii/n,  nuptias  quidem  fecisse 
niillas,  coisse  autem  liberorum  *qucerendorum  gratia,  mm  tarnen  uxor 
rum  erit,  quamvis  nuptiis  non  sit  coUocata.  If  the  marriage  were 
effected  with  manus,  the  special  formalities  must,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  follow  on  the  consensus  of  the  parties,  with  which  they 
were  either  allied,  or  which  came  afterwards.  These  forms,  which 
differed  very  much  from  each  other,  were  called  confarrcatio, 
eoemptio  and  usus.  Gai.  i.  109,  110,  Olim  itaque  tribus  modis  in 
manum  conveniebant :  usu.farreo,  coemptione.  Serv.  on  Virg.  Georg. 
i.  31 ;  Boeth.  Comm.  Tap.  ii.  p.  299.  The  first  rested  on  a  religious 
basis :  both  the  others  on  civil  law,  though  in  different  ways ;  for 
whilst  in  the  eoemptio  a  contract,  in  the  usus  a  sort  of  prescription, 
brought  the  woman  in  manum  mariti.  In  the  usus,  marriage  and 
manus  took  place  at  the  same  time,  i.  e.  the  celebration  of  the  mar- 
riage and  manus  was  included  in  one  and  the  same  act :  not  so  the  eo- 
emptio, from  which  not  marriage,  but  only  manus  proceeded :  so  that 
the  marriage  must  have  either  immediately  preceded,  or  followed  it. 
By  virtue  of  its  sacramental  character  Qepoi  yä^oi)  the  confarreatio 
effected  an  inviolable  and  sacred  union.  This  intimate  association 
of  the  parties  married,  in  both  earthly  and  sacred  relations,  was 
only  possible  by  the  entrance  of  the  wife  into  the  family  of  the 
husband.  This  was  effected  by  the  manus.  which  must  necessarily 
be  connected  with  the  marriage.  The  form-  of  divorce  show  the 
correctness  of  this  hypothesis,  for  differ/ratio  was  an  actual  divorce 
and  loosing  of  the  manus,  whilst  remancipatio  dissolved  onlv  the 
manus,  not  the  marriage. 

The  confarreatio  was  of  Sabine,  not,  as  is  commonly  believed, 


158     THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  [Excursus  I. 

of  Etruscan  origin,  for  in  the  Etruscan  marriage,  according  to  Varro, 
a  pig — in  the  confarreatio  a  sheep — was  slaughtered  ;  the  two  are 
therefore  quite  different.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  Sabine  marriage 
fire  and  water  were  used,  Dionys.  ii.  30;  which  elements  in  the 
confarreatio  could  not  he  done  without :  Serv.  ad  Virg.  2En.  iv. 
103.  A  religious  view  of  marriage  also  is  most  consistent  with  the 
devout  character  of  the  Sabines,  whose  influence  on  the  formation 
of  the  most  ancient  civil  relations  of  the  Romans  is  undoubted. 
This  form  of  Roman  marriage  is  commonly  considered  the  oldest. 
Dionys.  ii.  25,  says:  tKcikovv  6i  rovg  lipoid  oi  iraXaiol  ya//ov£ 'Pwpuiq? 
vpoaijyopia  irtpi\afißdvorreQ  (pappäicia,  IttI  tT/q  KoivwviaQ  row  fappoe,  o 
Ka\oi>ixev  vpug  Zedv,  an  explanation  which  refers  to  the  laws  already 
given  by  Romulus:  ywalica  yaptrnv  Kara  vo/iovg  hpovg  avveKOovirav 
avSpl  Koivtovov  airävTiav  tivai  \pr]y.äT{ov  re  Kai  lipuiv.  This  does  not, 
however,  imply  that  the  confarreatio  was  originally  the  only  hind 
of  marriage,  but  the  law  assigns  only  to  this  sort  of  marriage  the 
communio  bonorum  et  sacrorum.  The  second  form,  which  probably 
had  its  origin  among  the  Latins — and  was  originally  perhaps  a  real 
purchase  of  the  wife  by  the  husband — afterwards  became  a  regular 
form  of  marriage  under  the  name  coemptio.  In  early  times  a  less 
strict  form  of  marriage  had  existed,  which  was  probably  introduced 
into  Rome  by  the  Etruscans  (as  that  nation  did  not  recognize  the 
father's  power  over  the  family),  or  resulted  from  the  marriages  with 
foreigners  and  clients.  For  such  marriages  the  civil  right  usus  was 
afterwards  introduced,  in  order  that  they  should  not  be  altogether 
free  from  the  stringent  consequences  of  the  Roman  marriage.  That 
other  forms  besides  the  confarreatio  existed  even  in  the  oldest  times, 
appears  from  the  story  of  the  rape  of  the  Sabines,  since  those  mar- 
riages could  scarcely  come  altogether  under  that  head.  To  this 
difference  Dionys.  refers  when  he  says,  ii.  30,  that  the  marriages 
with  the  ravished  women  will  be  consecrated  Kara  tovq  TrarpiovQ 
ihCKTTtjg  eOicftovQ.  Against  the  antiquity  of  the  confarreatio  (under 
Ronralus)  it  has  been  stated,  that  it  was  performed  by  the  Pontifex 
Maximus,  and  that  the  pontifices  were  first  instituted  by  Numa.  The 
whole  mystical  religious  ceremonial  agrees  certainly  more  with  the 
institutions  of  Numa,  but  it  might  have  previously  existed  as  a  form 
of  marriage  on  a  religious  basis,  and  may  have  been  made  still 
more  religious  by  Numa. 

Confarreatio  was  always  a  privilege  of  the  patricians,  and  even 
after  the  lex  Canuleia  gave  the  plebeians  connubium  with  them,  it 
could  not  be  adopted  either  in  mixed  marriages  or  amongst  the  ple- 
beians. Cicero,  pro  Flacco,  34 :  O  peritum  juris  hominem!  Quid?  ab 
ingenuis  mulieribus  hereditates  lege  non  veniunt  f     In  manum,  inquit, 


ScenkI.J  THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  159 

convenerat.  Nunc  audio,  sed  queer o.  usu  an  coemptions?  Because 
Cicero  does  not  name  confarreatio  as  the  third  means  by  which  the 
woman  could  come  in  manum,  many  have  concluded  that  this  was 
no  form  of  marriage,  hut  only  a  religious  ceremony,  which  ac- 
companied the  legal  act  of  coemptio.  Such  a  conclusion  is.  h<  »wever, 
unnecessary,  because  there  could  be  no  doubt  about  a  confarreatio 
having  taken  place,  which  was  celebrated  by  the  rex  sacrorum 
(Serv.  on  Virg.  Georg,  i.  31),  even  by  the  pontifex  maximus  and 
flamen  dialis.  Cicero  could  not  mention  confarreatio,  because  the 
husband  of  Valeria,  who  inherited  the  property  of  Flaccus,  was  of 
plebeian  extraction.  If  this  explanation  be  not  accepted,  we  must 
account  for  the  omission  of  the  confarreatio,  by  suggesting  that  in 
the  time  of  Cicero  it  was  quite  out  of  use  in  ordinary  life,  and  was 
restricted  to  the  marriage  of  the  priests. 

The  entire  ceremony  of  confarreatio,  which  was  closely  con- 
nected with  the  jus  auspiciorum  and  the  sacra  gentilieia,  did  not 
befit  a  plebeian  or  mixed  marriage,  and  in  the  Twelve  Tables  it 
was  expressly  stated  as  the  ground  of  connubium  being  refused 
(the  connubium  was  not  however  first  forbidden  by  them,  but  had 
never  taken  place,  cf.  Dionys.  i.  60),  quod  nemo  plebeius  auspieia 
haberet,  ideoque  decemviros  connubium  diremisse,  ne  incerta  prole  au- 
spieia turbarentur,  Liv.  vi.  6  :  cf.  vi.  41  ;  x.  8.  With  the  increasing 
levity  of  the  women,  marriage  with  the  inconvenient  convent io  in 
manum  became  more  rare,  and  the  form  of  confarreatio  very  soon 
disappeared  in  common  life  (on  account  of  the  ceremonice  diffienl- 
tales,  Tac. ),  so  that  persons  were  often  wanting  for  the  patrician 
priesthood.  Tac.  Ann.  iv.  16:  Nam patridos  confarreatis parent  i- 
lus  genitos  tres  simul  nominari,  ex  quibus  units  legeretur  {flamen 
dialis),  cetusto  more ;  negue  adesse,  ut  olim,  cam  copiam,  amissa  con- 
farreandi  adsuetudine  out  infer  paucos  retenta.  This  form  was  con- 
fined to  the  marriage  of  priests,  as  Gai.  i.  102  remarks  of  his  own 
time;  and  Boethius,  Comm.  Top., says,  sed  confarreatio  solis pontifi- 
cihiis  conveniebat. 

The  marriage  with  confarreatio  was  never  celebrated  without 
splendid  nuptial-  |  impi  ia  i ,  which  was  not  the  case  in  the  other  forms 
of  marriage.  Respecting  confarreatio  in  general,  Gai.  says,  i.  112: 
farreo  in  manum  converiiunt  per  quoddarn  genits  sacrificii,  in  quo  far - 
reus  panis  adhibetur,  unde  etiam  confarreatio  dicitur.  Sed  complura 
preterm  htifus  juris  ordinandi  gratia  cum  certis  et  solennibus  verbis 
prcesentibus  decent  testibus  aguntur  etfiunt.  l.Tp.  ix.  1 ;  Plin.  77.  X 
xviii.  0:  Quin  et  in  sacris  nihil  religiosus  confarreationis  vinculo  erat, 
novceque  nuptce  farreum  preeferebant.  Serv.  in  Virg.  Georg,  i.  31. 
Farre  (nuptise  fiebant)   cum  per  Pontificem  Maximum  et  dialem 


160     THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  [Excursus  T. 

flaminem  per  fruges  et  molam  stamm  conjwigebantw,  unde  eonfar- 
reatio  appeUabatur,  ex  quibus  nuptiis  patrimi  et  matrimi  nascebantw. 

Little  is  known  of  the  remaining  ceremonies  ;  but  we  must  dis- 
tinguish those  general  wedding-usages,  which  depended  on  the 
caprice  of  each  particular  couple,  from  that  which  was  peculiar 
and  necessary  to  the  confarreatio. 

The  ceremonious  fetching  of  the  bride  from  her  paternal  house 
(Fest,  ex  gremio  matris)  to  that  of  the  bridegroom,  called  deducfio 
(the  expression  uxorem  ducere  is  only  an  abridgment  of  domum 
uxorem  ducere,  or  dedneere,  Plaut.  Aul.  ii.  1,  88  :  Trin.  v.  2,  64),  took 
place  in  all  kinds  of  marriages,  without,  however,  being  necessary. 
This  ceremony  regularly  occurred  in  the  evening  (Catull.  Ixii.  1) 
under  the  protection  of  Juno  Domiduca,  or  Iterduca  (Aug.  Civ.  D.  vi. 
9),  by  torchlight,  and  accompanied  by  relations  and  friends,  amongst 
whom  the  pronubai  dared  not  fail.  These  women,  who  conducted 
the  bride  to  the  thalamus  nuptialis,  were  permitted  to  have  been  only 
once  married.  Varro  on  Virg.  JEn.  iv.  166  ;  Fest,  and  Paul.  Diac. 
p.  242  :  Tertull.  Exliurt.  Cast.  13 ;  Isidor.  ix.  8.  In  the  confarreatio 
the  deductio  had  an  especially  religious  character,  on  account  of 
the  escort  of  pueri  patrimi  et  matrimi,  whom  we  find,  however,  in 
the  time  of  the  emperors  in  other  marriages  also,  when  many  rites 
of  confarreatio  had  passed  over  into  the  other  forms  of  celebrating 
marriage.  Fest.  245  :  Patrimi  et  matrimi  pueri  pr&textati  tres  nuben- 
tem  deductmt :  unus  qui  facem  pra-fcrt  ex  spina  alba,  quia  noctu 
habebant,  duo  qui  tenent  nubentem. — Spina  alba,  aicai'Ga  XtvKi},  Cnicus 
Acarna,  Linn.  Lady's  thistle  had  also  a  mysterious  signification, 
e.  g.  as  assistance  against  the  strigce,  Ovid.  Fast.  vi.  129, 165;  Plin. 
H.  N.  xvi.  18,  30,  spina  nuptiarum  facibus  auspicatissima.  Besides 
these  three,  another  accompanied  them  called  puer  Camillas,  who 
was  a  servant  of  the  flauten  (Macrob.  Sat.  xiv.  8  :  Romani  quoque 
pueros  et  pucl/as  nubiles  etinvestes  Camillos  et  Camillas  appellant,  fla- 
minicaru/n  etflaminum  prceministros ;  Paul.  Diac.  43,  describes  Ca- 
millus  as  simply  puer  ingenuus,  i.  e.  patrician,  Dionys.  ii.  22  :  perhaps 
the  Camelce  virgines  are  the  same  in  Paul.  63),  and  in  a  particular 
basket,  called  cumerus,  carried  the  spinning  apparatus  of  the  bride. 
Yarro,  i.  :  vii.  34  :  Itaque  dicitur  nuptiis  Camillus  qui  cumerum  fert, 
in  quo  quid  sit  in  ministerio  pleriqueextrinseeusneetunt.  Paul.  Diac. 
63  :  Cumeram  vocabant  antiqui  vos  quoddam,  quod  opertum  in  nup- 
tiis ferebant,  in  quo  erant  nubentis  utensilia,  quod  et  Camillum 
dieebant  eo  quod  sacrorum  ministrum  KacfiiXov  appellabant.  What 
is  to  be  understood  by  utensilia,  we  see  in  Plut.  Qu.  Horn.  31 : 
Avrrj   (the  bride)   tioty'tpti  piv  i'jXaKcirrjv   ical   rr)v   arpaKTur,   ipicp    St 

rijv  Qvpav  TTtpioTk(pa  roii  ävSpöe;  and  Plin.  H.  N.  viii.  48,  74  :  hide 


Scene  I.]    THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  101 

faction,  ut  nuhentes  virgines  committaretur  colus  cotnta  et  fusus  cum 
stamine. 

As  amongst  the  Greeks  the  conducting  home  of  the  bride  took 
place  whilst  the  Hymenams  was  being  sung,  so  the  deductio  of  the 
Roman  bride  was,  in  accordance  with  an  old  custom,  accompanied 
by  the  singing  of  a  celebrated  song  thalassio  and  playing  on  the 
flute.  See  nuptiales  tibice  in  Auct.  ad.  Her.  iv.  33,  and  Plaut.  Cas. 
iv.  3,  1 : 

Age  tibicen  :  dum  illam  educant  hue  novam  miptam  foras, 
Suavi  cantu  concelebra  omnem  banc  plateam  l^meneseo. 
See  also  Mart.  i.  36,  42;  Plut.  Born.  15,  Pomp.  4;  Euseb.  Chron.  27. 
Some  derive  the  thalassio  from  the  rape  of  the  Sabines,  and  give  the 
most  wonderful  explanations  of  it.  Liy.  i.  4 ;  Dionys.  ii.  30 ;  Plut. 
Qu.  Rom.  81.  This  rite  was,  however,  not  peculiar  to  the  confar- 
reatio,  but  common  to  all  marriages.  The  same  is  true  of  another 
old  custom,  that  the  bride,  having  arrived  at  the  house  of  the  bride- 
groom festively  adorned  to  receive  her  (Juv.  vi.  79,  227),  orna- 
mented the  doorposts  with  lanece  vittce,  and  anointed  them  with 
oleum.  Plin.  xxviii.  9,  37 ;  Lucan.  ii.  355,  &c.  Equally  general  was 
the  custom,  which  was  referred  by  the  Romans  to  the  rape  of  the 
Sabines,  of  carrying  the  bride  over  the  threshold.  Plut.  Qu.  Rom. 
29 :  Ata  ti  t>)v  yapovp'ivi]v  ovk  twoiv  avr})v  üicepßrfveu  rbv  ovcbv  ri)g 
uiiciag,ä\\'  virtpaipovoiv  ot  7rponipirovTig;  —ortpov  'on  Tag  irpwrag  yvvai- 
K-ag  apnaaavTig  ovriog  dai)viyKav  ;  Varro,  on  Virg.  Eel.  xiii.  29,  other- 
wise explains  it.  But  the  true  explanation  doubtless  is,  that  they 
wished  to  avoid  the  bad  omen,  which  it  would  have  been  considered, 
if  the  bride  on  entering  had  accidentally  stumbled  with  her  foot 
on  the  threshold.  Plaut.  Cas.  iv.  4,  1  :  Sensim  super  attolle  Ihnen 
pedes,  nova  nupta,  sospes  iter  incipe  hoc,  id  viro  tuo  semper  sis  super- 
stes.  Catull.  lxi.  166  :  Transfer  omine  cum  bono  Urnen  aureolos  pedes 
rasilemque  subiforem.  Whether  the  bride  was  after  this  carrying 
across  obliged  first  to  step  on  a  sheepskin,  as  has  been  thought 

from  Plut.  Qu.  Rom. 81,  rrjv  vvp<pi)i>  licrayovrtg  vaKog  VTroarpwrvvovaiv, 

is  uncertain,  as  these  words  may  be  understood  as  applying  to  the 
skin  spread  over  the  seat  of  the  bridal  pair.  Varro's  account,  Non. 
xii.  50,  is  obscure  :  Nubentes  veteri  lege  Romana  asses  tres  ad  mari- 
tum  venientes  solere  pervehere,  atque  unum  quem  in  manu  tenerent 
tanquam  emendi  causa  marito  dare,  alium  quern  in  pede  haberent  in 
foco  Larum  familiarum  ponere,  teiiium  quern  in  sacciperione  con- 
didissmt  compito  vicinali  solere  resotiare. 

The  chief  solemnity  of  the  confarreatio  occurred  in  the  house 
of  the  bridegroom,  but  we  are  not  acquainted  with  the  certa  et 
solemnia  verba,  of  which  Gains  speaks.     First,  the  bride  saluted  the 

31 


162  THE  WOMEN  AXT)  ROMAN  MABEIAGE.     [Excursus  I. 

bridegroom,  who  approached  her  -with  the  mystical  form  :  TJhi  tu 
Cains  ego  Caia,  -which  was  also  used  in  the  coemptio.  Quinct.  Inst.  i. 
7, 28,  says :  Quia  tarn  Caias  esse  vocitatas,  quam  Caios,  etiam  ex  nupti- 
alibus  sacris  apparet,  and  from  this  we  might  suppose  that  this  form 
belonged  only  to  religious  marriages, but?; uptialia  sacra  are  merely 
solemn  marriage  ceremonies  generally,  without  the  force  of  con- 
farreatio.  Plut.  Qu.  Rom.  30 :  Aiü  ri  rrjv  vi'u<pt]v  tiaäyovrtg  \syap 
iccXcvova-tv'  "Oirov  av  Taioc,  Lytl>  Taia.  But  Cicero,  pro  Mar.  12,  sup- 
plies the  direct  proof  of  the  use  of  this  form  in  the  coemptio,  where 
he  says  :  Quia  in  alicujus  libris  exempli  causa  id  nomen  invenerant, 
putarunt,omnes  midieres,  qua  co'emptionemfacerent,  Caias  voeari.  In 
less  binding  marriages,  this  formula,  of  which  Plutarch  gives  the  fol- 
lowing explanation,  was  not  used :  ottov  tv  Ki>pioc  Kai  otKoSiaTrönic,  Kai 
eyot  icvpia  kou.  oiKoSeairoiva.  This  could  only  be  said  in  strict  marriage. 
The  bridegroom  doubtless  replied  to  this  address  of  the  bride 
in  an  equally  measured  symbolical  form,  which,  however,  has  not 
been  preserved.  The  general  notion,  that  he  gave  to  her  a  key  or 
the  key  of  the  house,  does  not  seem  to  be  correct.  Paul.  Diac. 
who  has  been  referred  to,  says  in  fact  something  entirely  different, 
p.  56  :  Clavim  consxetudo  erat  midieribm  donare  ob  significandam 
partus  facilitate?}!.  It  was  a  symbolical  gift,  which  signified  something 
besides  the  house-government,  but  whether  the  bridegroom  gave 
it,  and  on  the  wedding-day,  he  does  not  inform  us.  It  is  more  certain 
that  the  bridegroom  received  the  bride  with  water  and  fire,  and 
that  he  presented  these  two  elements  to  her  touch, — a  very  signi- 
ficant ceremony,  although  we  are  without  any  accurate  information 
about  it,  at  least  as  regards  the  fire.  Varro,  in  a  fragment  on 
Virg.  JEn.  iv.  104,  says:  Aqua  et  igni  mariti  uxores  accipiebant. 
TJnde  ethodie  faces preelucent  et  aqua  petita  de  puro  fonte  per  puerum 
felieissimum  vel  puellam,  quce  interest  nuptiis,  de  qua  solebant 
nubentibus  pedes  lavari.  He  seems  to  think  that  the  symbolical 
torch  may  have  been  a  remnant  of  the  old  times,  and  the  ceremony 
of  fire  another.  Another  passage  confirms  this :  Igitur  duplex 
causa  nascendi  ignis  et  aqua:  ideo  ea  nuptiis  in  limine  adhibentur. 
Ovid,  Fast.  iv.  792,  his  (aqua  et  igne)  nova  fit  conjux.  Propert.  iv.  3, 
13;  Stat.  Silv.  i.  2,  4;  Plut,  Qu.  Rom.  1:  Aid  ri  H\v  ya\iov\iivr\v 
ÜTTTiaBai  TrvpbcKai  vSutoq  Ki\evovm;  Hence  the  form,  aqua  et  igni  ac- 
cipit,  Scfev.  Dig.  xxiv.  1,  66.  Paul.  Diac.  2 :  Aqua  et  igni  tarn  interdivi 
solet  damnatis,  quam  accipiuntur  ntiptce,  videlicet  quia  hcec  duce  res 
humanam  vitam  maxime  continent.  This  is  clearly  the  right  mean- 
ing of  this  symbol,  which  is  also  explained  by  Serv.  on  Virg.  JEn. 
xii.  119,  and  iv.  103;  Lactant.  de  Or  ig.  Error.;  Isidor.  v.  27.  Paul. 
Diac.  87:  Facem  in  nuptiis  in  honorem  Ccereris  prceferebant ;  aqua 


Scene  I.]     THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.         163 

aspergebatur  nova  nupta,  sive  ut  casta  puraque  ad  virum  venlret,  sive 
ut  Ignem  atque  aquam  cum  tiro  communicaret.  The  ceremony  of 
water  and  lire  always  continued  in  the  confarreatio  :  in  other  forms 
of  marriage  that  of  the  torch,  by  the  light  of  which  the  bride  was 
brought  to  the  bridegroom's  house  (faces  nupt laics).  Ovid.  Fast.  ii. 
558 ;  Lucan.  ii.  356  ;  Catull.  lxi. ;  Cic.  pro  Clu.  6;  Tac.  Ann.  i.  37, 
&c.  Fest.  289  :  ßapi  solet  fax,  qua  prcelueente  nova  nupta  deducta 
est,  ab  utrlsque  amleis,  tie  aid  uxor  earn  sub  lecto  vlrl  ea  nocte  ponat, 
aut  vir  In  sepulckro  comburendam  curet,  quo  utroque  mors  proplnqua 
alterius  utrius  captari  putetur. 

Next  followed  the  religious  solemnities  under  the  direction  of 
the  Pontifex  Maximus  and  the  Flamen  Dialis,  in  the  presence  of 
ten  witnesses,  who  represented  as  many  curii  or  gentes.  The 
auspices  were  also  taken,  without  which,  even  in  later  times,  mar- 
riages in  general  were  not  concluded.  Cic.  de  Dlv.  i.  16  :  Nihil  fere 
quondam  majoris  rel,  nisi  auspicato,  ne  privatim  quldem  gerebatur, 
quod  etiam  nunc  nuptiarum  auspices  declarant,  qui  re  omissa  nomen 
tantum  tenant.  So  too  "Val.  Max.  ii.  1, 1 :  Quo  ex  more  nuptlis  etiam- 
num  auspices  mterponuntur.  Qui  quamvls  ausplcla  peter e  desierlnt, 
Ipso  tarnen  nomine  veterls  consuetudinls  vestigia  usurpant.  See  also 
Plaut.  Cos.  prol.  86  ;  Cic.  pro  Clu.  5  ;  Juv.  x.  335  ;  Lucan.  ii.  371 ; 
Symm.  Ep.  vi.  3 ;  and  Serv.  on  Virg.  sEn.  iv.  374,  who  relates 
that  thunder  interrupted  the  ceremony.  We  may  conclude,  from 
the  account  of  the  marriage  ceremonies  between  Messalina  and 
Silius,  that  the  auspices  had  certain  forms  of  words  to  pro- 
nounce :  at  the  confarreatio  this  was  certainly  the  case.  Tac.  Ann. 
xi.  27 :  Haud  sum  Ignarus,  fabulosum  visum  y-l — consulem  desig- 
natum  (Slllion)  cum  uxore  prlnclpis  predicta  die,  adhlbltls  qui 
obsignarent,  veiut  susciplendorum  llberorum  causa  convenlsse  atque 
illam  audlsse  ausplcum  verba,  sublisse,  sacrlficasse  apud  deos,  etc. 
Suet.  Claud.  26,  dote  Inter  auspices  conslgnata,  from  which  we  see 
that  the  auspices  effected  the  dotis  constitutio.  Tac.  i.  37,  describes 
a  similar  case.  The  whole  of  the  ceremony  is  unfortunately  not 
known  to  us,  but  two  acts  of  it  are  certain,  viz.,  first,  the  joint 
eating  of  bread  by  the  newly  married,  from  which  the  whole  form 
received  its  name,  as  Dionys.  ii.  25  relates,  to  St)  koivcovovs  -ijc 
'upwrarnc  ti  Kai  TrpwTijg  rpo<i>7/£  ytvkaQai  yvvalicae,  ävdpäat,  Kai  ini 
ttoWij  avv(\8elv  tv\ij,  rrjv  fiiv  tTriKXijatv  rfjc  Konnoviag  tov  (pappbg  ftysv. 
etc.  ;  secondly,  the  joining  together  of  hands,  at  the  confarreatio, 
probably  by  the  priest,  which  the  sarcophagi,  and  wall-paintings 
representing  marriage,  show.  This  custom  was  common  to  all 
marriages.  There  was  also  another  ceremony,  confined  to  the 
confarreatio,  of  which  Serv.  on  Virg.  JEn.  iv.  37,  gives  an  account: 

M  2 


164     THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  [Excursus  I. 

Mos  apiul  veteres  fuit  Fla  mini  et  Flaminicce,  tit  per  farreationem  in 
nuptiis  convenirent,  sellas  duas  jugatas  ovili  pelle  stiperinjecta  poni 
ejus  ovis,  qurs  hostia  fuisset,  et  ibi  nubentes  velatis  capitibus  in  confar- 
reatione  Flamen  et  Flaminica  residereixt.  The  newly  married  couple 
then  sat  for  a  time,  perhaps  during  the  remainder  of  the  ceremony, 
on  two  chairs  standing  near  to  each  other  and  covered  by  the  same 
skin,  signifying,  that  although  the  man  and  woman  occupied  two 
different  parts  of  the  house,  that  they  were  nevertheless  firmly 
hound  by  one  common  bond.  The  sheepskin  afterwards  served 
also  as  a  cervical,  as  the  kwSici  amongst  the  Greeks  filled  the  place 
of  cushions  on  the  couches.  It  is  an  error  to  derive  conjugium  and 
conjugate  from  these  sellis  jugatis,  and  equally  so  to  suppose  that 
the  yoke  was  placed  upon  the  pair,  although  Servius  says  propter 
jugum,  quod  imponebatur  matrimonio  eonjungendis. 

At  the  celebration  of  the  wedding  a  contract  of  marriage  (tabula' 
nuptiales,  matrimoniales,  dotales)  concerning  the  dos  was  entered 
into,  and  sealed  by  those  present  as  witnesses,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  auspices.  These  contracts  were  not  known  in  the  earlier 
periods,  and  were  also  unnecessary  in  the  marriage  with  manus, 
but  the  more  common  the  form  without  manus  became,  the  more 
was  the  want  of  such  agreements  felt.  On  many  monuments  of 
art  we  see  these  tabulae  in  the  hand  of  the  bridegroom.  To  this 
custom,  Suet.  Claud.  26,  refers :  dote  inter  auspices  consignata ;  and 
more  clearly,  Juv.  ii.  119  : 

Signal«  tabulae,  dictum  ]  Feliciter,  ingens 
Ccena  sedet,  gremio  jacuit  nova  nupta  mariti. 
Also  ii.  200  ;  ix.  75  ;  Tac.  Ann.  xi.  30.  These  tabulas  however  were 
not  absolutely  necessary,  nor  were  they  sufficient  to  compel  the 
completion  of  the  marriage.  Papin.  Dig.  xxxix.  5,  31 ;  and  Quinct. 
Inst.  v.  11,  32.  Nihil  obstat,  quo  minus  justum  matrimonium  sit  mente 
coeuntium,  etiamsi  tabula  signatce  non  fuerint.  Nihil  enim  proderit 
signasse  tabulas,  si  mentem  matrimonii  non  ftiisse  constabit. 

What  is  related  as  to  the  dress  of  the  bride  refers  to  all  kinds 
of  marriage.  She  wore  a  white  tunica  recta  or  regilla,  and  veil 
and  hair-net  of  bright  yellow.  Fest.  36  :  Regillis,  tunicis  albis,  et 
reticulis  luteis  (icticpi><pa\oc)  utrisque  rectis,  textis  sttsum  versum  a 
stantibus  pridie  nuptiarum  diem  virgines  indutee  cubitum  ibant  ominis 
causa,  ut  etiam  in  togis  virilibus  dandis  observari  solet.  We  must  not 
limit  the  use  of  the  regilla  to  the  day  before  the  wedding :  Plin. 
H.  N  viii.  48,  74.  Fa  prima  texuit  rectam  tunicam,  quales  cum  toga 
pura  tirones  induuntur  noraque  nupta.  The  derivation  of  regilla, 
and  the  quantity  of  the  first  syllable,  are  doubtful.  It  is  commonly 
derived  from  the  same  root  as  recta,  as  if  diminutive.     According 


Scene  L]    THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.         1G5 

to  Plaut.  Epid.  ii.  2,  39,  it  comes  from  regina,  as  lie  places  it  in 
opposition  to  mendicula.  Quid  erat  indida?  an  regittam  indicuhnn 
an  mendiculam  impluviatam  ?  ut  istce  fackeni  vestimentis  nomina. 
Isidor.  xix.  25,  and  Xon.  xiv.  13,  gives  the  same  etymology.  Plaut, 
besides  says  regillam  tuniculam.  The  regilla  and  (tunica)  recta  differ 
from  others  chiefly  in  the  way  in  which  they  were  woven,  on  a  tela, 
the  stamen  of  which  was  not  drawn  horizontally,  but  vertically,  and 
on  which  they  wove  upwards  from  below,  ävo>  ixpaivsiv.  Fest.  277  : 
Reeta"  appellant ur  vestimenta  virilia,  qua;  patres  liberis  mis  conficienda 
curant  ammis  causa,  ita  usurpata  quod  a  stantibus  et  in  altitudincru 
texuntur.  This  regilla  was  fastened  by  a  woollen  girdle  (thence 
Juno  Cinocia  gen.),  which  was  tied  in  a  Hercules'  knot.  Paul. 
Diac.  03 :  Cingulo  nova  nupta  pracingebatur,  quod  vir  in  lecto  sol- 
vebat,  faction  ex  leina  oris.  Hunc  Hereulaneo  modo  vinäum  vir 
solvit  ominis  gratia,  tit  sic  ipse  felix  sit  in  suscipiendis  liberis,  id  fit  it 
Hercules,  qui  septuaginta  liberos  reliquit. 

The  veil,  or jiammeum,  which  the  bride  wore  at  the  wedding, 
was  yellow.  Paul.  89 :  Flammeo  amicitur  nubens  ominis  boni  causa, 
quod  eo  assidue  tdebatur  flaminica,  i.e.flaminis  uxor,  cui  rum  licebat 
facere  divortium.  It  is  more  correct  to  say  that  the  flaminica  and 
the  bride  wore  this  colour  because  it  was  of  good  import.  Plin. 
H.  N.  xxi. :  Lidei  (coloris)  video  honorem  antiquissimum  in  nuptialibus 
jiammeis  totum  femmis  concession.  Cf.  Petron.  26  ;  Juv.  vi.  22-i  ; 
Schol.  Suet.  Ner.  28;  Tac.  Ann.  xv.  37  ;  Lucan.  ii.  261 ;  Catull.  and 
Martial  frequently.  It  has  been  affirmed  from  Seneca,  Hippol.  322, 
that  the  shoes  (socci)  were  also  yellow,  but  the  passage  refers  not 
to  a  bride's  clothing,  but  to  the  dress  of  Hercules,  as  a  woman  in 
the  presence  of  Omphale,  Catull.  however,  Lxi.  10,  makes  Hyine- 
naaus  wear  yellow  shoes,  and  in  the  Aldobrandinian  marriage  the 
bride  has  them.  They  are  now  frequently  found  in  paintings  at 
Herculaneum  and  Pompeii. — The  peculiar  dressing  of  the  hair  is 
quite  certain.  Fest.  339  :  Se/u's  erinibus  (three  locks  on  each  side, 
as  the  oldest  statues  show)  nubentes  ornantur,  quod  is  omatus  vettis- 
tissimus  fuit ;  quidam,  quod  eo  vestales  virgines  orncntur.  In  this 
the  common  instruments  were  not  used,  but  the  symbolical  hasta 
c&libaris,  for  which  Paul.  Diac.  h.  v.  G2,  gives  very  odd  and  con- 
tradictory reasons.     Plut.  Qu.  Horn.  86  ;  Ovid.  Fast.  ii.  559. 

After  the  confarreatio  was  ended — as  in  all  other  marriages — a 
banquet  followed  (ccena  nuptialis,  Plaut.  Cure.  v.  2,  60 ;  epukr 
geniales,  Claud.  Rapt.  Pros.  ii.  327,  at  which  five  wax-lights  were 
burned,  Plut.  Qu.  Rom.  2),  and  when  that  wa  concluded,  nuts  (nux 
juglans)  were  distributed.  Something  similar  (icaTaxvofutTa)  took 
place  at  the  marriage  of  the  Greeks;   see  Becker's   Charicles, 


166     THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  [Excursus  I. 

translated   by  Metcalfe,  p.  356.      Serv.  on   Virg.  Eel.  viii.  30; 
Catull.  lxi.  128 ;  Plin.  H.  N.  xv.  22,  24. 

At  length  the  prom/bee  led  the  bride  to  the  lectus  genialis  (collo- 
care  in  lecto,  Donat.  on  Ter.  Eur.  iii.  5, 45  ;  Paul.  Diac.  s.  v.  genialis, 
94;  Claud.  Rapt.  Pros.  ii.  361).     Before  the  door  they  sang  hyme- 
neal and  indecent  songs  (Fescennina)  Claud.  Fesc.  iy.  30  : — 
Ducant  pervigiles  carmina  tibiae, 
Permissisque  jocis  turba  licentior 
Exsultet  tetricis  libera  legibus. 
The  lectus  genialis  was  carried  into  the  atrium  on  the  day  of  the 
wedding,  perhaps  by  the  mother,  or  the  relatives,  of  the  bride ;  but 
in  later  days  this  became  merely  symbolical.     Cic.  pro  Clu.  5  : 
Ledum  ilium  genialem,  quem  biennio  anteßlice  suce  nubenti  straverat, 
in  eadem  domosibi  omari  et  sterni  expulsa  eitque  exturbata  filia  jubet  : 
nubet  genero  sacrus.  Paul.  v.  genialis,  94 :  Gen.  lectus,  qui  nuptiis  ster- 
nitur  inhonorem  genii.    Arnob.  adv.  Gen.  ii.  67  :  Cum  in  matrimonin 
convenitis,  toga  sfemitis  lectulos  et  maritorum  genios  advocatis.     Hor. 
Ep.  i.  1,  87,  lectus  genialis  in  aula  est,  meaning  that  a  person  is  mar- 
ried. We  know  no  more  about  this  custom,  but  from  some  passages 
it  would  seem  that  it  occurred  only  in  the  marriage  with  manus. 
For   instance,  Arnob.  iv.  20,  says,  -Usu,  farre,  coemptione,  genialis 
lectuli  sacramoda  condicunt,  but  these  words  are  not  to  be  taken  so 
strictly,  any  more  than  the  in  matrimonia   convenire  previously 
quoted.     It  is  natural  that  when  the  binding  forms  of  marriage 
went  out  of  use,  many  peculiar  customs  were  retained,  as  the  sacri- 
fice with  the  assistance  of  the  priest,  and  the  Camillus  and  Camilla. 
The  lectus  genialis,  or  adversus,  remained  in  its  place  as  long  as  the 
woman  continued  in  marriage  ;  or  even  until  the  man  married  again. 
The  sternere  then  took  place  again ;  Prop.  iv.  11,  85  : — 
Seu  tamen  adversum  mutarit  janua  lectum 
Sederit,  et  nostro  cauta  noverca  toro. 
The  lectus  is  called  adversus,  because  it  stood  in  the  atrium  opp:site 
ike  janua. 

On  the  following  morning  the  young  wife  began  her  manage- 
ment of  the  house  by  a  sacrifice  at  the  altar  of  her  husband : 
Macrob.  Sat.  i.  18 ;  Plut.  Qu.  Rom.  2.  On  the  same  day  an  after- 
ceremony  of  the  marriage,  called  repotia,  took  place  in  the  men's 
apartments.  Fest.  p.  281  :  Repotia  postridie  nuptias  apud  novum 
maritum  ccenatur,  quia  quasi  roficitur  potatio.  Porphyr,  on  Hor.  Sat. 
ii.  2,  60,  Dies  post  nuptias.  On  the  contrary,  Donat.  and  Acron.  in- 
terpret it  differently :  Repotia  dieuntur  septimus  dies,  quo  nova  solct 
nupta  redire  ad  parentes  suos,  the  first  visit  therefore  to  the  parental 
house.     Auson.  Epist.  ix.  50,  says  indefinitely,  Conjugioque  dapes 


Scene  I.]    THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.         167 

aid  sacra  repotia  patram,  which  may  be  taken  either  in  the  sense  of 
Donat.  and  Acron.,  or  as  a  celebration  after  the  birth  of  a  child. 

Lastly,  we  must  notice,  that  the  choice  of  the  day  for  the  wed- 
ding was  not  a  matter  of  indifference.  They  avoided  as  unlucky 
the  Calends,  Nones,  and  Ides,  and  the  day  following  them :  Macrob. 
Sat.  i.  15, 16  ;  Paul.  Diac.  179  ;  Gell.  v.  17  ;  Varr.  L.  L.  vi.  29  ; 
Ovid.  Fast.  i.  57  ;  Plut.  Quad.  Rom.  25 ;  likewise  the  Feriae,  Plut. 
Quad.  Rom.  25.  To  this  rule  the  day  after  the  Ides  of  June  formed 
an  exception.  The  month  was  also  carefully  selected,  and  May 
was  not  lightly  chosen  :  Plut.  Quast.  Rom.  85  ;  Ovid.  Fast.  v.  487. 
So,  too,  the  first  half  of  June  was  avoided,  whilst  the  second  was 
chosen  :  Ovid.  Fast.  vi.  221. 

The  second  form  which  effected  conventio  in  manum  (but  not 
marriage)  was  the  coemptio.  This  form  was  adopted  in  order  to 
bring  about  manus  without  marriage  ;  therefore  in  such  cases  the 
formless  contract  of  marriage,  through  consensus  or  domum  ductio, 
must  have  preceded.  The  ceremonies  were  those  just  described 
(viz.  deductio  with  Thalassio,  lifting  over  the  threshold,  the  saluta- 
tion with  Caius  and  Caia,  the  presence  of  the  auspices,  the  joining 
of  hands,  the  dress  of  the  bride  ;  incidents  and  external  forms,  which 
depended  on  the  taste  and  the  means  of  those  about  to  be  married)  ; 
but  in  place  of  a  religious  marriage,  a  simple  civil  contract  was  en- 
tered into,  which  merely  determined  the  proportion  of  dependence 
of  the  young  woman.  It  was  a  symbolical  sale,/;er  as  et  libram,patre 
veltutoribus  auctoribus.  Gai.  i.  113:  Coemptione  in  manum  conveniunt 
per  mancipationem,  i.e.  per  quondam  imaginariam  venditionem,  adhi- 
bitis  non  minus  quam  quinque  testibus,  civibus  Romanis  puberibus,  item 
libripende  prater  midierem  eumque,  cujus  in  manum  convenit.  Serv.  on 
Virg.  jEn.  iv.  103  :  Coemptio  enim  est,  ubi  libra  atque  as  adhibetur,  et 
mulier  atque  vir  in  se  quasi  emptionem  faciunt.  Boethius  on  Cic.  Top. 
3,  p.  299 :  Qua  in  manum  per  coemptionem  convenerant,  ea  matres 
farn.  vocabantur  ;  qua  vero  usu  vel  farreo,  minime.  Coemptio  vero 
certis  solemnitatibus  peragebatur  et  sese  in  coemendo  invicem  interro- 
gabant  (i.e.  in  coemptio  they  mutually  asked  each  other) ;  vir  ita ; 
an  midier  sibi  materfamilias  esse  vellet :  ilia  respondebat,  velle.  Raque 
mulier  viri  conveniebat  in  manum  et  vocabantur  ha  nuptia  per  coemp- 
tionem, et  erat  mulier  materfamilias  viro  locofilia.  Quam  solemni- 
tatem  in  suis  institutis  Ulpianus  exponit.  Boethius  is  wrong  in  con- 
fining confarreatio  to  the  marriage  of  priests ;  in  believing  that  the 
woman  could  come  in  manum  only  by  coemptio  ;  and  in  reckoning 
as  materfamilias  only  her  who  coemptione  convenit.  The  last  error 
is  easily  cleared  up  when  we  reflect  that  in  the  time  of  Boethius 
this  form  no  longer  existed,  and  that  he  knew  it  only  by  tradition  ; 


168     THE  WOMEN  AXD  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  [Excursus  I. 

that  confarreatio  had  long  been  used  only  for  the  marriage  of 
priests,  and  that  usus  no  longer  led  to  ruanus.  Gai.  i.  113.  As  at 
coemptio  this  form  was  especially  used,  Visne  mihi  esse  materfa- 
milias  ?  he  thought  that  only  such  women  were  called  by  that  name. 
But  we  get  the  correct  idea  from  Cic.  Top.  3 :  Genus  enim  est  uxor ; 
ejus  du<e  formte:  una  matrumfamilias,  earum,  quce  in  manum  conve- 
nerunt  (usu,  farreo,  coemptione)  :  altera  earum,  quce  tantummodo 
uxores  habentur  (quae  in  manum  non  convenerunt).  Gell,  xviii.  6, 
also  explains:  Matremfamilias  appellatam  esse  earn  solam,  quce  in 
mariti  manu  mancipioque  esset.-  The  term  matrona  is  only  a  more 
comprehensive  designation  for  eveiy  decent  woman.  Cic.  pro  Cod. 
13  :  Petulantes  f admits,  si  matremfamilias  secus,  quam  matronarum 
sanctitas  postulat,  nominamus.  Every  materfamilias  is  also  a  ma- 
trona, but  not  the  reverse. 

The  third  form  by  which  a  woman  came  in  manum  was  the  usus 
or  prescription.  When  sh  :•  had  entered  into  a  free  marriage  only,  but 
remained  a  whole  year  with  the  man  without  having  been  absent 
three  days  from  his  house,  that  constituted  manus.  Gai.  i.  Ill :  Usu 
in  manum  conveniebat,  quce  anno  continuo  nupta  perseverabat,  nam 
velut  annua  possessione  usu  capiebatur,  in  familiam  viri  transibat, 
filiceque  locum  obtinebat.  Itaque  lec/e  XII.  Tabula/rum  caidum  erat, 
si  qua  nollet  eo  modo  in  manum  mariti  eonvenire,  ut  quotannis  tri- 
tioctio  abesset  atque  ita  usum  cujuscitnque  anni  interrumperet.  This 
period  did  not  consist  of  three  days,  or  thrice  twenty-four  hours, 
but  three  whole  nights  following  each  other,  as  is  proved  by  the 
decision  of  Gell.  iii.  2,  and  Macrob.  Sat.  i.  8,  that  the  woman  had  not 
committed  a  valid  usurpatio  trinoctii  quce  Kalendis  Januariis  apud 
virum  causa  matrimonii  esse  coepisset,  et  ante  diem  iv.  Kal.  Jan.  se- 
quentes  usurpation  isset  (i.e.  who  left  her  husband's  house  in  order 
to  interrupt  the  usucapio).  Non  enim  posse  imjyleri  trinoctium,  quod 
abesse  a  viro  usurpandi  causa  ex  XII.  Tabulis  deberet,  quoniam  tertice 
noctis  posteriores  sex  horce  alterius  anni  essent,  qui  inciperet  ex  Kalendis. 

Besides  these  stricter  forms  of  marriage,  by  which  the  woman 
came  in  manum  mancipiumque  mariti,  there  existed  a  less  binding 
one,  in  which  both  parties  stood  in  an  equal  position  towards  each 
other,  viz.  matrimonium  justum,  without  conventio  in  manum.  The 
woman  remained  in  potestate  patris  aut  tutoris,  and  retained  the 
free  disposition  of  her  property.  Such  are  the  women  whom 
Cicero  describes  as  uxores  tantummodo,  iu  opposition  to  the  mater- 
familias. So  Gell,  xviii.  6,  in  matrimonium  tantum  eonvenire,  in 
opposition  to  in  manum  eonvenire.  This  form  was  very  early  intro- 
duced into  Rome  by  the  Peregrini,  or  by  the  Etruscans,  who  emi- 
grated to  Rome,  where  it  was  in  time  acknowledged  as  a  lawful 


Scenb  I.]  THE  ^YOME^*  A>"D  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  169 

marriage,  provided  that  the  conditions,  as  equality  of  position  and 
citizenship,  were  the  same  on  both  sides.  This  free  marriage  be- 
came more  binding  after  living  together  for  one  unbroken  year, 
but  even  if  the  usurpatio  trinoctii  occurred,  the  free  marriage  still 
continued.  In  later  times,  when  the  conventio  in  manum  was  found 
inconvenient,  they  returned  to  this  form  of  marriage,  so  that  under 
the  middle  emperors  no  other  existed,  with  the  exception  of  the 
confarreatio  for  the  priests.  The  marriage  ceremonies,  which  were 
the  same  both  with  and  without  manufl,  have  already  been  described. 

Many  sarcophagi  illustrate  the  Roman  marriage  ceremonies,  but 
thev  chiefly  belong  -to  more  recent  times,  in  which  marriage  with- 
out manus  nearly  always  occurred.  We  find,  however,  in  all  of 
them,  that  the  bride  and  bridegroom  stretch  forth  their  hands, 
being  introduced  to  each  other  by  Juno  Pronuba ;  and  that  the 
preparation  of  sacrifices  by  the  priests  and  the  Camilli,  and  the 
Hymenaeus,  are  not  omitted. 

The  Concubinatus  was  merely  a  sexual  living  together  of  two 
persons  who  had  no  connubium.  This  was  of  two  kinds  :  first,  in 
a  narrower  and  strictly  legal  sense,  when  a  civis,  unmarried,  wished 
to  live  with  one  not  equal  to  him  in  position,  as  a.peregrina,  liberta, 
serva,  or  humilis,  abjecta  fa-mina,  without  considering  her  as  his 
wife  (to  a  certain  extent  looked  upon  as  a  left-handed  marriage, 
incequale  conjugium,  or  licita  eonsuetudo).  Secondly,  in  a  wider  and 
not  legal  sense,  when  a  married  man  lived  with  a  mistress  besides 
his  wife,  or  unmarried  with  two  mistresses.  The  first  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  considered  criminal,  or  even  contrary  to 
decency,  for  we  find  inscriptions  on  graves  to  the  '  beloved  concu- 
bine ;'  the  second  was  always  condemned,  and  fell  under  the  head 
of  stuprum,  particularly  if  the  concubine  belonged  to  the  honeste 
viventes.  The  woman  who  lived  with  a  married  man  was  called 
peUex.  Paul.  Diac.  p.  222 :  Pcllices  nunc  quidem  appellant  ur  alienis 
succumbentes,  non  solum  famince,  seel  etiam  mares.  Antiqui  proprie 
eampeliicem  nominabant,  quce  uxorem  habenti  nubebant.  Cui  generi 
muUerum  etiam  poena  constituta  est  a  Xuma  Pompilio  hac  lege  : 
Pellex  aram  Junonis  ne  tangito ;  si  fanget,  Junoni  crimbus  demissis 
agnum  fceminam  ccedito.  So  Gell.  iv.  3  :  Pellieem  autem  appellatam 
probrosamque  habitant,  quce  juncta  eunsuetaque  esset  cum  eo,  in  cujus 
manu  maneipioque  alia  matrimonii  causa  foret,  hac  antiquissima 
lege  ostenditur,  etc.  Later,  the  concubine  was  called  by  a  paulu 
hunestiore  nomine, — arnica. 


170    THE  WOMEN  AND  SOMAN  MARRIAGE.  [Excesses  I. 

BETROTHING  AND  DIVORCE. 

Maeriaoe,  in  Greece,  or  at  least  in  Athens,  required,  to  be 
valid,  to  be  preceded  by  a  solemn  betrothal ;  see  Becker's  Charicles, 
translated  by  Metcalfe,  p.  351.  Amongst  the  Romans  this  was  not 
essential,  but  solicitation  for  the  bride  -was  made  to  her  father,  or  in 
case  of  his  death  to  her  brother  or  guardian,  and  his  consent  must 
be  obtained.  Dio.  Cass,  xlviii.  44;  lix.  12;  lxiii.  13.  From  the 
usual  form  of  stipulation,  spondeme  ?  spondeo,  the  whole  act  was 
called  sponsalia ;  the  betrothed  were  called  sponsa  and  sponsus, 
more  anciently  proem.  Another  expression  was  conventce  conditio, 
which  act  preceded  the  betrothal,  and  consisted  in  negotiating  the 
amount  of  the  dos,  the  time  of  its  payment,  and  so  on.  Paul.  Diac. 
p.  62  :  Conventce  conditio  dicebatur,  quum primus  sermo  de  nuptiis  et 
earum  conditione  habebatur.  The  form  of  these  sponsalia  is  shown 
in  many  instances  by  the  comic  writers,  as  Plaut.  Aid.  ii.  2 ;  iii.  5, 
2  ;  Cure.  v.  2,  74 ;  Pom.  v.  4 ;  Trin.  v.  2,  33 ;  especially  Trin.  ii. 
4,  98  :— 

Ph.  Sine  dote  posco  tuam  sororem  filio. 

Quae  res  bene  vortut !  habeon',  pactam?     Quid  taces? 

St.   Proh  dii  immortales,  conditionem  quojusmodi ! 

Ph.   Quin  fabulare,  dii  bene  vortant :  spondeo. 

And  Pern.  v.  3,  36  :— 

Ag.  Audin'  tu  patrue  ?  dico,  ne  dictum  neges  : 

Tuam  mihi  majorem  filiam  despondeas. 
Ha.  Pactam  rem  habeto.     Ag.  Spondes  igitur?     Ha.  Spondeo. 

Cf.  Varro,  de  Ling.  Lat.  vi.  69. 

The  sponsalia  were  celebrated  as  a  family  holiday  and  with  a 
banquet,  as  Cicero  writes,  ad  Qu.  Cur.  ii.  6.  Family  mourning 
was  suspended  for  that  day,  Suet.  Oct.  53.  The  bride  frequently 
received  an  espousal  ring,  annidus  pronubus,  which  was  likewise  a 
symbolical  pledge  of  sincerity,  Juv.  vi.  25  ;  Plin.  H.  N.  xxxiii.  1, 
4;  Tertull.  Apolog.  6.  The  bridegroom  also  received  a  present 
from  the  bride,  Dionys.  iii.  21.  In  later  times,  valuable  articles 
were  mutually  given  as  securities  (wra),  which  the  member  who 
drew  back  from  the  performance  of  the  contract  forfeited.  Hence 
it  follows,  that  the  engagement,  though  entered  into  by  the  ap- 
pointed words,  or  even  in  writing,  was  not  binding  on  either  person, 
and  in  Rome,  as  little  as  in  Athens,  could  an  action  be  brought 
either  ex  sponsu  or  ex  stipidatu.     Juv.  vi.  200 : — 

Si  tibi  legitimis  pactam  junetamque  tabellis 
Non  es  amaturus,  ducendi  nulla  videtur 
Causa. 
Either  person  could  retract  the  engagement,  renuntiare  or  remit- 


Scene  I.]  THE  WOMEN  AND  ROM  AX  MARRIAGE.  171 

tore  repttdium,  Plaut.  Aul.  iv.  10,  53 ;  Ter.  Pharm,  iv.  3,  72  :  nun- 
tiant remitiere  et  sponsalia  dissolvere.  ülp.  Dia.  xxiii.  1,  110.  He- 
pudium  was  also  said  of  divorce,  Modestin.  Dig.  i.  16,  101 :  Divor- 
tium  inter  virion  et  uxorem  ßeri  dicitur ;  repudium  vero  sponscp 
remitti  videtur,  quad  et  in  uxoris  personam  non  inepte  cadit.  For 
examples  of  retracted  betrothal,  see  Plaut.  Cat.  31in.  7 ;  Suet.  Cces. 
21,  Oct.  G2 ;  Tac.  Ann.  xii.  3,  9 ;  Dio.  Cass.  xlvi.  56,  &c.  This 
betrothal  was  not  entirely  without  legal  validity,  although  only  so 
long  as  the  engagement  between  the  bride  and  bridegroom  was 
not  broken  off,  and  it  was  considered  disgraceful  during  its  continu- 
ance to  enter  into  a  second  engagement,  and  infidelity  on  the  part 
of  the  bride  was  even  regarded  as  adnlterium. 

According  to  a  custom  of  the  ancient  Latins,  the  person  who 
suffered  by  the  drawing  back  of  the  other  party  from  the  engage- 
ment, had  a  ground  of  action,  and  the  judge  compelled  the  person 
who  thus  retracted  without  sufficient  cause,  to  pay  a  sum  of  money 
(litem  pecunia  cestimabat).  After  the  union  of  Latium  with  Rome, 
Üüajus  sponsaliorum  ceased,  Gell.  iv.  4. 

The  terms  sperata,  pacta,  sponsa,  destinata  refer  to  the  espousals, 
and  not  to  the  different  forms  of  marriage,  or  to  the  various 
stages  of  the  engagement. 

In  the  same  manner  as  the  promise  made  at  the  espousals  could 
be  dissolved,  so  was  also  divorce  from  marriage  always  possible, 
without  any  one  being  authorised  by  the  civil  power  to  oppose  it. 
This  freedom  was,  however,  much  restrained  by  the  moral  feeling 
of  the  people  and  the  great  respect  they  entertained  for  the  sacred- 
ness  of  the  marriage  bond.  Add  to  this,  there  was  the  family 
council  of  relatives  which  must  always  be  consulted  before  a  di- 
vorce, and  the  fear  of  the  Censor's  reproof,  which  followed  a 
divorce  on  insufficient  grounds.  This  freedom  of  divorce  appears 
too,  if  the  explanation  of  Dionysius  be  correct,  not  to  refer  to 
confarreatio,  ii.  25  :  Elg  avvCtap.ov  ärayKoiov  oiKEiörrirog  t(pfpev  aSia- 
\vtov  Kai  tö  iiaipijnov  rovg  yapovg  tovtovq  ov?iv  j)y.  T\  e  must,  how- 
ever, recollect  that  in  his  time  confarreatio  was  confined  to  the 
marriages  of  priests,  which  were  always  indissoluble ;  he  could  also 
easily  err,  by  taking  as  an  example  of  the  old  confarreatio  the 
marriage  of  a  fianien  and  flaminica.  Therefore  a  union  of  the 
passage  of  Dionysius  with  Pint.  Rom.  2'2,  does  not  so  decidedly 
negative  it,  as  is  supposed.  Plut.  says:  ~E&t)Kt  ck  Kai  vöfiovQ  nvue, 
ojv  (T'hvCpdg  p'tv  tuTiv  6  yvvatxl  p>)  cicui<g  ä-xokuiruv  av£pa,  yvvaiKa  it 
CWoi'g  tKj3ä\\nv  «7Ti  (pap/xaKfi(f  T€KV(OV  n  k\hCwv  i»7ro/3oXy  Kai  fj.oi\ev- 
Qiiaav,  which  account  agrees  well  with  that  of  Dionysius,  since 
Plutarch  does  not,  like  him,  speak  exclusively  of  marriage  by  con- 


172      THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  [Excursus  I. 

farreatio,  but  of  marriage  generally.  It  were  absurd  to  suppose 
tbat  the  marriage  should  continue  binding,  if  such  crimes  as  those 
named  occurred.  This  law  of  Romulus  moreover  decreed,  that 
if  a  man  should  separate  for  any  other  reason,  one  half  of  his 
property  should  fall  to  his  repudiated  wife,  and  the  other  be  de- 
dicated to  Ceres.  And  hence,  in  order  to  prevent  hasty  marriage, 
it  was  made,  as  much  as  possible,  indissoluble. 

There  are  also  other  instances  to  show  that  release  from  mar- 
riage occurred  in  the  earlier  times  of  the  Republic,  and  that  the 
Twelve  Tables  contained  directions  on  the  subject.  The  account  of 
Sp.  Carvilius  Ruga,  A.u.c.  520  or  523,  having  been  the  first  to  put 
away  his  wife,  certainly  is  opposed  to  this  idea.  Dionys.  ii.  25, 
says  this  in  the  most  decided  way  :  öpoXoyelrai  ivrug  irwv  hkooi.  km 
■KivraKomoJV  jiticuq  iv  'Poi/<{/  SiaXvWjvai  yapog. — irpwrog  cnnAvoai  \s- 
yETai  ti)v  tavTOv  yvvatKa  ,~2irovpwQ  Kap.  äi'ijp  ovk  ä<pavi)c,  ävayKaZ,6- 
[uvog  V7rb  tu)v  rifitiTwv  öfiöaai  r'tKvtov  evEica  yvvauu  py)  ovvouceiv.  But 
the  last  words  are  either  corrupt  or  contain  an  error,  as  the 
account  of  Gell.  xvii.  2,  shows :  Anno  delude  P.  K.  c.  quingentesimo 
undevicesimo  Sp.  Carv.  Ruga  primus  Roma  de  amicorum  sententia 
divortium  cum  uxore  fecit,  quod  sterilis  esset  jurassetque  apud  cen- 
sores,  uxorem  se  liberorum  qucerendorum  causa  habere.  Val.  Max.  ii. 
1,  4,  also  mentions  the  year  520 ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  we  find 
another  important  example  in  Plutarch,  agreeing  that  the  first  di- 
vorce, that  of  Sp.  Carvilius,  took  place  in  the  year  230.  This  year 
has  indeed  every  probability  against  it,  as  the  separation  of  Carvi- 
fms  would  have  taken  place  in  the  time  of  the  Kingdom,  whilst 
the  whole  account  refers  to  that  of  the  Republic,  namely,  to  the 
period  when  the  censorship  was  separated  from  the  Consulate. 
Sulpicius,  too,  quotes  the  authority  of  Gellius  as  by  far  the  most 
important.  On  the  other  hand,  again,  no  one  will  believe  it  likely 
that  for  520  years  together,  until  some  150  years  before  Cicero,  no 
divorce  should  have  taken  place  in  Rome.  The  whole  matter 
seems  to  rest  on  a  misunderstanding  of  the  second  passage  of  Gell, 
iv.  3.  From  this  it  appears  probable,  that  the  divorce  of  Carvilius 
took  place  under  particular  circumstances,  different  from  those  of 
the  more  ancient  divorces,  whence  it  came  to  pass  that  his  divorce, 
which  in  some  respects  was  the  first  of  its  kind,  came  to  be  con- 
sidered the  first  generally.  Sulpicius  does  not  affirm  that  it  was 
the  first  divorce,  else  Gellius  would  not  merely  say :  Quia  profecto 
nihil  desiderabantur  (viz.  rei  uxorise  actiones  et  cautiones)  nullis 
etlamtunc  matrimonils  divertentibus,  i.e.  Gellius  infers  merely  from 
the  non-existence  of  the  cautiones  rei  uxorite,  that  divorces  came 
into  use  later.     Probably  Sp.  Carvilius  was  the  first  who  separated 


Scene  L]    THE  WOMEN  AXD  BOMAN  MARRIAGE.  173 

from  his  wife  for  a  reason  different  from  those  originally  in  force, 
namely,  with  the  selfish  object  of  retaining  the  dos,  whilst  he  jus- 
tified himself  upon  pretended  religious  scruples.  His  sophistry  led 
to  the  desired  result,  but  the  right  feeling  of  the  people  manifested 
itself  in  loud  disapprobation  of  his  conduct,  and  the  cautiones  rei 
uxorias  were  therefore  soon  introduced,  in  order  to  prevent  similar 
consequences.  Through  these  circumstances,  and  the  fact  that  few 
have  the  cautiones  dated,  the  divorce  of  Carvilius  obtained  celebrity, 
and  so  it  may  easily  happen  that  after  two  hundred  years  and  more, 
people  should  entertain  the  idea  that  it  had  been  the  first  of  all. 
That  this  divorce  in  some  respect  was  the  first,  many  learned  men 
agree :  one  states,  that  it  was  the  first  sterilitatis  causa ;  another, 
without  consulting  the  judgment  of  cognati;  a  third,  of  a  binding 
marriage,  and  so  on. 

Let  us  return  now  to  the  demonstration  of  the  early  divorce,  and 
refer  first  to  the  case  related  by  Val.  Max.  ii.  9,  2  :  Scrum  severi- 
tatem  M.  Valerius  Maximus  d  C.  Junius  Bvbulcus  Brutus  censores  in 
consimili  genere  animadversionis  imitatiL.  Antonium  senatu  moverunt, 
quod  quam  virginem  in  matrimonium  duxerat,  repudiasset,  nullo  ami- 
corum in  consilium  adhihito.  It  would  be  false  to  suppose  from  this 
that  divorces  were  uncommon  or  forbidden.  "We  must,  in  the  first 
place,  recollect  that  the  nota  censoria  is  by  no  means  regarded  as 
judicium,  as  the  instructive  passage  in  Cic.  pro  Clu.  42 — 48,  shows. 
The  sentence  of  the  Censor  is  entirely  subjective,  and  has  therefore 
but  a  limited  importance.  So  it  does  not  follow  from  the  animad- 
vcrsio  censoria  against  Antonius,  that  he  did  anything  forbidden  and 
liable  to  punishment,  when  he  separated  from  his  wife  ;  but  there 
was  something  reprehensible  in  the  manner  in  which  he  did  it,  as 
we  learn  from  Val.  Max.  himself,  when  he  adds  :  Nullo  amicorum 
in  consilium  adhibito.  A  family  consultation  was  always  held  in 
such  cases,  and  thence  it  is  said  of  Carvilius  :  De  amicorum  sentcntia. 
See  the  early  part  of  this  Excursus.  Antonius'  manner  of  pro- 
ceeding was  arbitrary  and  harsh,  and  thence  the  whole  affair  caused 
animadversio  censoria.  This  divorce  took  place  A.r.c.  447,  some 
fifty  years  before  the  first  Punic  war. 

But  other  proof  exists,  that  in  much  earlier  times  divorce  was 
properly  established  and  strictly  ordained  by  laws.  Cicero,  Phil. 
ii.  28,  says  jokingly  of  Antonius,  who  had  dismissed  Cytheris  under 
the  same  formalities  as  those  of  divorce  :  Mam  mam  suas  res  sibi 
habere  jussit,  ex  duodecim  tabulis  cloves  adcinit,  exegit.  From  this 
mention  of  the  Twelve  Tables,  it  follows  that  the  proper  relations  of 
those  who  separated  were  therein  contained,  as  well  perhaps  as 
certain  formalities  to  be  observed.     Into  the  grounds  on  which  a 


174      THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN"  MARRIAGE.  [Excursus  I. 

divorce  was  to  be  obtained,  inquiry  was  made  sometimes  by  the 
council  of  cognati ;  at  others  by  the  judge  in  the  judicium  de  mori- 
bus,  after  the  introduction  of  cautiones  et  actiones  rei  uxorise.  This 
last,  however,  only  occurred  when  the  pecuniary  affairs  of  the  two 
separating  parties,  as  in  the  case  of  the  return  of  the  dos,  could  not 
be  settled  by  friendly  arbitration.  The  question  then  was,  whether 
it  was  the  fault  of  the  husband  or  of  the  wife,  that  led  to  the 
divorce  (utrius  culpa  divortium  factum,  Quinct.  iii.  4,  11).  On 
the  part  of  the  woman,  the  causes  were,  besides  capital  offences, 
adultery  and  drinking,  and  the  latter  was  very  severely  punished  in 
ancient  times.  Plin.  H.  N.  xiv.  13  :  On.  Domitius  judex  pronuntia- 
vit :  muliersm  videri  plus  bibisse  quam  valetudinis  causa,  viro  insti- 
tute, et  dote  midtavit.  See  Gellius  x.  23,  and  Cato's  speech  there. 
That  divorces  became  much  more  frequent  after  the  Punic  wars 
is  explained  by  the  decay  of  manners  then  introduced,  and  by  the 
marriage  ties  becoming  more  and  more  lax.  The  censor's  reproof 
was  no  longer  dreaded,  and  we  find  that  at  that  time  divorce 
occurred  on  account  of  the  most  trivial  circumstances.  Val.  Max. 
vi.,  out  of  many,  selects  three  examples  of  the  kind,  that  of  Sulpi- 
cius  Gallus,  who  uxorem  demisit,  quod  earn  capite  apertoforis  versa- 
tam  cognoverat ;  secondly,  of  Q.  Antistius  Vetus,  quod  Mam  in  pub- 
lico cum  quadam  libertina  vulgari  secreto  loquentem  viderat ;  thirdly, 
of  P.  Sempronius  Sophus,  qui  conjugem  repudii  nota  affecit,  nihi 
aliud  quam  se  ignorante  ludos  ausam  spectare.  It  is,  besides,  doubt- 
ful whether  the  causes  here  assigned  were  not  a  mere  pretence. 
In  the  last  period  of  the  Republic,  divorce  prevailed  to  a  frightful 
extent;  marriage  was  thoughtlessly  entered  upon,  and  dissolved 
at  pleasure.  Sylla,  Caesar,  Pompey,  Cicero,  and  Antony,  put  away 
their  wives,  and  Augustus  and  his  successor  followed  their  ex- 
ample. At  that  time  this  also  occurred  on  the  women's  part, 
without  any  fault  being  committed  by  their  husbands.  It  had 
previously  been  far  more  difficult  for  them  to  dissolve  a  marriage, 
and  the  husband's  want  of  fidelity  gave  them  no  authority,  as 
Plaut.  Men.  iv.  6,  1,  says:— 

Ecastor  lege  dura  vivunt  mulieres 

Multoque  iniquiore  miserse  quern  viri. 

Nam  si  vir  scortum  duxit  clam  uxorem  suam, 

Id  si  rescivit  uxor,  impune  est  viro  ; 

Uxor  viro  si  clam  domo  egressa  est  foras, 

Viro  fit  causa,  exigitur  matrimonio. 

Utinam  lex  esset  eadem  quae  uxori  est  viro !  etc. 

In  Cicero's  time  and  afterwards,  separations  by  the  women  are 
often  mentioned,  as  Cic.  ad  Fam.  viii.  7 ;  ad  AtL  xi.  23  (in  this 


Scene  I.J    THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  175 

ease  with  reason)  ;  pro  Ctu.  5  ;  Mart.  Ep.  vi.  7  ;  x.  41.  Sen.  de  Ben. 
iii.  16  :  Kumquid  jam  ulla  repudio  erubescit  ? — rum  considitm  numero, 
sed  maritorum  annos  suos  computant  et  exeunt  matrimonii  causa. 
nubunt  repudii. 

The  most  common  term  for  the  dissolution  of  marriage  was  di- 
voHium,  which  properly  means  a  separation  which  took  place  with 
the  consent  of  both  the  parties  concerned.  Paul.  Big.  i.  10,  161  : 
Bu\  ex  eo  dictum  est,  quod  in  diversas  partes  etrnt  qui  discedunt. 
Modest.  101 :  Dir.  inter  varum  et  uxorem  fieri  dicitur.  Cf.  Isidor. 
ix.  8.  So  also  discidium}  which  was  also  generally  used  when  the 
separation  was  mutual.  These  words  were  commonly  joined  with 
facere.  On  the  other  hand  repudium  refers  to  a  divorce  on  one 
side,  and  is  therefore  used  only  of  the  party  by  whom  it  was  caused. 
So  the  term  used  was  not  repudium  facere,  but  repudium  mittere, 
remitiere,  dicere,  scribere,  nuntiare,  renuntiare ;  nuntium  remitiere 
was  also  similar ;  see  Plaut.  Aid.  iv.  10,  53,  69  ;  Ter.  Phorm.  iv.  3, 
72;  Cic.  ad  Att.  i.  13;  xi.  23;  de  Orot.  i.  40 ;  Top.  4;  Suet,  fre- 
quently. Besides  these  expressions,  there  were  exigere  and  ejicere 
said  of  the  man,  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  28,  38;  discedere  of  the  woman,  Ter. 
Andr.  iii.  3,  30,  which  differed  from  each  other,  as  in  Greek  did 
iK-'m-uv  or  ik-'lüWeiv  and  äirokeiirav.  It  has  been,  without  suffi- 
cient reason,  suggested,  that  divortium  was  said  especially  of  the 
women,  repudium  of  the  men  ;  and  also  that  the  former  refers  to 
divorce  from  strict,  the  latter  from  free,  marriage. 

The  formula  of  separation  either  by  mutual  consent,  or  bv  the 
desire  of  one  party,  as  given  in  the  Twelve  Tables,  was :  Titas  res  tibi 
habeto.  This  applied  as  well  to  the  man  who  wished  to  separate  as  to 
the  woman ;  see  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  28  ;  Plaut.  Amph.  iii.  2,  47 :  Valeas, 
tibi  habeas  res  tuas,  reddas  meas;  also  Trin.  ii.  1,  31  :  Titas  res  tibi 
habe.  See  also  Mart.  x.  41 ;  Quinct.  Bed.  262,  &c.  The  woman 
resigned  the  key,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  this  formality  was  pre- 
scribed by  the  Twelve  Tables.  Sometimes  also  this  order  was  ac- 
companied by  another,  to  quit  the  house  (foras  exi),  which  the 
woman  alone  could  give,  if  she  were  mistress  of  the  house  ;  see 
Plaut.  Mil.  Glor.  iv.6,  62;  cf.  Plaut.  Cas.  ii.  2,  31;  Mart.  xi.  104. 
Written  notices  also,  or  verbal  ones  by  a  messenger,  came  into 
practice;  whence  the  expressions  renuntiatio  or  nuntium  remitiere. 
The  contract  made  on  the  conclusion  of  the  marriage  was  generally 
destroyed  (rumpere  tabulas  nuptiales),  Juv.  ix.  75  ;  Tac.  Ann.  xi.  30. 
When  the  marriage  had  been  solemnly  entered  upon  with  rnanus, 
this  simple  formula  was  not  sufficient  to  dissolve  it.  Therefore  con- 
farreatio  required  a  formal  diffarreatio.  Paul.  Diac.  p.  74 :  Biff, 
genus  erat  sacrificii,  quo  inter  virum  et  midierem  fiebat   dissolulio. 


17 G    THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.    [Excursus  I. 

Dicta  cliff.,  quia  fiebert  farreo  libo  adhibit o.  The  same  solemnities 
and  persons  which  occurred  at  the  confarreatio  must  be  repeated 
at  the  diffarreatio.  Sacerdos  confarreationum  et  diffarreationum,  Orell. 
Inscr.  2648.  Beyond  this  nothing  is  known  on  the  subject,  as 
what  Plut.  Qucest.  Rom.  50,  relates  of  Domitian,  refers  to  the 
divorce  of  a  fiamen  dialis :  ol  Si  Upeig  irapty'tvovTo  ry  tov  yäp.ov 
viakvoti  iroWa  (ppiicwoij  Kai  äWöicora  Kai  aKvQpw—ä  cpwvTec. 

"When  the  manus  of  the  woman  had  been  by  mancipatio, 
divorce  ensued  by  the  preceding  simple  formula  ;  but  manus  con- 
tinued until  taken  away  by  a  formal  remancipatio.  Fest. :  Qua  man- 
cipata  sit  ab  eo,  qui  in  manmn  convenerit.  See  also  the  imperfect 
passage  of  Gai.  i.  137.  We  are  not  told  by  which  form  the 
manus  by  usus  was  unloosened.  Probably  a  simple  declaration 
was  sufficient. 

The  divorced  wife  could  marry  again,  so  too  could  the  widow 
after  the  full  time  of  mourning ;  but  in  the  early  days,  when  marriage 
had  a  higher  sanction,  this  could  not  be  done  without  prejudice  to 
the  character  of  the  woman.  A  woman  multarum  nuptiarum,  as 
Cic.  ad  Att.  xiii.  29,  says,  received  no  respect,  Plut.  Qu.  Rom.  102. 
Tertull.  de  Exhort.  Cast.  13,  de  Monogam.  13,  places  her  in  con- 
trast to  univira,  which  expression  is  also  found  on  inscriptions. 
A  woman  married  for  the  second  time  could  not  be  a  pronuba  or 
touch  the  statue  of  Pudicitia,  of  Fortuna  3Iidiebris,  or  Mater  Ma- 
tuta,  Liv.  x.  23  ;  Fest.  Pudic.  p.  242,  245.  On  the  second  marriage 
there  were  some  external  forms  less  full  of  honour  than  on  the  first : 
see  Serv.  on  Virg.  JEn.  xi.  476;  Prop.  iv.  11,  85 ;  iv.  8,  27. 


CELIBACY. 

Yoixxtaky  celibacy  was  considered,  in  very  early  times,  as 
censurable  and  even  guilts'.  Sozom.  h.  e.  i.  9,  mentions  an  old 
law  on  the  subject ;  and  Dionys.  ix.  22,  speaks  of  a  family  law 
relating  to  it  in  the  gens  Fabia.  From  Festus,  p.  379,  we  learn 
that  there  was  a  celibate  fine.  Uxorium  pependisse  dicitur,  qui, 
quod  uxorem  non  habuerit,  res  populo  dedit;  and  the  censors,  whose 
attention  was  turned  to  the  maintenance  and  increase  of  the  popu- 
lation, watched  over  the  ministration  of  these  old  decrees.  Cic.  de 
Leg.  iii.  3 ;  Val.  Max.  ii.  9,  1.  Camillus  et  Postumim  censores  (era 
pa-nai  nomine  eos  qui  ad  senectutem  ccelibes pervenerant,  in  cerarium  de- 
ferrejusserunt ;  403  B.c. ;  351  a.  v.  c.  Hortatory  speeches  from  the 
censors  to  the  people,  de  ducendis  uxoribus  and  de  prole  augenda, 
also  took  place.      In  Suet.  Oct.  89,  Q.  Csecilius  Metellus  says: 


Scene  L]     THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.         177 

Si  sine  uxore  possemus,  Quirites,  esse,  omnes  ea  molestia  earercmus ; 
sed  quoniam  ita  natura  tradidit,  ut  nee  cum  Ulis  satis  commode  nee 
sine  Ulis  idlo  modo  vivi  possit,  saluti  perpetuce  potius  quam  hrcvi 
voluptati  consdendum;  cf.  Gell.  i.  6;  Liv.  Ep.  lix. ;  Sueton.  Oct. 
89.  It  was  quite  a  Grecian  view  of  the  case  to  consider  a  wife  as 
a  necessary  evil.  Menand.  p.  190 :  äväyKti  yäp  ywcüx  üvai  kuköv, 
ü\\ä  eirrvxhs  ttrö'ö  ptrpubrarov Xaßwv;  see  Becker's  Charicles,  trans- 
lated by  Metcalfe,  p.  346.  In  the  general  deterioration  of  manners, 
and  especially  after  the  civil  wars,  the  number  of  unmarried  in- 
creased extraordinarily,  and  even  before  Juvenal's  time  marriage 
was  so  critical  a  matter  that  one  might  well  call  out 

Certe  sanus  eras  !     Uxorem,  Postume,  ducis  ? 

Die,  qua  Tisiphone,  quibus  exagitare  colubris  ? 
The  demands  which  women,  especially  those  of  rank,  made, 
were,  in  the  time  of  Plautus,  of  such  a  kind  that  the  taste  for  mar- 
riage became  nearly  lost.  See  Aulul.  iii.  5,  Mil.  iii.  1,  91.  If  the 
wife  brought  an  important  dowiy,  the  position  of  the  husband  in 
the  house  was  frequently  not  the  most  agreeable.  Hence  De- 
maenetus  complains  in  Plaut.  Asin.  i.  1,  74.  Argentum  accept ;  dote 
Imperium  vendidi ;  and  Epid.  ii.  i.  11,  where  Apcecides  remarks: 
Fulcra  edepol  dos  pecunia  est,  Periphanes  replies  :  qua  quidem  pol 
non  maritata  est.  Juvenal  vi.  4G0,  Intolerabilius  nihil  est  quam 
femina  dives,  and  Mart.  viii.  12  : 

Uxorem  quare  locupletem  ducere  nolim, 
Quseritis  ?  uxori  rmbere  nolo  mese. 

Learned  women  were  dreaded.  Sit  non  doctissima  conjux,  Mart, 
ii.  90,  makes  a  condition.     See  Juv.  vi.  448 : 

Non  habeat  matrona,  tibi  quae  juncta  recumbit, 
Dicendi  genus,  aut  curtum  sermone  rotato 
Torqueat  enthymema,  nee  historias  sciat  omnes  : 
Sed  qusedam  ex  libris  et  non  intelligat. 

As  the  view  implying  censure  had  entirely  passed  away,  Caesar 
sought  to  encourage  marriage  by  rewards ;  but  Augustus  published, 
through  the  lex  Julia  et  Papia  Poppa>a,  some  very  stringent  and 
even  ridiculous  decrees  against  celibacy.  And,  on  the  other  hand, 
certain  advantages  accrued  to  those  who  had  many  children,  jus 
trium  liberorum.  These  laws,  however,  do  not  seem  to  have  had 
much  result,  as  we  see  from  Tac.  Ann.  iii.  25.  They  were  defeated 
by  the  emperors  themselves,  who  often  granted  the  jus  trium  libe- 
rorum to  persons  who  had  very  few  or  no  children,  or  were  not 
even  married. 


178    THE  WOMEN'  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.    [Excursus  I. 

CHILDREN. 

If  the  Roman  custom  in  relation  to  marriage  and  the  position  of 
women  generally,  is  decidedly  to  be  preferred  to  that  of  the  Greeks, 
it  cannot  he  denied  that  the  reverse  was  the  case  as  regarded  the 
relations  of  children,  as  the  arbitrary  power  which  the  father  had 
over  them  in  Rome  was  a  flagrant  injustice:  the  freedom  of  an 
individual  was  thus  limited  in  a  most  unjust  manner,  and  the  child 
held  in  an  unnatural  dependence  on  his  father.  The  great  mis- 
take consisted  in  the  Roman  father  considering  the  power  which 
Nature  imposes  as  a  duty  on  the  elders,  of  guiding  and  protecting 
a  child  during  infancy,  as  extending  over  his  freedom,  involving 
his  life  and  death,  and  continuing  during  his  entire  existence.  The 
Grecian  law  differed  in  two  respects  from  the  Roman :  first,  that 
the  father's  power  ceased  with  the  son's  independence,  and  this  he 
attained  either  by  arriving  at  a  certain  period  of  life,  or  by  mar- 
riage, or  by  being  entered  on  the  list  of  citizens.  Secondly,  the 
Grecian  father  had  merely  the  right  of  terminating  the  relation 
between  child  and  parent,  by  banishing  him  from  his  house,  or  dis- 
inheriting him,  without  daring  to  injure  either  his  liberty  or  life. 

The  patria  potestas  of  the  Romans  was  in  theory  indeed  very 
different  from  absolute  possession  (dominium),  but  in  reality  it  ap- 
proached very  near  to  it,  especially  in  ancient  times ;  only  the  latter 
extended  over  things,  the  former  over  persons.  Consequently  this 
potestas  gave  the  father  the  right  over  the  life  and  liberty  of  his 
child.  Dion.  ii.  26,  after  drawing  attention  to  the  difference  of  the 
Grecian  laws,  says :  o  tCov  'Vwpaiwv  vonoB'iTr)g  liizaaav  wg  tiirüv  töwKtv 
tZovaiav  Tzarpi  jccei/  vloii  rai  Ttapä  iravra  tov  tov  ßiov  -xpövor,  iäv  rt 
tipyuv,  iäv  Ti  fiaoriyovi',  iäv  n  Ska/tiov  t7ri  twv  kcit  nypbv  ipywv  kcit- 
£Y£ii>,  iäv  n  airoKTivvvvai  Trpoaipiirai,  kuv  tu  rroXi-iKä  -npaTTwv  b  Tratg 
t)St]  rvyxavy,  kuv  if  äpxaig  ralg  peyiaTaig  i^tra^b^ivoc,  kciv  diu  rrjv  tig 
TU  Koivä  QiXoTiplav  eiraivovfievog.  This  law,  said  to  be  as  early 
as  Romulus,  but  at  any  rate  very  ancient,  was  revived  in  all  its 
severity  in  the  twelve  Tables.  Dionys.  c.  27 :  d  XaßövTtg  -xapa 
tov  dijfiov  ti)v  i'Covaiav  rije  avraytuyfje  Ti  mi  iinypa(pi)g  aiiTiöv  (i.  e. 
vöp.w\>)  cka  ävSpig  ä}ia  Tolg  äXXoig  ävkypa^av  v6/.ioig.  He  then 
controverts  the  possible  notion  that  the  Decemvirs  introduced 
this,  by  citing  an  institution  of  Numa :  iuv  iraTtip  v'uji  avyx^pi^y 
yvvdiKa  ayayioüai  koivuvov,  iaofi'ii'r}v  upuiv  Ti  Kai  xp'inärwv  kutu  rovg 
vbfiovg,  p/Ken  Ti)v  ilova'iav  iivai  t(,j  Trarpl  -wXilv  Tovg  v'tovc.  This 
power  quite  agreed  with  the  ancient  severity,  (see  Liv.  i.  20, 
where  Horatius  says,  Se  filiam  jure  ccesam  judioare,  ni  ita  esset, 
patrio  jure  in  /ilium  animadversurum  ftmse),  but  it  was  afterwards 


Scene  I.]  THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  179 

recognised  by  law,  as  the  usual  form  of  adoption  shews.  0 rat.  pro 
Domo  29:  Credo  enlm,  quanquam  in  ilia  adopt  tone  legitime  factum 
est  nihil,  tarnen  te  esse  interrogatum :  auetorne  esses,  id  in  te  P.  Fon- 
teius  vitcc  necisgue  potestatem  haberet,  ut  in  ßlio,  and  the  complete 
form  in  Gell.  v.  19  :  Velitis  jubeatis,  ut  L.  Valerius,  L.  Titio,  turn 
jure  legequeßlius  siet,  quam  si  ex  eo  patre  matreque  familias  ejus  natus 
esset,  utiqueei  vites  necisque  in  eum  potestas  siet,  utipatri  endo JUio  est. 
Ucee  ita,  ut  dixi,  vos  Quirites  rogo.  The  unnatural  part  of  this 
decree  was  somewhat  modified,  in  that  the  right  of  life  and  death 
belonged  in  fact  to  that  of  discipline  and  punishment,  which  was  per- 
mitted by  the  State  to  the  paterfamilias,  and  as  the  father  could  not 
act  on  his  own  judgment,  but  must,  conformably  to  custom,  summon 
a  family  council,  as  e.  g.  Val.  Max.  v.  8,  2  :  Cassias  Ji/ium — adhibito 
propinqicorum  et  amicorum  consiUo  affectati  regni  crimine  domi  dam- 
narit  verberibusque  affectum  necari  jitssit.  On  the  killing  of  Sp. 
Cassius  Yiscellinus  by  his  father,  see  Liv.  ii.  41  ;  Dionys.  viii.  79 » 
Plin.  H.  N.  xxxiv.  4.  This  judgment  is  mentioned  by  Val.  Max.  v. 
8,  3,  where  he  says  of  T.  Manlius  Torquatus,  ne  consilio  quidem  neces- 
sariorum  indigere  se  credidit,  as  his  son  had  been  accused  by  the 
Macedonians  on  account  of  extortion.  The  father  sat  in  judgment 
for  three  days,  hearing  witnesses  and  so  on,  and  at  last  banished 
his  son  from  his  presence,  whereupon  he  killed  himself;  so  Cic.  de 
Fin.  i.  7.  Val.  Max.  relates  another  instance,  v.  9, 1.  L.  Gellius  held 
judgment  on  his  son,  pcene  universo  senatit  adhibito  in  consilium,  and 
after  careful  inquiry,  absolvit  eum  turn  concilii  turn  etiam  sententia 
sua.  See  also  Quinct.  Decl.  viii.  4,  and  .350.  Other  examples  are 
related,  of  sentence  being  passed  on  sons  by  their  fathers,  without 
mention  of  the  family  council,  and  probably  because  the  official 
position  of  the  father  rendered  such  aid  unnecessary,  as  in  the 
harsh  judgment  of  Brutus  and  T.  Manlius  Imperiosus  :  see  also  Liv. 
iv.  29.  In  capital  offences  too  the  father  could  by  himself  inflict 
punishment,  as  it  is  deemed  more  proper  that  he  should  himself 
condemn  his  son,  than  that  he  should  come  himself  as  his  accuser. 
So  Sail.  Cat.  39  relates  :  Fuere  tarnen  extra  conjurationem  complures, 
qui  ad  Catilinam  initio  profeeti  sunt :  in  his  A.  Fuloius  seuatoris 
Jilius  quem  rctractum  ex  itinere  parens  necari  jussit.  Of.  Dio  Cass, 
xxx viii.  36,  and  Val.  Max.  v.  8,  5,  and  vi.  1, :_!.  Sen.  de  Clem.  i.  14, 10, 
relates  two  instances  of  a  father's  judgment  in  the  time  of  Augustus. 
In  the  latter  case  the  father  condemned  the  sou  for  parricide,  letting 
him  oil-  with  exile  only.  A  solemn  family  council  also  preceded, 
to  which  the  emperor  was  invited;  there  the  kindness  of  the  father 
openly  prevailed,  and  whilst  he  made  use  of  his  right,  he  protected 
his  son  from  the  punishment  which  he  would  have  found  in  the 

N   2 


ISO     THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.  [Excursus  I. 

public  court  of  justice.  The  second  case  proves  the  harshness  and 
misuse  to  which  this  right  could  he  applied.  JErixonem  equitem  Rom. 
memoria  nostra,  quia  filium  suum  flagellis  occiderat,  poptdus  in  foro 
graphiis  confodit.  Fix  Mum  Augusti  Ccesaris  auctoritas  infestis  tarn 
patrum  quamfiliorum  manibus  eripuit.  But  after  all,  not  one  case  of 
absolute  death  is  mentioned,  but  only  of  cruel  punishment.  Tac. 
Ann.  xvi.  33,  gives  another  example  :  Montanus  patri  concessus  est, 
preedk&o,  ne  in  republica  haberetur.  That  is  wrong,  however :  on  the 
contrary,  the  son  was  pardoned  from  respect  to  his  father.  See 
Quinct.  Bed.  viii.  xix.  &c.  If  a  misuse  of  the  patria  potestas 
occurred  in  earlier  times,  the  censor  could  resent  it,  Dionys.  xx.  3 ; 
Oros.  v.  16,  even  speaks  of  a  public  indictment;  in  later  days  the 
emperor  saw  to  it,  as  it  is  related  of  Trajan  and  Hadrian.  In  the 
two  hundredth  year  of  the  empire  this  power  was  taken  away  from 
the  father  by  law. 

Although  the  right  of  sale  undeniably  existed,  and  was  recog- 
nised by  the  twelve  Tables,  no  instance  of  it  exists  ;  and  we  may 
therefore  suppose  that  it  was  early  abolished,  and  used  only  as  a 
form  in  the  emancipatio.  Numa  even  seems  to  have  limited  this 
right,  according  to  Dionys.  ii.  27 ;  so  too  Plut.  Num.  17.  In  the 
form  of  mancipatio,  the  father  had  the  right  to  sell  the  son  three 
times  ;  after  the  third  time  he  did  not  again  come  into  the  patria 
potestas.  So  the  twelve  Tables  decreed:  Si  pater  filium  ter  venum 
duit,  films  a  pat.re  liber  esto,  Ulp.  x.  1 ;  Gai.  i.  132.  Plaut.  Stick 
i.  1,  54;  2,  11 ;  Trin.  ii.  2,  20,  speaks  generally  of  the  obedience 
due  from  children  to  their  father. 

From  the  patria  potestas  must  be  entirely  separated  the  right 
with  which  we  frequently  meet  in  antiquity,  of  killing  or  exposing 
new-born  children.  In  Rome  it  did  not  exist  to  so  great  an  extent  as 
elsewhere.  Romulus  is  said  to  have  interdicted  sons  and  first-born 
daughters  from  being  killed,  Dionys.  ii.  28.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
seems  to  have  been  commanded  that  the  deformed  should  be  put  to 
death,  Cic.  de  Leg.  iii.  8 ;  Liv.  xxvii.  37  ;  Sen.  de  Ira,  i.  18.  That 
the  exposure  and  murder  of  the  new-born  was  not  unfrequent,  even 
in  the  most  important  families,  many  instances  show ;  as  Dio  Cass, 
xlv.  1,  and  the  Lex  Gentilicia  of  the  Fabii,  Dionys.  ix.  22 :  rä  yevvü- 
ixiva  liräiayKtq  rp'i(ptiv;  see  Plaut.  Cas.  prol.  41,  79;  Cist.  i.  3,  17, 
31 ;  Ter.  Heaid.  iv.  1,  37.  Whether  the  columna  lactaria  men- 
tioned by  Paul.  Diac.  p.  118,  is  connected  with  this  custom,  is  not 
certain. 

The  son  remained  in  the  father's  power  until  his  death,  unless 
either  of  them  had  suffered  a  capitis  dwiimdio.  The  patria  po- 
testas ceased  if  the  son  became  a  flanien  dialis.     Tac.  Ann.  iv.  16  5 


Scene  I.]       THE  WOMEN  AND  ROMAN  MARRIAGE.       181 

Gai.  iii.  114.  Other  dignities  made  no  difference,  see  Val.  Max.  v. 
4.  Ö.  In  the  case  of  a  daughter  it  ceased  when  she  entered  into 
marriage  with  manus,  or  became  a  vestal  virgin.  Gell.  i.  12 :  Eo 
statim  tempore  sine  emancipatione  ae  sine  capitis  minutione  e  patris 
potestate  exit.  Ulp.  x.  5  :  In  potestate  parent  ion  esse  desinunt  et  hi, 
qui  Flamines  Divalesinaugurantur,  et  qua  Virgines  Vesta  capiuntur. 
Gai.  i.  130. 

If  a  father  wished  to  renoimce  the  patria  potestas  over  his  son, 
it  must  be  done  either  by  adoption  (by  which  he  passed  into  another 
potestas)  or  by  the  formality  of  emancipation.  This  consisted  in 
selling  the  son  three  times  to  a  pater  fidueiarim,  who  manumitted 
him  according  to  a  previously-made  contract  after  the  first  and 
second  mancipation ;  but  after  the  third  he  mancipated  him  back 
to  the  father,  on  which  the  latter  became  his  pater,  and  manumitted 
him  in  Ubertatem.  This  minuteness  was  the  consequence  of  the 
directions  of  the  twelve  Tables,  that  the  father  should  three  times 
sell  his  son.  Ulp.  x.  1 :  Liberi  parentum  potestate  liberantur  eman- 
cipatione, i.  e.  si  posteaquam  mancipati  fuerint,  manumissi  sint.  Sed 
films  quidem  ter  mancipatus,  ter  manumissus  sw juris  fit.  Id  enim  lex 
xii.  tabular/' mjubct  his  verbis :  Si  pater  filium  ter  venum  duit,filius 
a  poire  liber  esto.  Ceteri  autem  üben  prater  filium  tarn  mascuh 
quam  femince  una  maneipatione  manumissioneque  sui  juris fiunt. 


EXCURSUS  II.      SCENE  I. 


EDUCATION. 


NOTWITHSTANDING  the  harsh  power  which  amongst  the 
Romans  tbe  paterfamilias  possessed  over  his  familia,  it  must 
not  be  forgotten  that  in  the  house  far  more  of  real  family  life  oc- 
curred, and  that  a  more  strong  and  sacred  band  bound  together  the 
different  members  of  the  house  amongst  the  Romans  than  amongst 
the  Greeks.  The  chief  cause  of  this  was  the  higher  dignity  of  the 
housewife,  whose  influence  asserted  itself  happily  in  the  education  of 
the  children, not  only  as  a  mother  during  their  earliest  years,  butalso 
in  superintending  them  during  their  riper  years.  The  eulogy  which 
Tac.  Agric.  iv.  bestows  on  the  mother  of  Agricola,  in  a  sadly  degene- 
rate age  (mater  Julia  Procilla  fait  rares  castitatis.  In  hijas  sinn,  in- 
dulgentia  educatus  per  omnem  hone&arum  artium  culium  pueritiam 
adolescentiamque  transegit),  carries  us  back  to  the  oldest  and  better 
days  of  the  Republic.  So  says  also  the  author  de  Caus.  corr.  JEloq. 
28 :  Jam  primum  snus  cuique  filius  ex  casta  parente  natus  in  cella 
emptce  nidricis  sed  grcmio  ac  sinn  matris  educabatur,  cujus  prceciptia 
laus  erat  tuen  domum  et  inservire  liberis.  If  history  gives  few  ex- 
amples of  celebrated  women,  and  their  power  over  their  children, 
like  that  of  Cornelia  and  Veturia,  we  must  reflect  that  such  re- 
lations were  very  seldom  mentioned,  and  only  in  connexion  with 
conspicuous  persons  and  events ;  but  from  those  few  we  may  under- 
stand the  general  character  of  the  household  relations. 

The  expression  tollere  and  suscipere  liberos  (analogous  to  rawer 
avawEwQaC)  shews  that  amongst  the  Romans  a  similar  custom  to  that 
of  the  Greeks  prevailed  after  the  birth  of  the  child,  with  regard  to 
the  declaration  of  the  father,  as  to  whether  he  would  bring  up  the 
child  as  his  own.  Plaut.  Amph.  i.  3,  3  ;  Cist.  ii.  3,  8  ;  True.  ii.  4, 
45 ;  Most.  i.  2,  41 ;  Ter.  Heaut.  iv.  1, 15 ;  Andr.  i.  3, 14  ;  Hec.iv.  1, 
5(3 ;  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  5,  45.  What  August,  de  Civ.  Dei,  iv.  11,  relates  of 
a  divinity  Levana  (levat  infantes  de  terra),  as  if  the  presider  over 
this  ceremony,  may  well  refer  to  ancient  times ;  but  the  name  is  not 
mentioned  elsewhere.  What  Varro  xii.  36,  says,  refers  to  this : 
Natus  si  erat  vitalis  ac  sublatus  ab  obstetrice,  statuebatur  in  terra,  ut 
auspicaretur  rectus  esse.  •  The  number  of  tutelary  gods  recognised  by 
the  Romans  for  special  cases,  and  particular  moments  of  life,  was 
so  extraordinarily  great,  that  there  is  an  appearance  of  truth  about 
the  saying  of  the  pontifices,  Singulis  actibus  jwoprios  deos  prccesse. 


Scene  I.]  EDUCATION.  183 

Macrol).  Sat.  i.  17  :  Unius  dei  effect  us  varios  pro  varus  censendos  esse 
numinibus.     From  the  earliest  childhood  there  -were  besides  Levana, 

Vagitamts,  or  Vaticanus,  {penes  quern  essent  vocis  humanee  initia). 
"\  air.  in  Gell.  xvi.  7  :  Ctmina  (curias  administrate,  August,  de  Civ. 
Dei.  iv.  11,  Potina  Edu<a.  or  Educa  (escam  prabef)  and  Cuba,  Non. 
ii.    310 :    Edusam   et   Potinam  dens  preesides  vidi  haberi  puerorum 

Varro :  Quum  prima  eibo  et  potione  initiarent  pueros,  sacrificabantur 
ab  edutibus  JEdusee,  a  potione  Potince.  Donat.  on  Ter.  Phorm.  i.  1,  15 : 
Legitur  apud  Varronem  initiari  pueros  Edidice  et  Poticce  et  Cubes, 
divis  edendi  et  potandi  et  cubandi,  ubi  primum  a  lade  et  a  amis 
transierunt,  etc. 

Nine  days  after  the  birth  of  the  boys  (ntmdince),  and  eight  after 
that  of  the  girls,  the  lustratio  took  place,  and  at  the  same  time  the 
öi-opa  tita,  nomen  aceipicbant.  Hence  the  day  was  called  dies  lus- 
trica,  dies  nominum,  nominalia.  In  this  ceremony  there  was  also  a 
special  divinity,  Nundind  :  Macrob.  Sat.  i.  IG :  Est  etiam  Niendma 
Romanorum  dea,  a  nono  die  nascentium  nuncupata,  qui  lustricus 
dicitur ;  est  autem  dies  lustricus,  quo  infantes  lustrantur  et  nomen 
accipiunt.  The  dies  lustricus  -was  celebrated  as  a  family  holiday, 
and  small  gilts  were  presented  to  the  child  by  the  parents  and 
relatives,  and  even  by  the  slaves,  and  this  was  repeated  in  after 
years  on  the  birth-day.  This  was  a  Grecian  custom  originally,  but 
it  also  took  place  amongst  the  Romans.  Plautus  mentions  as  play- 
things of  this  kind,  Pud.  iv.  4,  1 10,  ensicidus  aureolus  literafus,  with 
his  father's  name.  Duce  eonnexce  maniculce;  sucida  argentea;  bulla 
aurea.  Ep.  v.  1,  33:  aurea  lunula  et  anellus  aureus.  The  children, 
as  amongst  the  Greeks  (ui>ayviop«Tuara),  carried  these  toys  sus- 
pended from  their  necks  (Plaut.  Mil.  v.  6),  and  being  of  metal, 
they  were  called  from  t'.ieir  clanking  (a  crepando).  crepimdia. 
Works  of  art,  representing  children  with  such  crepundia  on  their 
necks,  have  been  preserved. 

The  bulla  aurea  which  Plautus  mentions,  signifies  most  certainly 
that  this  was  a  Roman  custom;  being  introduced  by  the  Etruscans 
into  Rome,  it  was  a  distinction  of  children  of  high  birth  unknown 
to  the  Greeks.  This  bulla  was  a  round,  flat  case  of  gold  (Isidor. 
xix.  31),  an  amulet,  which  sometimes  opened,  and  was  worn  bv 
children  suspended  round  the  neck,  and  hung  directly  on  the 
breast.  Prop.  iv.  131 :  Plut.  Qu.  Pom.  101  ;  and  Mac.  Sat.  i.  6, 
make  various  attempts  to  explain  the  meaning  which  had  long 
passed  away,  and  of  a  custom  which  was  no  longer  intelligible.  It 
is  certain  that  the  bulla  aurea,  with  the  toga  prcetexta,  which  was 
worn  at  the  same  time  by  children,  was  introduced  by  the  Etrus- 
cans; hence  Juv.  calls  it  aurum Etruscum;  and  that  it  was  a  pre- 


184  EDUCATION.  [Excursus  IL 

servative  against  fascination,  and  therefore  properly  hung  around 
children.  For  that  reason  also,  the  Triumphator  wore  it  during 
that  ceremony :  see  Plut.  Horn.  25,  and  Macrob.  i.  6,  who  names 
Tarquinius  Priscus  as  the  one  through  whom  the  use  of  it  by  chil- 
dren came  into  vogue.  Originally,  the  bulla  with  the  prsetexta 
was  worn  only  by  children  of  patrician  birth  (Liv.  xxvi.  3ß,  says, 
by  the  sons  of  senators),  but  the  praetexta  by  knights  also.  Cic. 
Phil.  ii.  18,  Tenesne  prcetextatum  te  decoxisse  ?  In  the  second  Punic 
war,  however,  the  praätexta  was  worn  by  the  children  of  libertini, 
born  in  a  lawful  marriage,  and  instead  of  the  bulla  aurea  one  of 
leather  was  hung  round  the  neck.     Juv.  v.  164  : 

....  quis  enim  tarn  midus,  ut  ilium 

Bis  ferat,  Etruscum  puero  si  contigit  aurum, 

Vel  nodus  tantum  et  signuin  de  paupere  loro? 

In  Cicero's  time  we  find  both  bulla  and  praetexta  dependent  on 
the  census,  and  the  bulla  in  no  case  limited  to  patrician  families. 
Cic.  Verr.  i.  44 :  Eripies  igitur  pupiUce  togam  prcetextam  ?  detrahes 
omamenta  non  solum  fortunes  sed  etiam  ingenuitatis  f  58  :  neque  tarn 
commovebat,  quod  Me  cum  toga  praetexta,  quam  quod  sine  bulla 
venerat.  Vestitus  enim  neminem  commovebat  is,  quem  Uli  ?nos  et  jus 
ingenuitatis  dabat.  Quod  ornamentum  pueritice  pater  dederat,  indi- 
cium atque  insigne  fortunes,  hoc  ab  isto  prcsdone  ereptum  esse,  graviter 
et  acerbe  homines  ferebant.  The  pupillus  had  lost  the  bulla  with  his 
fortune,  but  the  praetexta  remained  to  him  as  ingenuus.  It  is  not 
correct,  however,  to  suppose  that  the  bulla  was  generally  the  sign 
of  Roman  freedom,  and  that  every  ingenuus  wore  it,  although  this 
might  be  concluded  from  Suet.  De  Clav.  Rhet.  1.  Statues  of  young 
Romans  with  the  bulla  are  common.  Such  bulla?,  of  various  sizes 
with  the  ornaments,  have  been  found  at  Herculaneum,  as  well  as 
in  Etruscan  tombs. 

After  the  dies  lustricus  followed  the  announcement  of  the  chil- 
dren (professio),  in  order  that  they  might  be  entered  in  the  public 
registers,  which  were  connected  with  the  chronicles  of  the  day, 
or  acta  publica.  This  took  place  formally  and  regularly  after  the 
time  of  M.  Antonius  Philosophus,  as  Capitol,  c.  9,  relates :  Inter 
heec  liberales  causas  ita  munivit,  ut  primus  juberet  apud  prcefectos 
cerarii  Saturni  umimquemque  civium  natos  liberos  profiteri  intra  tri- 
cesimum  diem,  nomine  imposito.  Per  provincias  tabulariorum  pub- 
licorum  usum  instituit,  apud  quos  idem  de  originibus  fieret,  quod 
Ro7nce  apud prcefectos  cerarii.  The  object  of  this  register  was  to 
afford  means  of  proving  the  age  and  condition  of  a  person,  and 
the  arrangement  was  extended  over  the  whole  empire.  Instances 
are  to  be  found  in  Appul.  Apolog.  p.  92 ;    Serv,  on  Virg.  Georg. 


Scene  I.]  EDUCATION.  185 

ii.  502 ;  Dig.  xxvii.  1,  2  (naiSoypaqia),  xxii.  3,  29  (in  actis  pro- 
filer i),  xxii.  3,  16  (matris  professio).  That  this  plan  of  Antonius 
was  only  a  revival  of  a  custom  introduced  by  Servius  Tullius  is 
not  true.  Dionys.  iv.  15,  says,  according  to  L.  Piso,  that  Servius 
Lad  ordered,  that  on  the  birth  of  every  child  a  certain  piece 
of  money  should  be  delivered  at  the  •eerarium  of  the  temple  of 
Juno  Lucina,  as  on  each  death  at  that  of  Venus  Libitina,  and  on 
the  putting  on  of  the  toga  virilis,  at  that  of  Juventus,  and  gives 
as  the  object  :  t£  ujv  fjpcWt  diayviiiffeoOat  icaü'  tKaarov  tviavrbv  cxrui 
te  o't  ovuiravTEQ  i)aav  Kal  t'iviq  i£,  avrwv  Tt)v  aTpwrtvaifiov  rjkuciav 
el\oi>.  But  Dionys.  does  not  relate  that  the  direction  of  these 
registers  was  mixed  up  with  the  alms  at  the  temple.  The  two  in- 
stitutions were  quite  different.  Servius  Tullius  ordained  the  alms 
at  the  temples  for  births,  deaths,  and  so  on,  only  with  the  political 
subordinate  aim  of  knowing  the  number  of  those  who  were  born, 
and  dead,  and  engaged  in  military  service,  and  thence  of  reckoning 
the  amount  of  the  whole  population.  M.  Anton.  Phil,  founded  a 
special  register  of  births,  in  order  more  securely  to  settle  the  ac- 
tions about  status  (cattsce  liberales),  and  at  the  same  time  to  prevent 
them  as  much  as  possible.  Serv.  Tullius  had  a  political  object  in 
his  institution,  which  ceased  with  the  introduction  of  the  census:  he 
wished  to  come  at  a  preparation  for  the  census,  or  a  temporary 
substitute  for  it,  since  the  census-lists  contained  all  that  he  wanted 
in  a  more  cei'tain  form.  M.  Anton.  Phil,  aimed  at  something  more 
enduring,  which  could  not  be  superseded  by  any  other  institution. 
It  was  an  enlargement  of  the  custom,  general  since  the  time  of 
Caesar,  to  make  known  the  chief  family  events,  as  births,  mar- 
riages (Juv.  Sat.  ii.  1-itJ),  divorces  (Sen.  De  lien.  iii.  16),  &c,  in 
the  chronicles  of  the  day  (or  acta  diurna,  publica,  urbana,  populi). 
This  depended  on  the  will  of  each  person,  but  was  always  com- 
mon, partly  because  these  public  and  authorised  announcements 
accommodated  differences  concerning  status,  and  partly  because 
after  such  open  communications  only  the  rewards  decreed  by  the 
lex  Julia  and  Papia  Poppasa  were  granted.  Of  such  announce- 
ments Juv.  speaks,  ix.  84  : 

Tollis  enim  et  libris  actorum  spargere  gaudes 

Argumenta  viri 

Jura  parentis  habes,  propter  me  scriberis  heres,  etc. 

Spargere  clearly  signifies  the  diffusion  by  means  of  the  acta 
publica.  See  Petron.  Sat.  53,  and  Suet.  Tib.  5,  Col.  8, 25,  26.  The 
passage  in  Cap.  Gord.  4  (of  the  time  after  Antoninus)  shews  the 
identity  between  the  earlier  and  later  pi-ofessiones :  cum  a  pud 
prcefectum  cerarii  more  Romano  prof essus  filium  publicis  actis  ejus 
nomen  msereret.      Professus  denotes  the  announcement  to  which 


186  EDUCATION.  [Excursus  II. 

everybody  was  subject :  publ.  acta,  the  registration  in  tbe  cbronicle. 
Tbe  fatber  himself  could  also  put  out  an  announcement  of  tbe 
birth  of  his  child,  instrumentum,  which,  like  every  other  testimo- 
nium, was  signed  by  -witnesses,  Apul.  Apol.  p.  92. 

In  ancient  times  the  Roman  mother  always  nursed  the  child 
herself,  not  as  the  Greeks  did :  see  Becker's  Charicles.  After- 
wards wet-nurses  became  very  common,  especially  in  the  higher 
ranks,  and  the  nurse  was  herself  called  mother.  Plaut.  Mem. 
prol.  19. 

Ita  forma  simili  pueri,  uti  mater  sua 
Non  interuosse  posset  qua  ruammam  dabat, 
Neque  adeo  mater  ipsa  qua?  pepererat. 
See  Quinct.  Inst.  i.  1;    Gell.  xii.  1  ;   Auct.  Dial,  de  Orot.  28,  29. 
Plut.  Cat.  Maj.  20,  specially  mentions  that  Cato  was  nursed  and 
tended  by  his  mother. 

Of  the  earliest  bringing  up,  very  little  more  is  related.  It  was 
entirely  domestic ;  even  the  parents  themselves  educated  the  chil- 
dren, and  did  not  commit  them  to  slaves.  They  were  also  very 
careful  in  the  selection  of  the  attendants  who  were  necessary  to 
take  charge  of  the  children,  lest  their  improper  words  and  incor- 
rect speech  should  exercise  a  bad  influence.  Of  this  great  care 
Plautus  speaks,  Mil.  Glor>  iii.  1,  109. 

At  ilia  laus  est  magno  in  genere  et  in  divitiis  maximis 
Liberos  hominem  educare,  generi  monumentum  et  sibi. 

Hence  the  expression  in  gremio  matris  educari,  Cic.  Brut.  58;  Auct. 
Dial,  de  Or  at.  28.  The  state  took  no  notice  of  this,  as  that  would 
not  have  agreed  with  the  idea  of  patria  potestas,  Plut.  Lye.  et 
Num.  comp.  4  :  yet  later  the  censor  could  interfere,  when  the 
state  seemed  liable  to  suffer  injury  by  the  frequent  indulgence  and 
effeminacy  in  education  ;  Plut.  Cat.  Maj.  16,  17;  Dionys.  xx.  3.  At 
any  rate  the  state  deemed  itself  bound  to  look  after  the  schools. 
Cic.  De  R/p.  iv.  3.  Frincipio  disciplinam  puerilem  ingemds,  de  qua 
Grceci  mitltum  frustra  laborarunt,  et  in  qua  una  Polybius  noster 
hospes  nostrorum  instituton/m  negUgentiam  accusal,  nullum  certain 
aut  destinatam  legibus  aid  publice  expositam,  aid  imam  omnium  esse 
voluerunt.  Schools  existed  in  early  times,  of  course  as  private 
undertakings.  The  first  mention  made  of  them  in  history  is  on  the 
occasion  of  the  violence  offered  to  Virginia  by  Appius  Claudius. 
Liv.  iii.  44  :  Virgini  venieidi  in  forum  (ibi  namque  in  tabemis  lite- 
rarum  ludi  eranf)  minister  decemviri  libidiuis  manum  injecit.  (The 
expression  in  tabemis  can  be  merely  a  topographical  designation, 
as  tab.  veteres  et  nova  ;  but  in  Suet.  De  III.  Gr.  18,  it  is  said  deinde 
in  pergula  docuit.)  Dionys.  xi.  28.  TavrtjvTrjv  icöpi]v  kwiya/iov  ovaav 
iictj   QtaaäiuvoQ  "Attttioq   KXavciog  ävayirÜGKOvaav  tv  ypa^f-iartarov — 


Scene  I.]  education.  187 

iiv  ce  rii  StSaamXeia  riir  waiSutv  rort  ~tn\  ri)r  ayopav. — If  this  account 
sounds  somewhat  strange,  we  are  supplied  with  an  example  not 
much  later,  of  school  instruction  out  of  Rome,  Liv.  v.  27  :  Mos  erat 
Faliseis,  eodem  magistro  liberorum  et  comite  uti.  simulque plures puert, 
quod  hodie  quoquein  Grcecia  manet,  unius  cures  demandabantur :  prin- 
cipum  liberos,  sicutfereßt,  qui  scientia  videbatur  preeceUere,  erudiebat. 
Plut.  Cam.  10.  The  same  of  Tusculum,  in  Lib.  vi.  20.  Plaut. 
Merc.  ii.  2,  32 :  Hodie  ire  in  ludum  occoepi  literarium.  But  in 
another  passage  it  appears  that  we  must  understand  instruction  in 
the  house.     Plaut.  Bacch.  iii.  3,  27  : 

Inde  de  hippodromo  et  palfestra  ubi  revenisses  domum, 
Cineticulo  pnecinetus  in  sella  apud  magistrum  assideres : 
Cum  librum  legeres,  si  imam  peccavisses  syllabam, 
Fieret  corium  tarn  maculo-um,  quam  est  nutricis  pallium. 
is  a  Greek  and    Roman  custom  here  mixed  :    for  how  does  the 
Palaestra  apply  to  Rome,  and  the  second  verse  to  Greece  ? 

Doubtless  elementary  schools  existed  from  this  time  downwards, 
to  meet  the  wants  of  the  less  opulent.     Horace,  who  had  been 
brought  by  his  father  to  Rome,  because  the  school  at  Venusium 
was  of  an  inferior  sort,  describes  how  the  boys  sauntered  to  school 
with  their  satchels  and  counting-tables.     Sat.  i.  6,  72 : 
Noluit  in  Flavi  ludum  me  mittere,  magni 
Quo  pueri,  ma<xnis  e  eenturionibus  orti, 
Lsevo  suspensi  loeulos  tabulamque  lacerto 
Ibant  oetonis  referentes  Idibus  sera. 
To  such  hed<re-schools  he  refers  with  horror.     Epist.  i.  20,  17  : 
Hoc  quoque  te  manet.  ut  pueros  elementa  docentem 
Occupet  extremis  in  vicis  balba  senectus. 
Like    Horace,  Ovid  was  also    brought    with  his  brother  from 
Sulmo  to  Rune.      Martial  frequently  refers  to  them.      It  is,  how- 
ever, certain  that  subsequently  the  children  of  the  higher  and  more 
opulent  classes  received  their  first  education  through  a  tutor  at 
home.  When  Quinct.  discusses  the  question,  Inst.  Or.  i.  2,  UtiUusnt 
sit  domiatque  intra privatosparietesstudentem  continere,  an  frequentiee 
scholar»»)  et  relut  publicis prceceptoribus  tradcre,  and  decides  in  favour 
of  the  latter,  he  had  not  elementary  education  in  his  mind.     He 
certainly  says  not  juvenes,  but  pueros;  but  his  arguments,  derived 
from  the  higher  grammatical  ami   rhetorical  studies,  shew  that  he 
referred  to  pra-textatos,  and  not  little   boys.     Put  long  before  this 
time  prudent  fathers  employed  teachers  in  the  house  to  give  their 
sons  their  first  instruction.     Plin.  II.  X.  xxxv.  14,  40  :  Itaque  cum 
L.  Paulus  devicto  Perseo  petisset  ab  Atheniensibus,  ut  sibi  quampro- 
batissimum  philosophorum  mitterent  ad  erudiendos  liberos,  etc.     Plin. 
Epist.   iii.   3,   Bays  of  the  son  of  Corellia  Ilispulla,  Adhuc  ilium. 


188  EDUCATION.  [Excursus  II. 

pueritia  ratio  intra  conbubernium  tuum  tenuit;  praceptores  domi 
habuit ;  jam  stadia  ejus  extra  Urnen  proferenda  sunt ;  jam  tircum- 
spiciendus  rhetor  Latinus,  etc.  So  Cic.  pro  Lirj.  7,  Ucee  ego  novi 
propter  omnes  necessitudines,  qua  mihi  stmt  cum  L.  Tuberone  :  domi 
una  eruditi,  militia  contubernales,  etc.,  but  this  must  be  understood 
only  of  later  instruction ;  and  so  Ovid.  Trist,  iv.  10,  15. 
Prothms  excolimur  teneri,  curaque  parentis 
Imus  ad  insignes  Urbis  ab  arte  viros. 

The  elder  Cato  instructed  his  son  himself,  although  he  had  en- 
gaged a  Grecian  grammarian,  who  was  the  teacher  of  other  boys. 
Plllt.  Cat.  Maj.  20  :  iwti  S'  t'/p^aro  avvdvai,  irapdhaßwv  avrüg  iciSuOKE 
ypctfif.iaTa.  Kai'roi  ^apiivra  fiovXov  el^e  ypajinaTiOT))v,  uvopa  XiAwra, 
7to\Xovq  SiSacTKovTa  TralSac. 

It  was  not  till  after  the  subjection  of  southern  Italy,  which 
brought  the  Romans  into  closer  contact  with  the  Greeks,  and  made 
them  acquainted  with  their  arts  and  sciences,  that  they  felt  the 
necessity  of  having  domestic padagogi,  by  associating  with  whom 
the  children  might  become  accustomed  to  the  Greek  tongue  at  an 
early  age.  This  principally  happened  in  noble  families,  where  the 
Greek  became  the  ordinary  form  of  speech  as  with  us  the  French 
is.  Quite  after  the  manner  of  the  present  day,  Qninctilian  com- 
plains that  the  children  were  taught  Greek,  before  Latin,  their 
mother-tongue.  Inst.  Or.  i.  1,  12 :  A  Graco  sermone  puerum  inti- 
pere  malo,  quia  Latinus,  qui  pluribus  in  usu  est,  vel  nobis  nolentibus  se 
probet:  simul  quia  disciplines  quoque  Gratis prius  instituendus  est, 
unde  et  nostraßuiverunt.  We  must  not,  however,  suppose  that  the 
knowledge  of  the  Greek  language  was  widely  spread.  Many  pas- 
sages of  Cicero  shew  that  a  comprehension  of  it  by  the  majority 
of  people  was  not  to  be  presumed ;  as,  for  example,  Verr.  v.  57. 
tStKibUtinav,  inquit,  h.  e.  ut  Siculi  loquimtur,  supplicio  affecti  ac  necati 
sunt.  In  the  provinces  there  were  people  who  acted  as  interpreters 
to  the  praetors  and  others.  lb.  Verr.  iii.  37  :  A.  J'alentius  est  in 
Sitilia  interpres ;  quo  iste  interprete  non  ad  linguam  Gracam  sed  ad 
furta  etflagitia  utisolebat.  Cicero  was  accustomed,  when  he  wrote 
anything  in  his  letters  which  if  they  should  be  broken  open  or  fall 
into  wrong  hands  he  did  not  wish  to  be  read,  to  use  the  Greek 
tongue.  Cicero  himself  received  a  complete  Grecian  education. 
Suet,  de  Clar.  Rhet.  2 :  De  hoc  (Plotio)  Cicero  ad  31.  Titinnium  sic 
refert :  equidem  memoria  teneo,  pueris  nobis  primum  Latine  docere 
ccepisse  L.  Plotium  quondam ;  ad  quern  cum  fieret  concursus,  quod 
studiosissimus  quisque  apud  earn  exerceretur,  dolebam  mihi  idem  non 
licei-e.  Continebar  autem  doctissimorum  hominum  auctoritate,  qui 
existimabant,  Gratis  exercitationibus  ali  melius  ingenia  posse.  The 
pedagogues,  who  were  often  surly,  presumptuous,  and  ignorant. 


Scene  I.]  EDUCATION.  189 

accompanied  the  boys  to  school  (pedisequw  ptteroruni),  as  did  also 

a  slave  on  most  occasions  ;  the  /tutrices  likewise  accompanied  the 
girls,  App.  B.  C.  vii.  30.  They  remained  also  during  the  time  of 
instruction,  Suet.  III.  Gramm.  23,  Remnius  Palamon  Vicentinus, 
mulieris  verna,primo  utferunt  textrinum,  deinde  herüemßlium  dum 
comitatur  in  seholas,  Uteras  didicit.  The  pedagogues  in  Plaut,  and 
Ter.,  as  Lydus,  pedagogue  of  Pistoclerus  in  Plaut.  Bacch.  i.  2  ; 
iii.  1,  are  taken  from  Grecian  models. 

The  schools  -were  only  private  undertakings,  and  sometimes 
without  even  an  authority  from  the  state.  It  has  been  frequently 
remarked  as  very  strange,  that  Sp.  Carvilius,  the  freedman  brought 
into  notice  by  his  divorce,  should  have  been  the  first  to  teach  in 
Pome  for  money.  Plut.  Quast.  Bom.  59  :  öili  c  fipZavro  fiiaöov 
SiSaffKtiv  Kai  —püroe  iivhfa  ypafi/iaroSiSaaKctXelov  S^opioc  Kapßi\togt 
K-.r.X.  If  Plutarch  does  not  altogether  err,  we  must  understand 
this  of  a  higher  school,  which  at  that  time  were  first  introduced. 
Elementary  schools  had  been  long  before  established,  and  who 
will  believe  that  the  teachers  therein  had  taught  gratuitously  ? 

Next  come  under  consideration  the  originally  sole  elementary 
schools  of  the  hull  magistri,  or  of  the  literatures  and  grammatistce, 
as  they  were  afterwards  called,  where  the  children  first  learnt  their 
letters,  and  then  to  read  and  write.  That  happened,  it  seems,  at 
least  from  the  seventh  year  of  age.  Quinct.  i.  1, 18  :  Quidam  Uteris 
instituendos  qui  minores  Septem  annisessent  non  putaverunt :  for  them 
this  was  too  late  a  period.  The  gradual  steps  of  the  old  education 
are  related  by  Varro:  educit  enim  obstetrix,  educed  nutri.r.  instituit 
pcedagogus,  docet  magister.  This  primary  instruction  was,  as  Plato 
recommended,  pursued,  if  not  generally  yet  to  a  certain  extent,  as 
an  amusement.     To  this  Hör.  Seit.  i.  1,  25,  refers  : 

.  .  .  ut  pueris  olim  dant  crustula  blandi 
Doctores,  elementa  velint  ut  discere  prima. 
and  further,  Quinct.  i.  1,  2G  :  Non  exclude  autem,  id  quod  est  notum, 
irritandce  eid  discendum  infantum  gratia  ebumeas  etiam  Uterarum 
formas  in  lusum  offerre,  vel  si  quid  aliud,  quo  magi*  ilia  cetasgaudi  at, 
mveniri potest,  quod  traetare,  intueri,norninarejucundum  est.  It  ap- 
pears from  Quinct.  that  in  learning  to  read,  the  method  of  syllables 
was  adopted,  whilst  amongst  the  Greeks  that  of  letters  appears  to 
have  been  generally  used.  See  Becker's  Charicles,  translated  by 
.Metcalfe,  p.  188. 

In  writing  thev  used  wax  tablets,  on  which  the  characters  were 
marked  (puerile  preeseriptum),  Sen.  Ep.  94:  prtsformatts  Utero-. 
Quinct.  v.  14,  31,  when  the  teacher  often  guided  the  pupil's  hand. 
Vop.  Tac:  Quibusad  subscribendum  magistri  liter arii  meamsteneant. 


190  EDUCATION.  [Excursus  II. 

Quinct.  i.  1,  27,  recommended  a  means  of  facilitating  the  commence- 
ment :  Cum  vera  Jam  ductus  sequi  cceperit,  non  inutile  erit,  eos  tabellce 
quam  optime  insculpi,  ut  per  illos  velut  sulcos  ducatur  stylus.  Kam 
neque  errabit,  quemadmodum  in  ceris,  continebitur  enim  utrinque 
marginibus,  neque  extra  preescriptum  poterit  egredi  et  celerius  ac 
scepius  sequendo  certa  vestigia ßrmabit  articulos,  neque  egebit  adjutorio 
manum  suam  manu  superimposita  regentis. 

Arithmetic  was,  as  amongst  the  Greeks,  generally  carried  on  in 
two  ways,  either  by  making  signs  with  the  fingers,  each  denoting  a 
certain  figure,  hence  Cic.  ad  Att.  v.  21 :  hoc  quid  intersit,  si  iuos 
digitos  novi,  certes  habes  subductum.     Ovid,  ex  P.  ii.  3,  18  : 

At  reditus  jam  quisque  suos  amat  et  sibi  quid  sit 
Utile,  sollicitis  supputat  articulis. 
Plut.  Apopth.  reg.  Orot.  p.  691  :  KaOdnep  vi  w  äpiO/niTiKiov  cdicrvXoi 
vvv  piv  fivpiäSac,  vvv  et  ft/ovaSaQ  riEkvcu  cvvavrai.  Or  by  a  counting- 
table  and  stones,  abacus  and  calculi.  On  this  table  perpendicular 
lines  were  drawn,  and  the  value  of  the  stone  was  according  to  the 
division  in  which  it  was  placed.  See  Becker's  Charicles,  translated 
by  Metcalfe,  p.  188.  Alciphr.  JEpist.  2G  :  oi  Trtpi  rut,'  j/'/;./ owe  ical  twv 
SaKTvXiuv  rut'  KÜp-^uv.  Particular  value  was  set  upon  counting, 
hence  Hor.  ad  Pis.  823,  complains  : 

Roman i  pueri  longis  rationibus  assem 

Discunt  in  partes  centum  diducere :  dieat 

Filius  Albini :   si  de  quincunce  remota  est 

Uncia,  quid  superat  ?  Poteras  dixisse  triens  :  Eu  ! 

Rem  poteris  servare  tuam.     Redit  uncia,  quid  fit  ? 

Semis. 

We  know  not  whether  Horace  referred  to  instruction  in  arithmetic  in 
the  description  of  the  school  at  Venusia.  Sat.  i.  6,  72.  Schol.  Cruq. 
explained  tabula  as  a  counting-board  (abacus),  and  loculi  have  been 
taken  for  the  bags  which  held  the  stones.  But  Hermann  describes 
tabula  as  a  writing-table  generally,  and  loculi,  pockets  for  school 
utensils.  It  was  not  usual  in  Borne  for  the  children  of  substantial 
parents  to  carry  their  own  books  and  writing  materials  to  school, 
lor  which  purpose  there  were  special  slaves,  capsarii,  Juv.  x.  117 : 

Quern  sequitur  custos  augustse  vemula  capsse. 
Suet.  Ner.  36 :    Constat  quosdam  cum  peedagogis  et  capsariis  uno 
pr audio  necatos. 

Such  schools  were  usually  managed  by  one  teacher,  who  how- 
ever occasionally  had  an  assistant,  hypodidasculus.  Cic.  ad  Fam. 
ix.  18  :  Sella  tibi  erit  in  hido  tanquam  hypodidasculo  proximo :  earn 
jmlvinus  sequetur.  This  might,  perhaps,  mean  a  scholar  of  more 
mature  age,  who  assisted  the  master ;  so  is  the  sella  proximo  best 


Scene  I.]  EDUCATION.  191 

explained.      Afterwards  there  were  particular  teachers  for  writing 
and  arithmetic.     Mart.  x.  62  : 

Nee  calculator  nee  notarius  velox 

Majore  quisquani  circulo  coronetar. 

In  the  edict  of  Diocletian,  p.  22,  the  magister  was  distinct  from  the 
calculator. 

These  elementary  teachers,  or  ludi  magistri,  were  not  celebrated 
for  their  humanity.  Blows  were  a  very  common  mode  of  punish- 
ment, and  the  masters  were  represented  as  clamosi  and  plagosi. 
Martial,  who  lived  in  the  neighbourhood  of  one,  at  the  pila  Tibur- 
tina  in  the  seventh  district,  the  present  Piazza  Barberina,  says,  ix.68 : 
Quid  tibi  nobiscum  est  ?  ludi  scelerate  magister, 

Invisum  pueris  virgiuibusque  caput  ? 
Nondum  cristati  rupere  silentia  galJi, 
Murmure  jam  ssevo  verberibusque  tonas. 


v.  84 


Negant  vitam  ludi  magistri  mane,  nocte  pistores. 


Jam  tristis  nucibus  puer  relictis 
Clamoso  revocatur  a  magistro. 
The  name  of  Orbilius  Pupillus,  whom  Horace,  whose  teacher  he 
had  been,  calls  plagosum,  is  specially  infamous,  Ep.  ii.  1,  70.  Suet. 
de  III.  Gr.  9  :  Fv.it  autem  natures  acerbce  nan  modo  in  antisophistas, 
quos  omni  sermone  laccravit,  sed  etiam  in  discipulos,  id  J,  oratius 
significat,  plagosum  cum  appettans,  et  Domitius  Marsus  scribens : 

Si  quos  Orbilius  ferula  scuticaque  ceeidit. 
Quinct.  i.  3 :  Ccedi  vera  discentes,  quamquam  et  receptum  sit  et  Chry- 
sippus  non  improbet,  minime  velim.  The  ferula  was  the  general  in- 
strument of  punishment,  the  stalk  of  the  ferula  communis,  vapQj]%. 
Isidor.  xvii.  9.  a  feriendo  ferulam  dicunt,  hoc  enim  pueri  vapulare 
solent.  Mart.  x.  (52.  ferulceque  tristes,  sccptra  pcedagogorum.  Juv. 
i.  15.  manum  fertike  subduximus. 

After  the  boy  had  learned  the  elements,  he  attended  the  schools 
of  the  grammarians  and  still  higher  rhetoricians.     Appul.  Flor.  20  : 
Prima  cratera  litcratoris  ruditatem  cximit,  secunda  grammatici  doc- 
trina  instruit,  tertia  rhetoris  eloquentia  arrnat.     Here  the  instruction 
was  doubtless  less  theoretical  than  practical.    For  the  formation  of 
the  mind  and  disposition  and  "taste,  certain  poets  were  explained 
(Cic.  Tust:  ii.  2),  in  early  times,  chiefly  Greek,  as  Homer,  with  whom 
they  began,  and  this  continued  later  also.     II  >r.  Ep.  ii.  2,  42  : 
Eomse  nutriri  mihi  contigit  atque  doceri, 
Iratus  Grabs  quantum  nocuissel  Achilles. 
Plin.  Ep.  ii.  14,  sic  in  foro  pueros  a  centumviraUbus  causis  auspicari, 
ut  ab  Ilomcro  in  scholis. 


192  EDUCATION.  [Excursus  IT. 

The  masterpieces  of  Roinan  literature  were  also  adopted,  as 
Virgil,  Suet,  de  III.  Gram.  16  ;  Quinct.  i.  8,  5.  Prose  writers  were 
'  also  selected,  as  Cicero,  which  follows  from  the  commentaries  of 
Asconius.  JEsop's  Fables,  which  Quinctilian,  i.  8,  recommends  as 
mental  exercises,  were  commonly  used  at  first.  Orthography  and 
the  rules  of  Grammar  were  often  dictated  as  exercises.  Hor.  JEp. 
ii.  1,  69 : 

Non  equidem  insector  delendave  carmina  Livi 
Esse  reor,  memini  quae  plagosum  mihi  parro 
Orbiliura  dictare. 
Dictation  lessons  were  also  frequently  learnt  by  heart.  Cic.  ad  Qu. 
fr.  iii.  1,  4 :  Meant  (orationem)  in  ilium  pueri  omnes  tanquam  dictata 
perdiscant.  As  with  us  the  Ten  Commandments  are  learnt  by  heart, 
the  leges  duodecim  Tabularum  were  by  the  Roman  boys.  Cic.  de 
Leg.  ii.  23  :  Discebamus  enim  pueri  duodecim,  ut  carmen  necessarium, 
quag  jam  nemo  discit.  It  is  curious  that  the  mode  of  instruction  of 
the  Latin  rhetoricians,  when  they  began  to  teach,  incurred  the 
public  disapproval,  or  at  least  the  censure  of  a  portion  of  the  poli- 
tical powers.  In  the  year  662,  the  censors  Cn.  Domitius  iEnobarbus 
and  L.  Licinius  Crassus,  according  to  Suet,  de  CI.  Rhet.  1,  thus 
expressed  their  disapprobation  :  Renunciatum  est  nobis,  esse  homines, 
qui  novum  genus  disciplines  instituerunt,  ad  qaos  Juventus  in  ludos 
conveniat;  eos  sibi  nomen  imposuisse  Latinos  rhetores:  ibi  homines 
adolescentidos  totos  dies  desidere.  Majores  nostri  quce  liberos  suos  dis- 
cere  et  quos  in  ludos  itare  vellent,  instituerunt.  Ucee  nova,  quee  prater 
consuetudinem  ac  morem  majorum  fiunt,  neque  placent,  neque  recte 
videntur.  Quapropter  et  Us  qui  eos  ludos  habent  et  Us  qui  eo  venire 
consueverunt,  videtur  faciendum  ut  ostendamus  nostram  sentenOam  ; 
nobis  non  placere.  The  same  edict  is  also  in  Gell.  xv.  11,  and  we 
learn  from  Auct.  Dial,  de  Cans.  cor.  Eloq.  35,  that  this  disappro- 
bation arose  principally  from  the  sophistical  nature  of  the  instruc- 
tion :  At  nunc  adolescentuli  nostri  deducuntur  in  scenas  scholasticorum , 
qui  rhetores  vocantur,  quos  paulo  ante  Ciceronis  tempora  exstitisse 
(Cicero  was  born  648,  and  the  edict  followed  in  662 ;  the  time  also 
a°rees  with  this,  and  with  the  account  of  Suet,  de  CI.  Rhet.  2)  nee 
placuisse  majoribus  nostris,  ex  eo  manifestum  est,  quod  L.  Crasso  et 
Domitio  censorious  cludere,  ut  ait  Cicero  ludum  impudentia >jussi  sunt. 
See  Cic.  de  Or.  iii.  24.  The  boys  attended  the  schools  of  the 
rhetoricians  before  they  had  put  on  the  toga  virilis.  Ovid  says, 
Trist,  iv.  10,  15 : 

Protenus  excolimnr  teneri,  curaque  parentis 

Imus  ad  insignes  Urbis  ab  arte  viros. 
Frater  ad  eloquium  viridi  tendebat  ab  sevo. 


Scene  I.]  EDUCATION.  193 

v.  27: 

Interea  tacito  passu  labentibus  annis 
Liberior  fratri  sumta  niihique  toga  est. 

The  instruction  in  the  schools  began  very  early  in  the  morning. 
Juv.  vii.  222 : 

Dummodo  non  pereat,  medire  quod  noctis  ab  hora 

Sedisti.  qua  nemo  faber,  qua  nemo  sederet, 

Qui  docet  obliquo  lanam  deducere  ferro  ; 

Dummodo  non  pereat  totidem  olfecisse  lucernas, 

Quot  stabant  pueri,  cum  tot  us  decolor  esset 

Flaccus,  et  hsereret  nigro  fuligo  Maroni. 
Matutinm  magister,  in  Mart.  ix.  30,  refers  to  this,  as  also  xiv.  223  : 

Surgite  \  jam  vendit  pueris  jentacula  pistor, 
Cristatreque  sonant  undique  lucis  aves. 

Among  the  Greeks  also  instruction  began  early,  and  Solon  was 
induced  to  pass  a  law  forbidding  schools  from  opening  before 
sunrise. 

Jn  many  schools  the  pupils  were  arranged  in  classes,  according 
to  their  ability,  especially  when  they  advanced  to  higher  in- 
struction. Quinct.  i.  2,  23  :  Non  inutilem  scio  servatum  esse  a  prce- 
ceptoribus  meis  morem,  qui  quam  pueros  in  classes  distribucrent ;  or- 
dinem  discendi  secundum  vires  ingenii  dabant.  The  classes  were  not 
separated,  but  only  certain  divisions  formed,  which  were  taught 
at  the  same  time.  Rewards  were  given  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Augustus.  So  relates  Suet,  de  III.  Gr.  17,  of  Verrius  Flaccus: 
Namque  ad exercitanda  (excitandaf)  discentium  ingenia  äquales  inter 
se  committere  solebant,  proposita  non  solum  materia,  quam  scribe- 
rent,  sal  et  prmmio,  quod  victor  auferrct.  Id  erat  liber  aliquis  anti- 
quus  pidcher  aid  rarior. 

At  certain  times— the  Saturnalia  and  Qui/iquatria — the  scholars 
had  holidays.  The  former  were  originally  celebrated  on  one  dav 
only ;  afterwards  on  three ;  and,  as  it  seems,  extended  even  to 
seven  days.  Macrob.  Sat.  i.  10.  The  latter  lasted  five  davs  in 
March,  and  were  in  honour  of  Minerva.  Both  are  frequently 
mentioned,  as  Mart.  v.  84 : 

Jam  tristis  nucibus  puer  relictis 
Clamoso  revocatur  a  magistro. 
Plin.  Up.  viii.  7  :    Tu  in  scholas  te  revocas,  ego  adhue  Saturnalia  ex- 
tendo.     Hor.  Ep.  ii.  2,  197  : 

Ac  potius,  puer  ut  festis  Quinquatribus  olim, 

Exiguo  gratoque  fruaris  tempore  raptim. 

Synim.  Ep.  v.  85  :  Xempe  Minerva;  tibi  soleume  de  scholis  notion  est,  . 
at  j\re  memores  sumus  etiam  procedente  cevu  puerilium  feriarum. 

O 


19  i  EDUCATION,  [Excursus  It 

It  may  naturally  be  supposed  also  that  on  other  holidays,  as  during 
the  Games  for  instance,  instruction  ceased.  It  was  not  generally 
the  case,  however,  as  Hermann  supposes,  that  the  Roman  youth 
had  a  four  months'  holiday  in  the  summer.  The  frequently  quoted 
verse  of  Horace :  Ibant  octonis  referen&es  Idibus  cera,  gave  rise  to 
this  supposition.  He  hence  concluded  that  the  hoys  paid  only  for 
eight  mouths'  tuition ;  and  that  four,  from  the  Ides  of  June  to 
those  of  October,  were  holidays.  This  being  the  time  of  the  olive 
and  vine  season  would  be  well  adapted  for  holidays ;  this  he  argues 
is  confirmed  in  Mart.  x.  62  : 

Albffi  leone  flamraeo  calent  luces, 
Tostamque  ferrens  Julius  coquit  messem. 
Cirrata  loris  horridis  Scyfhse  pellis 
Qua  vapulavit  Marsj'as  Celenseus, 
Ferulseque  tristes,  sceptra  predagogorum 
Cessent  et  Idus  dormiant  in  Octobres: 
^Estate  pueri  si  volent  satis  discunt. 

On  this  Eader  remarked,  Nam  a  Julio  ad  Octobrein  usque 
seholee  cessabant.  Hermann's  opinion  was  backed  by  Orelli  and 
Wüstermann.  Obbarius  and  Jahn  agreed  with  Hermann  about 
the  holidays,  but  refer  Horace's  words  not  to  the  money  paid  by 
the  boys  for  instruction,  but  to  sums  in  arithmetic,  and  computa- 
tions of  monthly  accounts,  set  every  month  to  the  boys;  so  that  the 
line  in  question  would  be  intended  to  show  the  sordid,  low  sort  of 
education  given  the  boys,  in  contradistinction  to  the  higher  and 
nobler  methods  of  instruction  at  Rome.  The  explanation  of  Her- 
mann, however,  is  more  probable ;  namely,  that  Horace's  meaning 
is  this  :  The  boys  in  the  elementary  schools  in  the  country  bring,  on 
the  Ides  of  each  of  the  eight  months,  their  small  payment  for 
tuition,  cera  :  which  is  used  in  the  same  sense  in  Juvenal  vii.  217. 
He  further  hints,  in  these  lines,  partly  at  the  lower  class  of  educa- 
tion given  in  these  country  schools  (loculi  and  tabula  also  refer  to 
it),  as  compared  with  the  higher  grade  of  education  at  Rome 
(artes,  quas  doceat  qirivis  eques  atque  senator  semet  prognatos),  and 
partly  to  the  humbler  outward  circumstances  of  the  boys  (who 
carry  their  own  satchels  without  any  attendant,  pay  the  trifling 
sum  monthly,  and  have  only  eight  months'  schooling),  as  compared 
with  the  more  brilliant  condition  of  things  at  Rome,  where  the 
boys  have  an  attendant,  pay  by  the  year,  and  do  not  remain  four 
months  away  from  school ;  as  was  the  case  in  the  elementary 
schools  alone,  and  which  Horace,  as  well  as  Martial,  alludes  to.  In 
the  higher  class  of  schools  no  such  interruption  took  place,  as  will 
presently  appear.      We  are  not  aware  what  the  pay  for  tuition 


Scene  L]  EDUCATION.  195 

amounted  to  ;  at  all  events  it  varied  a  good  deal,  and  in  the  ele- 
mentary schools  was  very  trifling.     Juv.  vii.  228  : 

Hfec,  inquit,  cures,  ot  cum  se  verterit  annus, 
Accipe  victori  populo  quod  postulat  aurum. 

Whence  we  see  that  the  payments  for  tuition  were  made  annually, 
at  the  termination  of  the  school -year;  which  probably  began  in 
March,  after  the  Quinquatria.  Juv.  x.  114.  Ovid  {Fast.  iii.  829) 
addresses  the  teachers  at  the  Quinquatria, 

Nee  vos  turba  Deam,  censu  fraudata,  magistri 
Spernite,  discipulos  attrahit  ilia  novos. 

The  payment  was  made  therefore  in  March,  and  not  in  June,  as  is 
clear  from  Macrobius,  i.  12,  where  he  adduces  this  fact  to  prove 
that  originally  March  was  the  first  month  of  the  year  :  hoc  mense 
mercedes  exsolvebant  magistris,  lie  evidently  alludes  here  to  the 
custom  of  his  time.  So  that  the  monthly  payments,  and  four 
months'  holidays,  apply  to  the  lower  schools  only ;  and  it  is  mani- 
fest, from  the  value  the  boys  set  on  the  few  days  of  the  Quinquatrus 
and  Saturnalia,  that  there  were  not  many  holidays  in  the  higher 
Roman  schools.  The  vintage  and  olive  harvest  would  of  course 
not  cause  the  boys  of  these  schools,  most  of  whom  belonged  to  the 
better  classes,  to  stay  away  from  school.     The  line  in  Juv.  x.  116, 

Quisquis  adhuc  uno  partam  colit  asse  Minervam, 
does  not  refer  to  the  payment  for  tuition,  but  to  the  entrance-fee, 
Minerval,  paid  by  each  scholar.     Varro,  JR.  B.  iii.  2 ;  Tertull.  de 
Idol.  10. 

The  conclusion  of  boyhood  was  commemorated,  as  among  the 
Greeks,  by  a  certain  solemnity;  the  exchanging  the  prastexta  for 
the  toga  virilis,  and  called  tirocinium  fori ;  Hor.  Sat.  i.  2,  16.  The 
year  when  this  took  place  is  still  a  mooted  question.  Many  have 
supposed  it  at  the  completion  of  the  fourteenth,  and  commence- 
ment of  the  fifteenth  year  (Vales,  on  Damasc.  de  Inst.  Cms.  Aug.  : 
Ferrar.  de  re  Vestiar.  ii.  1.  Dodwell,  Preelect.  Camden,  v.  1 — 6); 
judging  from  the  case  of  Augustus.  But  this  has  been  disproved 
by  Norisius,  Cenot.  Pisan.  ii.  4.  Others,  as  Gruchius,  Salmasius, 
and  Manutius,  defer  it  till  the  completion  of  the  sixteenth  year. 
Most  critics  have  declared  for  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  year. 
According  to  Boettigei-,  De  originibus  Tirocinii  apud  Romanos,  it 
took  place  in  early  times  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  year,  and 
in  later,  when  the  fifteenth  year  was  completed.  On  the  other 
hand,  Prof.  Klotz  assumes  that  such  a  year  was  not  at"  all  fixed, 
but  that  it  depended  in  every  case  on  the  father,  who  introduced 
his  son  into  public  life,  sooner  or  later,  according  to  his  dis- 
cretion.    Each   of   these   three  last  opinions  is  in  some  respects 

o  2 


196  EDUCATION.  [Excursus  II. 

true.  It  seems  that  a  distinction  must  be  drawn  between  the 
oldest  and  the  later  times.  In  the,  former,  the  tirocinium  probably 
took  place  on  the  completion  of  the  sixteenth  year,  Liv.  xxii.  57  ; 
with  this  year  commenced  the  duties  of  military  service,  and  their 
appearance  in  public  generally.  Val.  Max.  v.  4, 4;  iii.  1,  3.  Not- 
withstanding, many  assumed  the  toga  virilis  at  the  end  of  their 
fifteenth  year,  as  Cicero,  Virgil,  Persius,  Augustus,  Cicero's  son, 
and,  in  later  times,  M.  Aurelius ;  Capitol.  4 ;  Tertull.  de  vel.  virg, 
11 ;  Oudendorp  ad  Suet.  Oct.  8.  So  that,  although  in  early  times 
the  rule  was  at  the  completion  of  the  sixteenth  year,  yet,  later, 
the  close  of  the  fifteenth  was  most  usual.  Nor  is  this  contradicted 
by  the  passage  in  Cicero,  p.  Sext.  69 :  cui  superior  annus  idem  et 
virilem  patris  et  preetextam  populi  judicio  togam  dedit;  for  it  always 
depended  on  the  judicium  patris,  whether  the  son  might  take  the 
toga  virilis  at  fifteen  or  not ;  thus  Caligula  was  twenty  years  old 
before  Tiberius  allowed  him  to  lay  aside  the  toga  prfetexta  (Suet. 
Cal.  10).  Prior  to  the  emperors  it  certainly  did  not  happen  before 
the  fifteenth  year ;  and  even  under  Claudius,  this  was  on  an  ex- 
ception. Tac.  Ann.  xii.  41,  virilis  tot/a  Neroni  maturata;  he  was 
only  fourteen  years  old.  Suet.  Claud.  43.  As  a  certain  year  is 
fixed  for  coming  of  age,  which,  however,  can  fall  earlier,  if  the 
father  will  it,  so  was  it  also  with  the  tirocinium  fori  at  Rome. 
The  proper  day  for  the  ceremony  was  the  Liberalia,  the  sixteenth 
of  March.  Ovid.  Fast.  iii.  771.  Cic.  adAtt.  vii.  1.  It  most  likely 
began  with  a  domestic  sacrifice  at  the  altar  of  the  Lares,  where 
the  youth  deposited  the  insignia  pueritice,  and  dedicated  his  bulla 
to  these  deities.     Prop.  iv.  1,  131  : 

Mox  ubi,  bulla  rudi  demissa  est  aurea  collo, 
Matris  et  ante  deos  libera  sumpta  toga. 
Pers.  v.  30 : 

Cum  primum  pavido  eustos  mihi  purpura  cessit, 
Bullaque  suceiiietis  Laribus  donata  pependit. 
The  youth  wore  a  tunica  recta  or  regilla  on  the  occasion,  ominis 
causa.  Paid.  v.  regillis,  p.  286.  Plin.  H.  N.  viii.  48.  Augustus  wore 
on  this  day,  a  tunica  with  latus  claims,  Suet.  Aug.  94.  According 
to  Propertius,  the  change  of  toga  took  place  at  home ;  but  a  cere- 
mony was  also  performed  in  the  forum,  after  the  domestic  one  was 
completed.  The  toga  virilis,  now  assumed,  differed  from  the  toga 
of  boyhood,  in  being  white  without  a  purple  stripe  ;  hence  called 
pura,  Cic.  ad  Att.  v.  20 ;  ix.  17,  19 ;  Phil.  ii.  18 ;  also  libera,  be- 
cause he  now  began  a  freer,  less  restrained  course  of  life.  Boet- 
tiger  derives  the  expression  from  the  connexion  with  the  sacra 
Bacchica ;  but  as  Ovid,  who  was  uncertain  about  the  reason  of  its 


Scene!.]  EDUCATION.  197 

taking  place  at  the  liberalia,  attempted  four  different  explanations, 
without  giving  this  one,  surely  it  would  be  a  very  bold  step  to  fall 
in  with  Boettiger's  opinion.  Ovid's  expression  {Trist,  v.  777)  just 
reverses  the  matter : 

Sive  quod  es  Liber,  vestis  quoque  libera  per  te 
Sumitur,  et  vitse  liberioris  iter. 
The  toga  is  not  then  called  libera  from  liberalia,  but  because  being 
libera,  it  is  given  in  the  liberalia:  in  this  sense  only  could  Ovid 
have  used  the  comparative  liberior  toga.  The  expression  is  ex- 
plained by  Plutarch  :  irepi  rov  ükovuv,  C.  1.  or«  twv  7rpoorarT6vTw>' 
fnr))\\a^ai,  to  civSpäov  aTrei\r)f,wg  IfiaTtov.  Comp.  Pers.  Sat.  v.  30; 
Terent.  Andr.  i.  1,  25  ;  Mart.  ix.  28.  The  adolescens,  clothed  in 
this  dress,  was  then  led  to  the  forum  (deduct  in  forum),  Sen.  Ep. 
4;  Suet.  Aug.  26;  Com.  Tib.  15;  Nero,  7. 

As  the  Romans  always  set  great  store  upon  a  numerous  escort 
on  all  public  occasions,  regarding  it  as  a  manifestation  of  popular 
lavour ;  so  on  this,  care  was  taken  that  the  youth  should  appear  in 
the  forum  with  becoming  pomp  and  a  crowded  retinue  ;  and  per- 
sons of  the  lower  orders,  who  were  not  related  to  the  parties,  were 
pressed  into  the  service.  Cic.  p.  Mur.  23.  Whether  the  youth 
was  introduced  before  the  tribunal  of  the  praetor,  is  uncertain  ;  at 
all  events,  this  had  nothing  to  do  with  his  enrolment  into  the  list 
of  burghers.  Neither  was  it  at  all  necessary  that  the  tirocinium 
should  take  place  at  Rome,  Cic.  ad  Att.  v.  20 ;  ix.  7 ;  and  IS), 
Arpini  tog  am  puram  dedi. 

After  this  visit  to  the  forum,  the  cavalcade  proceeded  to  the 
Capitol,  to  offer  a  sacrifice,  App.  B.  C.  iv.  30 ;  where  by  the  word 
\cpo~iQ  we  must  understand  the  Capitol,  as  is  clear  from  Suet.  Claud. 
2,  and  Val.  Max.  v.  4,  4.  Cotta  eo  ipso  die,  quo  togam  sumpsit 
virilem,  protenus  ut  e  Capitolio  descendit,  C.  Carbonem,  aquo  pater 
ejus  damnatus  fuerab,  postulant.  This  passage  further  shows  that 
with  the  tirocinium  commenced  the  entrance  into  public  life,  forum 
attingere,  or  in  forum  venire.  Cic.  ad  Fam.  v.  8;  xiii.  10;  xv.  6  : 
Brut.  88.  But  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  tirones  imme- 
diately took  an  active  share  in  public  life,  or  made  their  essay  as 
orators,  &c.  Doubtless  they  were  entitled  to  do  so,  but  seldom 
made  use  of  their  right.  Thus  Ilortensius  was  nineteen,  before 
he  made  his  first  appearance,  Cic.  Brut.  G4  ;  and  yet  (88)  we  read 
cum  admodum  adolescens  orsus  esset  in  foro  dieere.  Like  as  at 
Athens,  so  at  Rome,  there  was  a  year  of  transition  or  probation, 
during  which  the  behaviour  of  the  adolescens  was  carefully  noted  ; 
and,  at  least  in  ancient  times,  the  cohibere  brachium  and  exercises 
in  the  Campus  Martins  were  prescribed  to  him  ;  as  a  sign  of  modest 


198  EDUCATION.  [Excursus  II. 

demeanour.  Cic.  p.  Ccel.  5 :  Nobis  quidem  olim  annus  erat  unus 
ad  cohibendum  brachium  toga  constitutus,  et  ut  excixitatione  ludoque 
campestri  tunicati  uteremur,  etc.  Orators,  who  wished  to  describe 
the  character  of  their  opponent,  often  began  a  toga  pura.  Cic. 
ad  Alt.  vii.  8,  accvsatio  Pompeii  usque  a  toga  pura.  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  18. 

At  the  same  time,  the  young  man  frequented  the  forum  and 
the  tribunal;?,  to  fit  himself  by  this  means  for  public  life.  He  was 
often  escorted  thither  under  the  care  of  a  person  of  respectability, 
whom  his  father  had  selected  for  the  purpose  (deduoere).  Dial, 
de  Cans,  con:  Eloq.  34.  Thus  Cicero  says  of  himself,  de  Amic.  1 : 
Ego  aidem  a  poire  ita  eram  deductus  ad  Sccevolam  sumpta  virih 
toga,  ut  quoad  possem  et  liceret,  a  senis  latere  nunquam  discederem  ; 
and  of  the  father  of  Caelius,  p.  Ccel.  4. 

The  education  was  still  not  looked  upon  as  complete,  and 
instruction  continued  to  be  given  as  before,  though  the  youth  was 
now  rather  a  listener  than  a  pupil,  and  it  stood  entirely  at  his 
option  what  rhetorician  or  philosopher  he  might  choose  to  attend. 
Cic.  Brut.  89,  and  Ovid.  Tr.  iv.  29,  et  Studium  nobis,  quodfuit  ante, 
manet.  After  the  subjugation  of  Greece,  it  was  not  uncommon  for 
persons  who  wished  to  give  their  sons  a  more  polished  education, 
to  send  them  to  Athens.  See  Cicero  ad  Att.  xii.  32,  where  others, 
such  as  Bibulus,  Acidinus,  Messala,  are  mentioned.  So  Cicero  him- 
self, Brut.  91 ;  Plut.  Cic.  4 ;  so  Atticus,  Corn.  2.  Ovid  also  went 
thither,  Trist,  i.  2,  77.     Horace  says  of  himself,  Epist.  ii.  40  : 

Romoe  mvtriri  mihi  eontigit  atque  doceri, 
Iratus  Graiis  quantum  nocuisset  Achilles. 
Adjecere  bonse  paullo  plus  artis  Athense; 

ib.  81.  See  the  following  works  on  Roman  education:  Ernesti, 
de  Bisciplina  privata Rom.  in  his  Opuscula.  Bonuell.  de  Mut.  sub 
primis  Cess.  eloq.  Rom.  condit.  imprimis  de  Rhet.  Scholis.  Wittich, 
de  Grammatistarum  et  Grammaticorum  apud  Rom.  scholis. 


EXCURSUS  III.  SCENE  I. 


THE  SLAVES. 


THE  third  essential  part  of  the  Roman  family  are  the  Slaves. 
As  a  body,  belonging  to  one  and  the  same  individual,  theyare 
called  familia.  Paul.  v.  familia,  p.  86;  Ulp.  Dig.  L.  16,  servitu- 
tum  quoque  solemus  appellare  familias.  Plaut.  Mü.  ii.  3,  80.  One 
slave  cannot  be  called  a  familia,  no  more  than  two,  Ulp.  D!<j.  L. 
16,  40,  ne  duo  quidern  ;  though  Paul.  Kec.  Sod.  v.  6,  3,  says  :  Fa- 
milice  autem  nomine  etiam  duo  servi  continent»):  But  this  apparent 
contradiction  is  explained  by  Cic.  pro  Ccec.  19. 

In  contradistinction  to  the  free  members  of  the  family,  the 
slaves  were  called  servi;  in  reference  to  their  servitude,/"/«"/'  ; 
and  to  their  proprietorship,  maneipia,  or  usually  pueri ;  as  among 
the  Greeks,  cov\oi,  oi'jclrcu,  Oepavovrec,  ävSpäiroda,  naiSeg.  As  Ari- 
stotle, De  Hep.  I.  3,  says,  oUia  de  teKeioq  ck  Sov\iov  kcu  s\ev9ipu>v: 
so  it  was  among  the  Ptomans.  But  though  both  nations  assumed 
the  right  and  necessity  of  slaves,  yet  the  Greek  differed  greatly 
from  the  Roman  in  the  use  of  them.  Except  in  the  latest  times, 
when  Greek  customs  were  superseded  by  Roman  ones,  the  Greek 
looked  on  his  slaves  as  a  source  of  revenue.  They  must  work  for 
the  master  as  mechanics,  and  so  forth :  and  he  trafficks  with  their 
industry,  or  makes  them  pay  him  a  certain  sum  per  diem,  or  lets 
them  out  to  others  for  hire.  A  few  only,  viz.  the  regular  uk-hm,  are 
used  as  domestics.  See  Becker's  Charicles,  translated  by  Metcalfe, 
p.  273.  The  Roman  knew  nothing  of  this  sort  of  traffic  in  slave- 
labour.  All  his  slaves  were  the  immediate  ministers  of  his  wants, 
or  his  luxuries  and  comforts. 

There  is  one  view  of  Roman  life  of  which  the  moderns  cau 
scarcely  form  any  satisfactory  idea  :  we  can  hardly  imagine  how  the 
almost  incredible  number  of  servants  and  attendants,  kept  in  the 
houses  of  the  rich  and  noble  to  wait  on  a  few  persons,  could  find 
occupation  ;  nor  how  the  extraordinary  division  and  subdivision  of 
labour  was  prevented  from  causing  far  more  trouble  and  confusion 
than  it  promoted  comfort  and  punctuality.  In  order  to  obtain  as 
comprehensive  a  view  of  the  subject  as  possible,  it  will  be  best  not 
to  treat  of  the  individual  classes,  as  chance  may  offer;  but  tö  go 
at  once  through  the  whole  familia,  according  to  its  different  divi- 
sions, and  the  avocations  of  their  members.  We  shall,  however, 
only  consider  the  slaves  in  reference  to  their  domestic  arrange- 


200  THE    SLAVES.  [Excursus  III. 

ments,  position  with  regard  to  their  master,  and  occupation  ;  and 
shall  exclude  all  consideration  of  the  legal  part  of  the  subject,  as 
serntusjusta  et  injusta,  manumissio,  etc. 

The  Slave-family,  considered  in  this  point  of  view,  has  been 
treated  of  by  Pignorius  (De  servis  et  eorum  apud  veteres  ministeriis), 
Titus  Popma  (Be  operis  servorum),  and  Gori,  in  the  explanation  of 
the  Columbarium  libertorum  et  servorum  Livice  Augusta.  All  three 
treatises  are  to  be  found  in  Poleni,  Suppl.  ad  Grcev.  thess.  mitt.  Horn. 
iii.  See  also  Blair,  An  Enquiry  into  the  state  of  Slavery  among  the 
Romans.     Edinb.  ]833. 

As  regards  the  method  of  acquiring  slaves  by  the  master,  the 
general  rule  laid  down  (Inst.  i.  3),  servi  aid  nascuntur,  aid  fiunt,  is 
here  applicable,  since  the  master  acquired  them  either  by  purchase 
or  birth. 

They  could  be  bought  also,  sub  corona,  as  prisoners  of  war, 
(captivi,Jure  belli  capti),  Cato  in  Gellius  vii.  4 ;  Li  v.  v.  22.  The  ex- 
pression sub  corona  is  explained  by  two  old  authors,  of  a  chaplet, 
worn  on  the  head  of  those  for  sale.  Coel.  Sabinus  in  Gell.  vii.  4  : 
and  ib.  Cato  de  re  Mil.,  who  quotes  Plautus  :  Prceco  ibi  adsit  cum 
corona,  quique  liceat,  veneat.  The  explanation  of  corona  militum  is 
thus  done  away  with.  Slaves  were  in  general  sold  by  the  dealer, 
mango,  venalitius  (renales  being  opposed  to  merces ;  Plaut.  Trin.  ii. 
2,  51  :  Mercaturamne  an  venules  habuit,  ubi  rem  perdidit  ?)  who  ex- 
posed them  openly  in  the  slave  market,  where  they  were  sold  by  the 
prceco.  They  were  first  stripped,  and  placed  on  a  wooden  scaffold, 
catasta,  their  feet  being  whitened,  (Tib.  ii.  2,  59 :  quern  scepe  coegit 
Barbara  gypsatos  ferre  catasta  pedes.)  This  was  only  done  to  slaves 
just  arrived,  Juv.  i.  Ill ;  or  they  were  put  on  an  elevation  of 
stone,  (hence  de  lapide  emtus.  Cic.  in  Pis.  15  ;  Plaut.  Bucch.  iv.  7, 
17),  so  that  every  one  could  see  and  touch  them,  nudare,  contrectare. 
See  Casaub.  ad  Fers.  vi.  77 ;  Boettig.  Sab.  ii.  204 ;  Sen.  Ep.  80. 
Mart.  vi.  66,  describes  a  scene,  where  the  pneco,as  an  incentive  to 
purchasers,  bis,  terque,  quaterque  basiavit,  the  girl  who  was  for  sale. 
Those  who  were  on  sale  bore  a  tablet  on  their  neck,  titulus,  upon 
which  not  only  their  name  and  capabilities,  but  their  corporeal 
blemishes,  and  any  vice  they  might  happen  to  have,  were  inscribed. 
Cic.  de  Offic.  iii.  17  :  Sed  etiam  in  mancipiorum  venditione  fraus  ven- 
ditoris  omnis  excluditur,  qui  enim  scire  debuit  de  sanitate,  de  fuga,  de 
fiirtis,  prcestat  edicto  cedilium.  The  words  of  the  edict  are  to  be 
found  in  Gell.  iv.  2.  Comp.  Hor.  Epist.  ii.  2,  14 ;  Prop.  iv.  5,  51 : 
.  .  .  quorum  titulus  per  barbara  colla  pepeudit, 
Cretati  medio  qiuim  saliere  foro  ; 
which  last  line  shows  that  they  were  trotted  out  to  show  their  paces, 


Scene  I.j 


THE    SLAVES.  201 


#as  horses  with  us.  Menand.  Fragm.  p.  69.  See  also  Sen.  Ep.  47. 
The  vendor  was  responsible  for  the  correctness  of  the  account 
given,  prcestabat ;  Cic.  de  Off.  iii.  17.  If  he  declined  doing  so,  the 
slave  was  Bold  pileatus.  See  Gell.  vii.  4.  The  same  edict  also 
forbad  ne  veterator  pro  novitio  veniret.     Dig.  xxi.  1,  37,  65. 

The  mancipia  viliora  only  came  into  the  slave-market,  as  the 
most  beautiful  and  expensive  were  sold  in  the  tabernce  by  private 
contract.     Thus  Mart.  ix.  60,  says  of  Marnurra,  who  went  about 
the  septa,  scrutinized  everything,  and  bought  nothing, 
Inspexit  molles  pueros  oeulisque  comedit  ; 

Non  hos  quos  prima  prostituere  casse, 
Sed  quos  arcanae  servant  tabulata  catastae, 
Et  quos  non  populus,  nee  mea  turba  videt. 

The  price  of  such  slaves  was  sometimes  immense.  In  Ilor. 
Epist.  ii.  2,  5,  a  favourite  slave  is  put  up  at  8,000  II.  S.,  sixty-four 
pounds ;  while  Martial,  i.  59,  and  xi.  70,  mentions,  pueros  centenis 
millibus  emtos  (eight  hundred  pounds),  and  iii.  62,  centcni-s  quod 
emis  pueros  et  scepe  ducenis.     Comp.  Sen.  Epist.  27  ;  Gell.  xv.  19. 

The  Romans,  like  the  Greeks,  obtained  most  of  their  slaves  from 
Asia.  Syrians,  Lydians,  Carians,  Mysians,  and  especially  Cappado- 
cians,  are  mentioned.  See  Cicero's  humorous  description  of  the 
four  chief  countries  of  Asia,  p.  Flacco,  27  :  Quis  unquam  Grcecus 
comcediam  scripsit,  in  qua  serous primarum  partium  non  Lydus  esset? 
Ib.  pro  Quint.  (J.  e  Gallia  pueros.  But  these  slaves,  of  Celtic  or  Ger- 
manic origin,  were  usually  employed  in  agriculture  ;  Varro,  R.  R. 
1,  1 :  Galli  appositissimi  adjumenta.  Negroes,  JEthiopes,  were  ar- 
ticles of  luxury,  Mart.  vii.  87  :  fruitur  Canius  JEthiope.  Under  the 
emperors,  Numidians  were  used  as  outriders.  Their  native  country 
waa  always  announced  at  the  sale.     Ulp.  Dig.  xxi.  1,  31. 

The  rule,  that  a  Roman  could  not  be  the  slave  of  another  Roman, 
was  more  strictly  observed  than  the  like  principle  in  Greece.  See 
Charieles.  An  insolent  debtor  might  be  made  over  to  his  creditor 
(addicere)  :  he  could  not,  however,  become  his  slave,  but  must,  as 
the  phrase  went,  be  sold  abroad  (trans  Tiberim).  Gell.  xx.  1,  45  : 
Trans  Tiberim  venum  ibant.  This  was  the  case  also  when  a  Roman 
citizen  was  sold  by  the  state.  See  Val.  Max.  vi.  3,  4;  Cic.  de  Or. 
i.  40.  But  the  Romans  did  not  hesitate  to  make  slaves  of  Italian 
prisoners  of  war  belonging  to  other  states.  Cic.  p.  Cluent.  7,  where 
Aurius,  a  youth  of  Lavinium,  taken  in  war,  becomes  the  slave  of 
.  the  senator  Sergius.  The  Greek  rule  was,  that  no  Hellene  could 
be  the  slave  of  an  Hellene;  the  Roman,  that  no  Roman  citizen 
could  serve  another.    Flau.  Tritt,  ii.  4,  144. 


202  THE  SLAVES.  [Excursus  III. 

Verncv,  seldom  vernaculi  (Mart.  x.  3),  were  the  children  result- 
ing from  the  contubemium  among  the  slaves,  opposed  to  slaves  got 
by  purchase.  In  some  respects  they  were  very  valuable,  as  from 
having  grown  up  in  the  family,  they  became  acquainted  with  all  the 
household  matters,  and  best  calculated  for  discharging  the  duties  of 
attendants.  Hence  Horace  (Epist.  ii.  26)  mentions  as  a  recom- 
mendation verna  ministcriis,  ad  nidus  aptus  heriles.  But  for  the 
same  reason  they  took  many  liberties,  and  their  forwardness  became 
a  proverb.  Mart.  i.  42,  x.  3 ;  Heind.  ad.  Hot:  Sat.  ii.  6,  66 :  Venice 
procaces.  Tacit.  Hist.  ii.  88.  Sen.  de  Prov.  i.:  Cogita ,  filiorum  nos 
modestia  delectari,  vernaculorum  licentia.  Comp,  also  Heyne  ad  Ti- 
bial, i.  5,  26,  garrulus  venia..  Hence  veniilia  dicta  are  used  for 
scurrilia  (dicta).  Festus,  p.  372  :  Venice,  qui  in  villis  vere  nati.  So 
also  Nonius,  i.  206.  Though  the  derivation  of  the  word  is  obscure, 
yet  its  ancient  signification  was  evidently  'native,'  or  '  indigenous/ 
in  opposition  to  'stranger.'  So  Mart.  i.  76,  calls  a  real  Roman- 
bred,  Numce  verna.  The  name  means  therefore  one  born  in  the 
house  of  his  master ;  if  he  changed  hands,  he  was  no  longer  verna 
in  respect  to  the  new  familia.  The  corresponding  Greek  word  is 
oiicurpnp,  explained  by  the  Grammarians  as  dovKoq  o'tKoytvi)c. 

There  was  no  difference  in  the  position  of  a  slave  who  happened 
to  come  into  a  man's  possession  hereditate,  or  by  any  other  means  : 
and  he  was  always  reckoned  either  with  .the  etnti  or  Venice. 

The  whole  body  of  slaves  belonging  to  one  master  was  divided 
into  the  familia  urbana  and  familia  rustica,  not  simply  from  their 
different  places  of  residence,  but  also  on  account  of  their  different 
occupation.  Fest.  166 :  Urbana  familia  et  rustica,  non  loco  sed 
generc  distinguitur.  Hence  the  familia  urbana  might  accompany 
the  master  into  the  country,  and  yet  not  be  called  rustica.  Our 
business  at  present  is  chiefly  with  the  urbana. 

The  simplicity  of  the  more  ancient  times  was  unacquainted  with 
such  a  concourse  of  slaves  (Sen.  de  Tranq.  8),  and  even  consuls 
took  the  field  accompanied  by  but  few.  Appul.  Apol.  430.  And 
of  these  few,  perhaps  only  one  was  used  for  personal  attendance 
on  himself,  whence  are  to  be  explained  the  names  Caipor,  Lu- 
cipor,  Marcipor,  Publipor,  Quint ipor.  Quinct.  List.  i.  4,  7 :  In 
sei'vis  Jam  interdicit  illud  genus,  quod  ducebatur  a  domino,  imde 
Marcipores,  Publipor  esque.  Plin.  (xxxiii.  1,  6),  when  talläng  of 
sealing  up  the  cells,  says,  Hoc  profeccre  mancipiorum  legiones  et  in 
domo  turba  externa  ac  servorum  quoque  causa  nomenclator  adhiben- 
dus.  Aliter  apud  antiquos  singuli  Marcipores  Luciporesve  domiiiorum 
gentiles  omnem  vidian  in  promiscuo  liabebant.     The  old-fashioned 


Scene  [.]  THE   SLAVES.  203 

manner  of  attendance  at  a  meal   is  drawn  in   lively  colours  by 
Juv.  xi.  145,  seq. 

Plebeios  calices  et  paueis  assibus  emtos 
Porrigit  incultus  puer,  atque  a  frigore  tutus  ; 
Non  Phryx,  aut  Lycius,  non  a  mangone  petitus 
Quisquam  erit  in  magno.     Cum  posces,  posce  Latine. 
Idem  habitus  «metis,  tonsi  rectique  capilli, 
Atque  hodie  tantum  propter  eonvivia  pexi. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  Republic,  however,  it  became  very 
different,  and  it  was  the»  considered  reprehensible  not  to  have  a 
slave  for  every  sort  of  work.  Thus  Cicero  says  in  his  description 
of  the  loose  household  arrangements  of  Piso,  idem  coquus,  idem 
atriensis:  and  Horace  {Sat.  i.  3,  12)  appears  to  consider  ten  slaves 
the  miuimum,  even  for  one  of  restricted  means,  and  (in  Sat.  i.  G, 
107,)  talks  of  the  ridicule  thrown  on  Tullius  the  praetor,  because  he 
had  no  more  than  five  slaves  to  accompany  him  from  the  Tiburtine 
villa  to  Rome.  Cic.  pro  Mil.  10  :  magno  aneillarum  puerorumque 
comitatu.  Vedius  also  travels  with  a  great  number  of  slaves ;  ad 
Att.  vi.  1.  But  Cicero  censures  this  extraordinary  expense  in 
servants  indirectly,  dt  Log.  Agr.  ii.  28.  In  subsequent  times  th»' 
numbers  mentioned  are  almost  incredible.  Thus  Pliny  (xxxiii.  10) 
relates,  C.  C&cilius  Claudius  Isidorus  testamento  suo  edi.iit,  (a.  tj. 
744).  quamvis  multa  eivili  bello perdidisset,  tarnen relinquere  servorum 
quatuor  mittia  centum  sedecim.  Tac.  Ann.  iii.  53 ;  xiv.  43.  Still 
greater  numbers  are  adduced  by  Wüstemann,  (Pal.  de  Scaur.  228)  ; 
but  the  accounts  of  Petron.  37,  surpass  every  thing;  familia  vera, 
babes.'  non  me  Hercules puto  decimam  partem  esse,  qua-  herum  suum 
novit.  Trimalchio  (47)  asks  a  house-slave  :  Ex  quota  decuria  esf  he 
answers ;  equdragesima:  (53),  an  actuarius  reads  aloud  what  has 
happened  during  the  last  few  days  on  the  estate  of  Trimalchio  ;  and 
among  other  things,  vii.  Kal.  Sextiles  in  preedio  Cumano,  quod  est 
Trimalchionis,  nati  sunt  pueri  xxx,  puellce  xl.  This  is  no  doubt  an 
exaggeration,  but  only  intelligible  under  the  supposition  of  there 
really  having  been  extraordinary  numbers.  Even  under  the  Re- 
public, Orassua  did  not  consider  him  rich  who  could  not  reditu 
annuo  legionem  tueri. 

Of  course  most  of  them  were  employed  on  country  estates  (Plin. 
II.  N.  xvii.)  ;  but  hundreds  were  in  the  familia  urbana ;  and,  for 
the  purpose  of  superintendence,  it  was  necessary  that  they  should 
be  divided  into  deenrice ;  but  there  were  several  particular  classes, 
which  ranked  higher  or  lower,  according  to  the  functions  assigned 
them.  These  classes  were  the  ordinarii,  (with  their  vicarii),  vul- 
gares, mediastini,  quales-quales;  at  least  they  are  thus  distinguished 


20  i  THE    SLAVES.  [Excvrsu?  III. 

by  Ulpian,  Dig.  xlvii.  10, 15,  Multum  interest,  qualis  servus  sit ;  bones 
frugi,  Ordinarius,  dispensator,  an  vero  vulgaris,  vel  mediastinum,  an 

qualisquaUs. 

ORDINARII 

appear  to  have  been  tbose  upper  slaves  (Jwnestior,  Cic.  Parad.  v.  2,) 
who  superintended  certain  departments  of  the  household;  they 
were  placed  above  the  others  (cteteris  preefecti  erant) ;  and  had  thei 
own  slaves  or  vicarii,  who  were  their  own  peculium,  got  by  their 
own  economy.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  7,  79 :  Vicapius  est,  qui  servo  paret. 
Comp.  Martial  ii.  18,  7,  where  the  poet  gives  his  patron  notice,  that 
he  shall  intermit  his  opera  togata,  because  the  other  has  also  a  rex. 
Esse  sat  est  servum  ;  Jam  nolo  vicarius  esse.  These  vicarii  existed 
at  an  early  period.  Plaut.  Asin.  ii.  4,  28,  scio  mihi  vicarium  esse,  and 
Cic.  (  Verr.  iii.  28),  where  he  wishes  to  mark  the  vilitas  of  Diog- 
notus,  a  servus  publicus,  says  vicarium  nullum  habet,  nihil  omnino 
peculii.  The  footing  was  similar  when  the  master  himself  gave 
the  ordinarius  a  slave  as  his  immediate  subordinate,  who  assisted 
him  in  his  avocation,  or  supplied  his  place.  The  difference  being, 
that  the  ordinarius  was  responsible  for  the  vicarius  to  his  master. 
Plaut.  Mil.  iii.  2,  12,  suppromus,  so  subcustos.  So  Ballio,  Pseud,  ii.  2, 
1 3,  calls  himself  Subbattio,  the  vicarius,  as  it  were,  of  his  master  Ballio. 
The  ordinarii  were  persons  enjoying  the  master's  special  confidence, 
and  entrusted  by  him  with  the  management  of  his  income  and 
outlay;  and  they  appointed  and  controlled  the  rest  of  the  family, 
both  in  the  house  and  at  the  villa.  Suet.  Gall.  12.  This  procurator 
must  not  be  confounded  with  the  like  term,  so  often  occurring  in 
legal  matters  :  the  latter  could  only  be  a  free  man.  Dig.  iii.  3, 
Cic.  p.  Ccec.  20 ;  De  liberis  aidem  quisquis  est,  procuratoris  nomine 
appellatur.  But  the  domestic  procurators  were  slaves  or  freedmen, 
whom  the  master  intrusted  with  the  care  of  some  part  of  the 
household.  Cic.  de  Or.  i.  58 :  Si  mandandum  aliquid  procuratori 
de  agricultura  aid  imperandum  villico  sit.  Ad  Attic,  xiv.  16.  Some- 
times the  procurator  seems  to  have  been  the  regular  steward  of  the 
property.  Pliny,  Ep.  iii.  19,  says  of  the  advantageous  situation  of 
two  country  properties,  posse  idraque  eadem  opera,  eodem  viatico 
invisere,  sub  eodem  procuratore  ac  pcene  iisdem  actoribus.  Still  the 
word  procurator  does  not  seem  to  occur  till  later,  in  the  sense 
of  the  person  to  whom  the  entire  management  of  the  familia  is 
entrusted.  Petr.  30 ;  Sen.  Epist.  14.  Quinct.  Decl.  345,  familiam 
per  procuratores  continetis.  Besides  the  procurator,  the  actor  and 
dispensator  are  mentioned.  The  actor  seems  to  have  belonged 
chiefly  to  the  familia  rustica,  and  to  have  been  about  the  same  as 


Scene  L]  THE   SLAVES.  205 

villicus.  Colura.  i.  7,  ib.  8.  Idemque  actori  preecipiendum  est,  n<> 
cormctum  cum  domestico  habeat.  In  Scsev.  Dig.  xxxiii.  7,  20,  both. 
actor  and  villicus  are  mentioned,  as  if  they  were  two  different  func- 
tions. The  reason  is,  that  on  country  estates  there  was,  besides 
the  villicus,  who  attended  exclusively  to  the  fanning,  a  special 
accountant  also.  But  the  villicus  might  be  actor  also.  lie  then 
had  a  procurator  over  him  ;  but  a  villicus,  actor,  and  procurator, 
never  existed  all  three  simultaneously.  This  is  clear  from  Plin. 
Pp.  iii.  19,  and  Colum.  i.  6.  The  dispensator  was  the  cashier  and 
accountant,  especially  in  the  familia  urbana,  Cic.  ad  Alt.  xi.  1 :  Nihil 
scire  potui  de  nosfris  domesticis  rebus,  de  quibus  aeerbissime  afftictor, 
quod  qui  eas  dispensavit,  neque  adest  istic,  neque  ubiterrarum  sitscio. 
But  there  were  also  dispensatories  of  the  familia  rustica,  Pompon. 
Big.  L.  16,  166.  Both  are  joined  by  Cic.  de  Pup.  v.  3.  The  dis- 
pensator mav  possibly  have  been  under  the  procurator  in  particular 
instances,  but  generally  himself  submitted  the  accounts  to  his 
master's  iu-peetion.  Suet.  Galb.  12,  ordinario  dispensatori  brevi- 
arium  rationum  offerendi.  Vesp.  22,  admonente  dispensatore  quemad- 
modumsummam  rationibus  vellet  referri,  Vespasiano,inquit,  adamato. 
So  also  ( Cic.  Fragm.  in  Non.  iii.  18),  Quid  tu.  inqitam,  soles,  cum  rati- 
onem  a  dispensatore  accipis,  si  eera  singula probasti,  summam,  qua  ex- 
Ms  confecta  sit,  non  probarel  Comp.  Mart.  v.  42.  Juv.  i.  91 ;  vii.  219. 
One  of  the  principal  domestics  was  the  atriensis,  who  originally 
was  the  same  as  the  dispensator  and  procurator.  Thus  in  Plaut. 
Asin.  ii.  4,  the  pseudo-saurea,  as  atriensis,  receives  and  lends 
money,  sells  wine  and  oil,  lends  plate ;  in  short,  superintends  the 
whole  household  affairs,  cui  omnium  rerum  herus  summam  credidit. 
Hence  in  Pseud,  ii.  2, 13,  he  can  be  interchanged  with  the  cellarius 
or  promus. 

H.  Tune  es  Ballio  ?     Ps.  Imo  vero  ego  ejus  sum  Subballio. 

H.  Quid  istue  verbi  est  ?     Ps.  Condus  promus  sum,  procurator  peni. 

H.  Quasi  te  dicas  atriensem.    Ps.  Imo  atriensi  ego  impero. 

In  later  times  there  were  doubtless  special  atrienses,  to  see  that 
the  atrium  and  imagines,  as  well  as  the  whole  house,  were  kept  neat 
and  tidy  by  the  other  slaves. 

The  cellarius,  or  promus,  was  he  who  had  charge  of  the  cella 
penaria   and    vinaria,  and    furnished    the  daily  supply,  and  took 
charge  of  whatever  remained.     Procurator  peni,  Plaut.  Pseud,  ii.  2, 
13.     Hence  also,  condus  promus,  Plaut,  dipt.  iv.  2,  115. 
Sume,  posce,  prome  quidvis  ;  te  facio  cellarium. 

Upon  which  the  Parasite  (iv.  3.  1)  says,  mini  rim  summam  cre- 
didit cibariam.     Comp.  Mil.  iii.  2,  11,  24,  where  mention  is  made  of 


20G  THE  SLAVES.  [Excubsus  III. 

a  suppromus,  who  stood  in  much  the  same  position  to  the  prom  us, 
as  the  amanuensis  did  to  the  dispensator.  Colum.  xi.  1  :  Ut  cibus 
et  potto  sine  fraude  a  cellariis  prcebeantur.  Perhaps  he  also  gave 
out  the  demensum,  cibum  demensum,  to  the  familia. 

Among  the  ordinarii  may  also  be  reckoned  the  negotiatores,  slaves 
who  conducted  money  transactions  on  account  of  their  master,  (not 
mercatura.  Emesti,  Clav.  s.  v.  negotiator.)  See  Öbbar.  ad.  Ilor. 
Ep.  i.  1,45.  That  instances  of  this  occurred  in  later-times  cannot 
be  denied  ;  but  in  more  remote  periods  all  qucestus  was  considered 
indecorus  for  the  ordo  senatorius  (see  Becker,  Void.  Comced.  Bom. 
74),  and  the  equites  were  themselves  the  negotiatores,  and  did  not 
employ  their  slaves  for  the  purpose. 

On  account  of  the  great  number  of  slaves,  who  were  no  doubt 
sometimes  very  noisy,  it  became  necessary  to  have  silentiarii,  who 
watched  over  the  quiet  of  the  household.  Thus  Salvian.  de  Gab. 
Dei,  iv.  3,  says:  Servi quippe pavent  adores, parent  silentiarios, parent 
procurators;  ab  omnibus  cteduntur.  This  was  written,  it  is  true, 
in  the  fifth  century ;  but  Seneca  also  alludes  to  them,  Ep.  47,  and 
several  inscriptions  appear  in  Fabretti,  206,  n.  54 — 56,  and  Orell. 
n.  2956. 

The  division  of  slaves  into  decurice  probably  rendered  necessary 
an  especial  decurio,  who  stood  at  the  head  of  each  of  them.  Suet. 
Dom.  17  :  Decurio  cubicidariorum ;  also  in  inscriptions,  lecticariorum, 
etc.  Usually,  this  refers  to  the  domus  Augusta,  but  these  decuriones 
doubtless  existed  in  other  houses  also.  In  a  Pompeian  inscription 
we  read,  Queeres  Fabium  et  Fallacem  (two  slaves)  in  decuria  Cotini. 

There  were  also  others  in  the  familia,  who  worked  in  the  capa- 
city of  artisans,  especially  in  the  country-houses,  and  were  used  for 
scientific  purposes,  or,  as  artists,  ministered  to  the  pleasures  of  their 
master.  It  is  uncertain  what  rank  these  held,  and  whether  they 
are  to  be  reckoned  among  the  ordinarii ;  in  any  case  they  were 
honestiores.  Cicero  {Par.  v.  2),  says,  Ut  in  magna  (stultorum) 
familia  sunt  alii  lautiores,  ut  sibi  videntur,  servi,  sed  tarnen  servi, 
atrienses  ac  topiarii,  etc.  He  then  opposes  to  them  those,  qui  tum 
honestissimitm  locum  servitutis  tenent. 

If,  however,  it  be  taken  for  granted  that  Ordinarius  and  vicarius 
were  correlative  terms :  then  these  slaves  may  also  be  called  ordi- 
narii, for  they  often  had  vicarii.  See  Cic.  Verr.  i.  36 :  Pecu/ia 
omnium  vicariique  retmentur.  Cic.  p.  Rose.  Am.  41.  The  number 
of  such  slaves  was  great,  but  here  only  a  few  will  be  mentioned. 
First  come  the  regular  artists :  architeeti,  fabri,  tectores,  statitarii, 
pictores,  ccelatorcs,  plumarii,  topiarii  (ab  hortorum  cultura),  viridarii, 
aquarii  (for  the  last  three,  see  Excursus  on  The  Gardens) :  next  come 


Scene  I.]  THE    SLATES.  20*3 

symphoniaci,  ludiones,  mimi,  funambuli  or  sckcenobatee,  pefauristes, 
saliatrices,  gladiatores  j  of  a  lower  grade  were  moriones,  fatui  and 
futiir, ,  /,,/«/  and  nana-,  or  pumiliones.  Further,  those  who  took  care 
of  the  library  and  works  of  art  :  d  bibliotheca,  ä  statuis,a  pinacotheca, 
and  the  numerous  cdass  of  literati,  as  anagnostce,  librarii,  which  has 
many  meanings,  notarii,  ä  stzidüs,  a  manu  or  ab  epistolis,  to  whom 
perhaps  appertain  the  tabeUarii.  Lastly  may  be  named  the  medici, 
with  their  different  srades.     These  will  be  treated  of  first. 


MEDICI,  CTIIRURGI,  IATRALIPT.E. 

It  was  only  at  a  late  period  that  the  study  of  Medicine  attained 
to  distinction  in  Rome,  and  then  it  was  almost  exclusively  practised 
by  foreigners.  Pliny  (xxix.  1,  6)  relates  that,  according  to  the  ac- 
count of  Cassius Hemina,  the  first  Grecian  physician,  Archagathu-, 
arrived  in  Rome  from  the  Peloponnesus,  in  the  year  of  the  city  535. 
The  astonishment,  which  the  art  at  first  excited,  was  soon  changed 
mto  distrust,  and  in  some  cases  into  aversion.  Oato  earnestly 
warned  his  son  against  the  Greek  physicians  aud  the  study  of  medi- 
cine ;  no  doubt  many  unprincipled  acts  were  committed  by  them, 
and  a  considerable  degree  of  charlatanry,  at  least,  can  be  laid  to 
their  charge.  We  cannot  therefore  wonder  that  Plautus  scourges 
them  with  jokes  of  no  very  delicate  kind.     Meneechm.  v.  3 — 5  : 

Lumbi  sedendo,  oculi  speetando,  dolent, 
Man  endo  medicum,  dum  se  ex  opere  recipiat. 
Odiosus  tandem  vix  ab  ffigrotis  veiiit. 
Ait  se  obligasse  eras  fractum  JEseulapio, 
Apollini  autem  brachium.     Nunc  cogito, 
Utrum  me  dicam  ducere  medicum,  an  fabrum. 

One  has  only  to  read  the  following  scenes  to  be  convinced  that  the 
physician  in  this  play  has  been  the  original  of  ail  the  pedantic 
medeeins  and  charlatans  of  Molit-re.  Athemeus,  xv.  6GG  :  a  /<;)  larpoi 
)/-«;■,  ovoiv  av  i)v  Twv  ypapfiaTiicuv  fiwportpw.  Even  in  the  time  of 
Pliny,  the  Romans  themselves  attended  but  little  to  the  art.  though 
it  was,  as  he  testifies,  very  profitable  ;  hut  it  was  perhaps  for  that 
reason  lowered  in  the  estimation  of  the  old  Romans.  Non  rem  an- 
tiqui  damnabant,  sed  arteni.  Maxime  vero  qucestum  esse  immani pretio 
vitce,  recusabant.  Pliny  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the  relation 
in  which  the  patient  stood  to  the  physician,  which  may  be  well  ap- 
plied to  our  own  times,  lie  says,  after  remarking  that  the  Romans 
did  not  follow  the  science  with  so  much  advantage,  lmmo  vero 
auctoritas  aliter  quam  Grace  cam  tractantibus,  etiam  apud  imperitos 


208  THE   SLAVES.  [Excursus  IIL 

expertcsque  Ungues  non  est.  Ac  minus  credunt,  qu<e  ad  salutem  suam 
pertinent,  siinteUigunt.  Itaquein  hac  artium  sola  evenit,  ut  cuicunque 
medicum  se  professo  statim  credatur.  Nulla  praterea  lex  est,  quce 
puniat  inscitiam,  capitale  nullum  exemption  vindictce.  Discunt  peri- 
culis  ?wstris  et  experimenta  per  mortes  agunt,  medicoque  tantum 
hominem  occidisse  impunitas  summa  est.  As  the  professional  phy- 
sicians, therefore,  were  not  always  looked  upon  with  the  most 
favourahle  eyes,  the  Romans  used  to  employ  trustworthy  slaves,  or 
freedmen,  as  house-physicians  ;  and  careful  fathers  of  families  also 
collected  recipes  of  the  hest  means  to  he  adopted  in  particular 
cases.  Thus  Cato  had  a  kind  of  recipe-book,  commentarium,  quo 
medereturßlio,  seriis,familiaribus.  These  slaves  were  called  medici, 
and  medicce  even  are  mentioned  in  inscriptions.  Surgery,  as  well  as 
physic,  was  practised  by  the  medici,  as  we  may  see  from  passages 
in  Plautus  ;  but  it  is  possible  that  others  were  specially  employed 
in  this  department,  and  hence  called  vidnerum  medici,  vulnerarii. 
In  inscriptions  of  the  time  of  Tiberius,  regular  chirurgi  occur;  and 
Celsus  (lib.  vii.),  gives  as  the  qualities  requisite :  middle  age,  a 
steady  hand,  good  eye,  &c.  About  this  time,  physic  generally 
began  to  be  divided  into  different  branches  ;  doctors  for  diseases  of 
the  eye  (ocularii,  or  medici  ab  ocidis),  as  well  as  dentists,  and  others 
skilled  in  the  treatment  of  any  particular  local  disorder,  are  par- 
ticularly mentioned.     Mart.  x.  56. 

The  iatraliptce  were  probably  at  first  doctors'  assistants,  who  took 
care  of  the  embrocations ;  but  in  later  times  they  appear  to  have 
formed  a  distinct  class  of  medical  men.  See  Plin.  xxix.  1, 2.  The 
vouno-er  Pliny  says  (Up.  x.  4),  Proximo  anno,  domine,  gravissima 
valetudine  ad periculum  vitce  vexatus  iatralipten  assumsi.  Respecting 
the  tabernce  medicorum  or  medicince  (as  tonstrince),  see  Heind.  ad 
Sorot.  Sat.  i.  7,  3. 

A  second  important  class  of  well  educated  slaves  were  the 

LITEPtATI, 

of  course,  in  quite  a  different  sense  from  what  it  bears,  Plaut.  Cas. 
ii.  6  49.  Here  it  signifies  those  slaves,  of  whose  literary  acquire- 
ments and  knowledge  the  master  made  use  for  his  own  purposes. 
The  general  meaning  of  the  word  is  given  by  Suet,  de  111.  Gramm. 
4:  Appellafio  Grammaticorum  Grceca  consuetudine  invaluit;  sed  initio 
literati  vocabantur.  He  then  gives  the  distinction  between  literatus 
and  literator,  referring  us  to  Orbilius  :  nam  apud  majores,  cum 
familia  alicujus  venalis  produceretur,  non  tcmere  quern  literatum  in 


Scene  I.]  THE   SLAVES.  209 

titulo,  sed  literatorem  insoribi  solitum  esse ;  quasi  non  perfectum  Uteris 
sed  imbutum.  Previously,  however,  he  gives  the  explanation  of 
Cornelius  Nepos  ( which  differs  from  the  above).  Cornelius  gtioque 
Nepos  in  libellu,  quo  distinguit  literatum  ab  erudito,  literatos  quidern 
vukjo  appeUari  ait  eos,  qui  aliquid  diligenter  et  acute  scienterque  possint 
auf  dicere  aid  scribere :  cceterum  proprie  sic  appeUandos  poetarum 
wierpretes,  qui  a  directs  ypaupaTixoi  nominentur ;  eosdem  Uteratores 
vocitatos.  The  explanation  of  Orbilius  is  more  appropriate  for  the 
servi  literati. 

In  the  first  place  they  were  used  as 


AXAGXOSTzE, 

also  called  lectores,  readers.  Men  of  polite  education  used,  when  at 
their  meals,  or  not  in  any  other  manner  mentally  occupied  and 
even  in  the  baths,  to  have  persons  to  read  to  them.  Thus  the 
younger  Pliny  relates  of  his  uncle  (Up.  iii.  5),  Super  ccenam  liber 
Ugebatur,  adnotabatur,  et  quidern  cursim.  Memini  quendam  ex  amicis 
qua  in  lector  qua  dam  perperam  jn-onanciasset,  revocasse  et  repeti 
coegisse,  etc.  But  then  :  In  secessu  solum  balinei  tempus  studiis 
eximebatur.  Quum  dico  balinei,  de  interioribus  loquor ;  nam  dum 
distrinrjitur  tergiturque,  audiebat  aliquid,  aut  dictated.  The  same 
person  says  of  himself  (ix.  36),  Ccenanti  mihi,  si  cum  uxore,  velpaucis 
liber  legitur ;  and  Cornelius  Nepos  relates  of  Atticus  (c.  10),  Nemo 
i,t  convivio  ejus  aliud  aKoöapa  audivit,  quam  anagnoslen.  Neque  un~ 
quam  •"'""'  a^niia  actione  apud  eum  ccmatum  est.  Martial  frequently 
alludes  to  this  habit,  and  sometimes  with  complaints ;  for  several 
persons  only  invited  him  to  their  tables  to  read  to  him  their  bad 
comedies,  iii.  50.  Augustus,  when  unable  to  sleep,  used  to  send 
for  lectores,  or  confabulatores.  Suet.  Aug.  78  j  Cic.  ad  Att.  i.  12. 
All  the 

LIBRAFJI 

belong  to  this  class.  They  were  slaves  used  for  writing-,  hence  also 
called  scribes,  but  perfectly  distinct  from  the  scribce publici,  who  were 
liberi,  and  formed  a  separate  ordo  •  and  also  from  the  bibliopoles, 
also  called  librarii.  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  The  librarii  a"-ain  were 
called,  according  to  the  use  they  were  put  to,  ab  epistolis ;  a  studiis  .- 
a  bibliotheca ;  notarii.  It  will  be  best  to  explain  these  in  the 
Excursuses  on  The  Library  and  Letter. 

Respecting  the  Pcedagoyi,  see  p.  188. 

"We  now  come  to  those  who  (frequently  in  no  honourable  manner) 
P 


210  THE    SLAVES.  [Excursus  IIL 

served  for  amusement;  for  instance,  at  meals,  when  the  business  of 
the  day  was  at  an  end,  and  everything  was  brought  together  that 
could  serve  for  recreation.  Of  course,  in  the  earlier  times,  such 
pleasures  were  unknown,  and  it  was  only  after  the  war  with  An- 
tiochus  (when  the  former  simplicity  yielded  generally  to  Asiatic 
luxury),  that  the  enjoyment  of  the  repast  began  to  be  heightened, 
not  only  by  refinement  in  cookery,  but  also  by  all  manner  of  shows 
and  ÜKpöctfiara,  by  artists  hired  for  the  occasion,  or  even  kept  among 
the  regular  retainers  of  the  family.  Livy,  xxxix.  6.  Of  this  kind 
were  the  symphoniaci,  the  corps  of  household  musicians,  the  fre- 
quent mention  of  whom  shows  their  general  use.  Cic.  Mil.  21 : 
Milo,  qui  mmquam,  turn  casu  pueros  syrriphoniaeos  u.roris  ducebat  et 
ancillarum  greges.  Petr.  c.  83,  47,  and  Senec.  Up.  54,  in  comissa- 
tionibus  nostris  plus  cantorum  est,  quam  in  theatris  olim  speetatorum 
fuit.  Cic.  Verr.  iii.  44 ;  Div.  17  ;  Ulp.  Dig.  vii.  1.  This  is  what 
the  aliud  ciKpöaua  alludes  to,  in  the  above-mentioned  passage  of 
Cornelius  Nepos. 

To  these  were  added,  in  later  times,  ludiones,  mimi,  funamhuli, 
or  schcenobatce ,  petauristee,  saltatrices,  gladiatores,  and  such  like  ;  all 
of  whom  are  found  in  the  house  of  Trimalchio.  They  require  no 
explanation;  but  on  account  of  the  petauristee,  we  may  quote 
Petron.  53  :  Petauristarii  tandem'  venerunt :  baro  insulsissimus  cum 
scalis  constitit,  puerumque  jussit  per  gradus  et  in  summa  parte  odaria 
saltare ;  circulos  deinde  ardentes  transire  et  dentibus  amphoram  sus- 
tinere.  These  were  such  arts  as  are  practised  by  our  mountebanks. 
According  to  Mart.  (v.  12),  Linus  let  seven  or  eight  boys  stand  on 
his  arms.     Comp.  Ter.  Hecyr.  i.  ii.  26. 

The  taste  for  the  deformed  and  idiotic  moriones,fatui,  and  fatuce, 
was  still  more  strange.  The  moriones  were  perhaps  originally 
regular  Cretins,  at  least  the  term  comprehends  not  only  absurdity, 
but  deformity  ;  and  Mart.  vi.  39,  describes  one  ;  acuto  capite  et  auri- 
bus  longis,  quae  sic  moventur,  ut  solent  asellorum.  But  their  absurdity 
was  the  chief  point ;  and  the  stupider  they  were,  the  more  valuable, 
as  affording  most  opportunity  for  laughter.     Mart.  viii.  13,  says, 

Morio  dictus  erat ;  viginti  milibus  emi. 
Redde  mihi  nummos,  Gargiliane  :  sapit. 

Comp.  xiv.  210.  Even  in  Seneca's  house  there  was  no  lack  of  them, 
Ep.  50.  Harpasten,  uxoris  mece  fatuam,  sets  hereditarium  onus  in 
domo  mea  remansisse :  ipse  enim  aversissimus  ab  istis  prodigiis  sum  ;  si 
quando  fatuo  delectari  volo,  non  est  mihi  longe  quarendum  :  me  rideo. 
Pretty  much  on  a  par  with  those  were  the  nani  and  nana,  also 
pumiliones,   dwarfs,  who   were  especial   favourites  of  the  ladies. 


Scbke  L]  THE    SLAVES.  211 

Grell,  (xix.  13)  explains  ravm^,  brevi  atque  humili  corpore  homines 
paidum  supra  terrain  exstantes.     Stat  Sih.  i.  6,  57  : — 

Hie  audax  subit  ordo  pumilonum, 

Quos  natura  brevi  statu  peractos 

Nodosum  seniel  in  globum  ligavit 
It  is  true  that  Suetonius  says  of  Augustus  (Aug.  83),punrilos  atque 
distortos — ut  ludibria  natura  malique  ominis  abhorrebat ;  but  still  he 
had  a  court-dwarf,  Canopas,  the  pet  of  his  niece  Julia ;  Plin.  II.  X. 
vii.  10,  where  cases  are  mentioned  on  purpose  for  these  little  men. 
Suet.  Tib.  61.  The  nani  differed  from  the  distorti.  Suet.  ib.  and 
Quinct.  Bed,  298 ;  Inst,  ii.  5.  These  monsters  used  to  leam  to 
dance  and  play  the  castanets.  Brouckh.  ad  Prop.  iv.  8,  48.  Later 
they  used  to  enact  fights.  Stat.  ib.  Dio  Cass,  lxvii.  8.  Bronze 
statues  of  these  abortions  are  still  extant.  Gori  Mus.  Etr.  i.  76. 
They  also  occur  in  Pompeian  frescoes,  Casaub.  ad  Suet.  Oct.  83. 
We  must  also  reckon  here  the  Grceculi,  or  Greek  house-philoso- 
phers, if  the  usage  of  which  Böttiger  speaks,  Sab.  ii.  36,  be  based 
on  good  ground,  as  in  that  case  they  would  nearly  represent  the 
Parasites. 

Essentially  different  from  these  were  the  class  called 

VULGARES, 

under  which  name  are  to  be  understood  those  who  had  one  low 
and  definite  occupation,  either  in  or  out  of  the  house.  To  this 
class  belonged,  firstly  the  ostiarius  or  janitor,  who  constantly  kept 
watch  over  the  entrance  of  the  house.  In  ancient  times,  and  often 
even  later,  their  attendance  was  secured  by  fastening  them  with 
a  chain  to  the  entrance,  Auct.  de  dar.  Rhet.  3.  L.  Otacilius 
serviisse  dtcäur,  atque  etiam  ostiarius  veteri  more  in  catena  fuisse. 
Ovid,  Amor.  i.  161 : — 

Janitor,  indignum,  dura  religate  catena. 
Sagittar.  dr  Januis  Vett.  xvi.  10.  Later,  however,  he  dwelt  in  the 
cella  ostiaria,  Sueton.  Vitell.  16 ;  Petr.  c.  29.  The  dog  mentioned 
by  Suetonius  belonged  exclusively  to  the  janitor;  but  besides  this, 
like  as  the  modern  porter  carries  his  staff  of  state,  so  did  the  osti- 
arius appear  with  his  virga  or  arundo,  though  not  as  mere  insignia, 
but  in  case  of  need  to  repel  an  intruder.  Sen.  de  Const,  sap.  14. 
Petr.  c.  134 :  arundinem  ab  ostio  rapuit.  Cf.  c.  93.  Brouckh.  ad 
Propert.  iv.  7,  21. 

The  assertion  of  Wüstemann,  founded  on  Tibull.  i.  7,  76  and 
i.  6,61,  and  Plaut.  Cure.  i.  1.  76:  (Anus  hie  solet  cubitare  euttos, 
janitrix),  that  females  also  served  as  door-keepers,  deserves  cor- 

P  2 


212  THE   SLAVES.  [Excursus  III. 

rection.     In  Plautus  it  refers  to  the  house  of  a  leno,  -who  guards  his 
meretrices  with  a  lena.     So  in  Appul.  Met.  i.  p.  112,  Fotis  is  the 
only  maid  in  the  house,  and  therefore  must  open  the  house-door. 
Again,  Tibull.  (i.  7,  76)  refers  only  to  the  bolted  door. 
.  .  .  nunc  displicet  illi, 
Qusecunque  apposita  est  jamia  dura  sera. 

So  in  i.  6,  61,  the  mother  of  Delia  is  meant,  and  not  a  janitrix: — 

H?ec  foribusque  manet  noctu  me  affixa. 
In  a  Roman  house,  where  numberless  clients  came  to  the  salu- 
tatio,  and  viri  amplissimi  met  to  converse,  a  janitrix  would  have 
been  a  strange  appendage.  With  equally  little  foundation,  does 
Böttiger,  Sab.  suppose  a  janitrix  in  the  ante-room  of  the  lady  of 
the  house.  Such  a  female  would  have  as  little  right  to  the  appel- 
lation of  janitrix,  as  the  cubicularius  to  that  of  janitor. 

Next  came  the  cubicularii,  who  had  the  supervision  of  the  sitting 
and  sleeping  rooms,  and  probably  when  the  master  was  at  home 
waited  in  the  ante-chamber.  In  Suet.  Tib.  21,  and  Dom.  16,  they 
are  termed  cubiculo  propositi.  They  also  announced  visitors,  Cic. 
Verr.  iii.  4.  Hunc  vestri  janitores,  hunc  cubicularii  diligunt ;  hunc 
liberi  vestri,  hunc  servi  ancillceque  amant ;  hie  cum  venit,  extra  ordinem 
vacatur  ;  hie  solus  introducitur,  cceteri  seepe  frugalis&imi  homines  ex- 
cluduntur.  From  whence  it  seems  clear  that  visitors  were  admitted 
according  to  the  order  of  their  arrival.  Cic.  adAtt.  2.  Under  the 
emperor  there  were  special  servi  ab  officio  admissionum,  in  addition 
to  the  cubicularii,  between  whom  and  the  velarii  there  would  seem 
to  have  been  but  little  difference. 

Even  when  they  went  abroad  without  any  pomp,  one  or  more 
slaves  were  always  in  attendance,  hence  named  pedisequi,  who,  as 
we  learn  from  several  inscriptions,  were  a  particular  class,  and 
every  slave  who  followed  the  master  was  not  called  by  this  name. 
S.  Gori,  de  Cohimb.  Liv.  Aug. ;  Corn.  Nep.  Att.  13 :  Namque  in  ea 
(familia)  erantpueri  liter atissi 'mi,  anagnostce  optimi  etplurimilibrarii, 
ut  ne  pedisequus  quidem  quisquam  esset,  qui  non  idrumque  horum 
pulehre  facere  posset.  Cic.  ad  Att.  viii.  5  ;  Verr.  i.  36,  circum pedes. 
That  fashion  required  the  attendance  of  slaves,  and  exempted  the 
masters  from  the  performance  of  even  the  most  trifling  exertions, 
we  see  from  Martial  ix.  60,  22  :  asse  duos  calices  emit  et  ipse  tulit. 

Besides  these,  Romans  of  rank  used  a  nomcnclator.  In  the 
times  of  the  Republic,  those  who  desired  to  attain  to  high  offices 
were  obliged  to  observe  many  little  attentions,  not  only  to  people 
of  distinction,  but  also  towards  the  common  citizens.  Their  houses 
were  open  to  the  visits  of  everybody,  and  when  they  were  out  of 
doors  they  were  expected  to  remember  all  their  names,  and  to 


Scene  I.]  THE    SLAVES.  213 

say  something  agreeable  to  them.  As  it  was  impossible  to  recall  at 
a  moment  the  name  and  circumstances  of  each  one,  there  were 
slaves,  whose  duty  consisted  in  remembering  the  names  of  those 
whom  they  met,  and  informing  their  master.  Cic.  Att.  iv.  1 :  ad 
urbem  it  a  veni,  ut  nemo  ullius  ordinis  homo  nomenclatori  notusfuent, 
qui  mihi  obviam  rum  venera.  Their  memory  became  a  proverb. 
Sometimes  if  his  memory  failed  him,  the  nomenclator  substituted 
some  false  name,  Senec.  Ep.  27 :  velvlus  nomenclator,  qui  nomina 
non  reddit,  sed  imponit.  In  houses  where  the  salutabio  was  nume- 
rous, a  nomenclator  was  requisite.  Sen.  Epist.  19 :  habebas  con- 
vicas,  quos  e  turba  salutantium  nomenclator  digesserit.  The  nomen- 
clator had  another  function  to  discharge  (Petron.  c.  47,  and  Plin. 
xxxii.  6,  21),  viz.  that  of  informing  the  guests  what  dishes  were 
served  up,  and  making  known  their  several  excellences.  Comp. 
Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  25,  with  lleindorf's  remarks. 

The  lecticarii  were  the  slaves  who  bore  the  lectica,  and  when  the 
custom  became  by  degrees  more  common,  they  were  important 
functionaries  :  women  were  carried  in  the  city,  men  outside  of  it 
and  in  the  gestationes.  The  strongest  and  most  imposing  in  appear- 
ance were  chosen  ;  Syrians,  Celts,  Germans,  and  especially  Cappa- 
docians.  Sometimes  six  in  number,  at  others  eight,  lectica hexaphoros, 
or  octaphoros.  The  custom  is  described  by  Lucian,  Cynic,  722  ; 
Senec.  Ep.  31 :  turba  servorum  lecticam  per  itinera  urbana  ac 
peregrma  portantium.  For  other  passages,  see  Tit.  Popma,  de  Op. 
Serv.  in  Pol.  Thes.  iii.  13G6  ;  comp.  Lips.  Elect,  i.  19 ;  Böttig.  Sab. 
ii.  202.  Before  the  lectica  went  anteambuloncs,  in  order  to  clear  a 
road  through  a  crowd.  These  were  properly  some  of  the  class  of 
poor  clients,  and  not  slaves.  They  did  not  always  confine  them- 
selves to  the  customary  words,  Date  locum  domino  meo,  but  occa- 
sionally made  room  with  their  elbows  and  hands,  as  related  by 
Martial  (iii.  40),  who,  in  order  to  escape  paying  continually  the 
opera  togata,  offers  to  his  rex  his  freedman,  who  might  even  serve 
as  a  lecticarius  or  anteambulo.  This  led  sometimes  to  disagreeable 
collisions.  Pliny  relates  (Ep.  iii.  14)  :  Eques  Romanus  a  servo  ejus 
(Largii  Macedonis),  ut  transäum  daret,  manu  leviter  admonitus 
convertit  se,  nee  servum,  a  quo  erat  tactus,  sed  vpsum  Macedonem  tarn 
graviter  palma  percussit,  id,  pcenc  conciderct.  Thus  they  went  in  the 
city,  but  on  a  journey  the  escort  was  much  greater.  The  use  of 
runners  or  outriders  is  not  peculiar  to  modern  times ;  the  Romans 
also  were  fond  of  this  species  of  display,  at  least  as  early  as  the  first 
century  after  Christ,  and  the  cursores,  and  Numidee,  who  ran  and 
rode  in  advance  of  the  rheda  or,  carruca,  are  frequently  mentioned. 


214  THE   SLAVES.  [Excursus  III. 

Thus  Seneca  (Pp.  87)  says :  O  quam  cuperem  Uli  (Catoni)  nunc 
occurrere  aliquem  ex  his  Trossulis  in  via  divitibus,  cursores  et  Numi- 
das  et  muUum  ante  se  pulveris  agentem  !  Sen.  Ep.  120 :  Omnesjam 
sic  peregrinantur,  nt  illos  Numidaricm  prascurrat  equitatus,  ut  agmen 
cursorum  antecedat.  Suet.  Ner.  30  ;  Tit.  9.  Martial  (iii.  47)  says  of 
one  who  takes  with  him  from  the  city  into  the  country  the  produc- 
tions of  the  country :  Nee  feriatus  ibat  ante  carrucam,  Sed  tuta 
fceno  cursor  ova  portabat,  and  of  himself  (xii.  24),  Nun  rector  Lybici 
niger  caballi,  Succinctus  neque  cursor  antecedit.  Such  luxury,  how- 
ever, was  unheard  of  in  the  times  of  the  Republic  ;  for  nothing  can 
be  inferred  from  the  figurative  speech  of  Cicero,  Verr.  v.  41.  Still 
something  like  it  is  mentioned,  Cic.  de  Rep.  i.  12  :  Puer  nuntiavit 
venire  ad  mm  Lcelium ;  this  was  a  slave  sent  on  before  to  announce 
his  arrival. 

We  must  here  make  mention  of  the  capsarii,  which  has  a  variety 
of  significations,  as  capsa  itself  is  also  used  in  divers  senses. 
I.  They  who  took  care  of  the  clothes  of  the  bathers,  and  placed  them 
in  the  capsa,  as  thieving:  was  nowhere  more  prevalent  than  at  the 
bath.  See  the  commentators  on  Petron.  30,  Burm.  II.  The 
slaves  who  followed  the  children  to  school,  and  carried  in  a  capsa 
the  articles  required  there.  Juven.  x.  117  :  Quern  sequitur  custos 
augustce  vernula  capsa.  They  are  mentioned  frequently  in  connec- 
tion with  the  psedagogi.  Suet.  Ner.  30  :  Constat  quosdam  cum 
peedagogis  et  capsariis  uno  prandio  necatos.  III.  The  slaves  who 
carried  after  their  masters  the  scrinium  (capsa,  Cic.  Div.  in  Ceec, 
10),  in  which  sense  they  were  perhaps  equivalent  to  the  scriniarii, 
of  whom  mention  is  so  frequently  made  in  inscriptions  ;  although 
under  this  appellation  may  also  be  understood  those  who  were 
custodes  scriniorum. 

The  adversitores  were  not  a  particular  class  of  slaves.  The  master 
on  arriving  at  his  destination,  for  instance  at  the  house  of  another, 
dismissed  the  pedisequi,  with  orders  to  return  and  escort  him  back. 
There  is  a  clear  passage  in  Plaut.  Mostell.  i.  4,  1,  where  Callida- 
matas  visits  Philolaches,  and  says  to  the  slaves  who  had  accompa- 
nied him,  Advorsum  veniri  mihi  ad  Philolachetem  volo  tempori; 
hence,  Phaniscus  (who  is  on  this  account  mentioned  in  the  cata- 
logue of  the  characters  by  the  name  of  adcersitor,  which  does  not 
occur  elsewhere)  says.  iv.  1,  24  :  Nunc  eo  advorsum  hero  ex  plurimis 
servis.  Comp.  Mencech.  ii.  3,  82';  Ter.  Adr.  i.  1,  2.  There  appears 
to  be  no  more  mention  of  the  custom  after  Terence ;  but,  in  later 
times,  the  slaves  were  retained  in  the  house  of  the  acquaintance, 
particularly  at  the  ccena,  when  they  took  charge  of  their  master's 


Scene  I.]  THE    SLAVES.  215 

clothes  and  solece,  and  stood  behind  him.     Hence  the  expression,  a 
pedants  pueri.     The  custom  is  clear ;  Martial,  xii.  83, — 
Bis  Cotta  solcas  perdidisse  se  questus, 
Dum  negligentem  ducit  ad  pedes  vernam, 
and   other  passages;   and  Seneca,  Bene/,  iii.  26,  27,  where  two 
instances  are  to  be  found  :  first,  that  of  Paulus,  who  matellce  admo- 
verat  the  head  of  Tiberius,  which  he  wore  as  a  cameo  in  a  ring. 
This  was  a  sufficient  offence  for  the  vestigator  Maro  to  found  an 
accusation  on ;  but  the  slave  of  Paulus  had  perceived  his  intent, 
and  drew  the  ring  from  the  finger  of  his  master  (servus  ejus,  cui 
nectebantur  msidite,  ci  ebrio  annulum  extra. n't)  ;  and  secondly,  the 
case  of  a  vir  ordinis  senatorii,  who  had  spoken  against  Augustus  ; 
Utprimum  diluxit,  servus  qui  camanti  ad  pedes  steterut,  narrat,  quce 
inter  ccenam  ebrius  dixisset. 

We  cannot  infer  from  Cic.  in  Pis.  9,  where  the  name  occurs, 
that  they  had  regular  lateniarii ;  but  it  is  evident  that  slaves  pre- 
ceded them  with  torches  or  lanterns  as  they  went  home.  See  Val. 
Max.  vi.  8,  1  ;  Juven.  iii.  285  ;  Petron.  79 ;  Suet.  Aug.  29  :  Servum 
pi'celucentem. 

We  have  still  to  mention  as  slaves,  used  out  of  doors,  the  salu- 
tigendi  pueri  of  Plaut.  Aul.  iii.  o,  26,  or  nuncii,  rcnuneii,  Plaut. 
Trin.  ii.  1,  i'2,  something  like  errand-boys;  and  the  tabellarii,  of 
whom  more  will  be  said  in  the  account  of  The  Letter. 

The  names  of  the  remaining  vulgares,  who  had  fixed  household 
occupations,  either  explain  their  own  meaning,  or  will  partly  be 
described  in  the  account  of  the  various  parts  of  the  household  to 
which  they  belonged.  Among  these  were  all  those  who  provided 
for  the  wants  of  the  table,  as  pistores,  duleiarii,  coqui,  fartores, 
placentarii,  tricliiiiarii,  with  the  tric/iitiarcha,  structures,  carptores 
and  scissores,  a  cyatho,  or  a  putione,  and  so  on ;  or  for  clothes  and 
ornaments,  as  vestiarii,  vestifid,  pcenularii,  a  veste,  and  ad  vestetn, 
also  uestisjjici,  vestiplici,  ab  ornamentis,  custodes  auri,  ornairiees,  cos- 
metce,  tonsores,  cini/taucs,  ad  unguenta,  and  others.  These  will  be 
mentioned  in  the  proper  place. 

It  is  difficult  to  say  what  difference,  if  any,  there  was  between 
the  class  of  Vulgares  and  the 


MEDIASTINI. 

In  the  fragment  of  Ulpian,  quoted  before,  they  are  connected 
with  the  vulgares  by  a  eel,  and  not  opposed  to  them  by  an  an ;  and 
the  question  is,  how  far  they  were  different  from  them.    They  occur 


216  THE   SLAVES.  [Excursus  III. 

most  frequently  iu  the  familia  rustica.  Cic.  Cat.  ii.  3,  exercitus  col- 
lectus  ex  rusticis  mediastinis  ;  Colum.  ii.  13,  posse  agrum  ducentorum 
jugerum  subigi  duobusjugis  bourn,  totidemque  bubulcis  et  sex  medias- 
tinis ;  id.  i.  9,  separandi  sunt  vinitores  ab  aratoribus,  iique  a  medias- 
tinis. But  are  also  to  be  found  in  the  familia  urbana.  Thus  Horace 
(JEpist.  i.  14,  14)  says  to  his  villicus,  who  was  formerly  a  medias- 
tinus  in  the  city, — 

Tu  mediastinus  tacita  prece  rura  petebas  : 
Nunc  urbem  et  ludos  et  balnea  villicus  optas. 

Dig.  vii.  7,  6,  and  iv.  9,  1,  where  he  says,  Cceterum  si  qzds  opera 
mediastini  fungitur,  non  continetur  (edicto),  id  puta  atriarii,  focarii 
et  his  similes.  Whence  it  appears  that  mediastini  were  vulgares, 
but  of  the  lower  class,  who  were  used  for  all  sorts  of  common 
work,  in  the  rustica  as  day-labourers,  in  the  urbana  as  inferior 
house-slaves.  They  also  appear  to  be  alluded  to  in  Cic.  Par.  v.  2, 
Sed  id  in  familia  qui  tractant  ista,  qui  tergunt,  qui  ungimt,  qui 
verrunt,  qui  spargunt,  non  honestissimum  locum  servitutis  tenent,  etc. 
The  etymology  given  by  Aero,  and  the  Scholiast  of  Cruquius, 
on  Hor.  Epist.i.  14, 14,  qui  in  medio  stat  adqucevis  imperata  paratus, 
appears  not  unsuitable,  if  not  correct ;  while  the  second  etymology, 
in  media  urbe  (aarei)  viventes,  is  absurd.  Priscian  confines  the  name 
to  the  balneatores  who,  as  being  of  the  lowest  class  of  slaves,  might 
possibly  have  belonged  to  them.  Nonius,  ii.  573,  more  correctly 
observes  that  they  are  cedium  quoque  ministri. 

The  last  class  of  slaves  that  remain  to  be  described  are  the 


QUALES-QUALES, 

who  appear  to  be  mentioned  under  this  name  only  in  the  passage  of 
Ulpian,  before  quoted :  Utrum  Ordinarius— an  vulgaris  vel  medias- 
tinus— an  qualis-qualis.  It  was  either  any  slave  one  pleased,  since 
there  could  scarcely  be  a  class  lower  than  the  mediastini,  or  it  was 
a  kind  of  penal  class,  qualiquali  conditione  viventes,  but  did  not  in- 
clude those  who  were  compelled  to  labour  as  vincti,  compediti,  in  the 
pistrince,  lapicidince,  ergasttda,  or  ruri;  for  these  are  named  immedi- 
ately afterwards,  and  the  ergastida  are  opposed  to  the  rest  of  the 
family.  Appul.  Apol.  504 :  Quindecim  liberi  homines  populus  est ;  tot- 
idem  servi  familia ;  totidem  vineti  ergastulum.  Comp.  Lips.  El.  ii.  15. 
Chief  among  the  ancillce  or  servce  are  the  ornatrices,  who  were 
employed  about  the  apparel  or  ornaments,  or  in  the  toilette  of  their 
mistress;  but  their  peculiar  services  will  be  explained  in  the  Excursus 
on  Tlie  Female  Dress,  and  Böttiger  has  already  gone  deep  into  the 


Scene  I.]  THE    SLAVES.  217 

subject.  We  must  just  observe,  however,  in  contradiction  to  his 
statement,  that  neither  the  cosmetee  (i.  22 ),  nor  the  cinißones  (\.  144  |, 
were  female  slaves.     Comp.  Heindorf.  ad  Jlorat.  Sat.  i.  2,  98.  , 

POSITION  AND  TREATMENT  OF  THE  SLAVES. 

The  way  in  which  the  Greeks  treated  their  slaves  was  far  more 
humane  than  among  the  Romans.  Tbe  general  notion  of  the 
ancients  respecting  slaves  was,  that  they  were  entirely  the  property 
of  their  masters,  who  might  make  any  use  they  thought  fit  of  them, 
dispose  of  them  according  to  their  pleasure,  and,  if  they  chose,  kill 
them.  But,  in  Greece,  though  the  slave  had  no  political  rights,  yet 
his  master  respected  bis  rights  as  a  man.  So  that  Gai.  Inst.  i.  52 
(apudomnes  pereeque  gentesanimadverterepossumus,  dominisin  servos 
vita'  necisqtte  potestatem  esse,  et  quodcunque  per  servum  acquiritur,  id 
domino  acquiritur),  is  not  true  of  Athens,  where  the  master  could 
not  kill  his  slave.  Antiph.  de  Cade  Herod,  p.  727.  In  fact,  he  was 
prevented  from  acts  of  arbitrary  cruelty,  by  being  compelled  in  such 
cases  to  sell  the  slave.  See  Becker's  Charicles,  translated  by  Met- 
calfe, p.  277.  But  at  Rome  the  case  was  different.  Throughout 
the  Republic,  and,  with  few  exceptions,  up  to  the  times  of  the 
Antonines,  the  master  held  absolute  control  over  his  slave.  He 
could  practise  the  most  cruel  barbarities  on  him,  or  even  kill  him, 
with  impunity.  So  that  slaves  were  looked  upon  in  the  light  of 
pieces  of  goods,  and  tyrannical  masters  had  serious  doubts  whether 
they  should  be  considered  as  human  beings  at  all.  The  conflict 
between' more  rational  views  and  this  tyrannical  arbitrariness  is 
well  described  by  Juvenal,  vi.  218,  seq. 

Pone  erueem  servo. — Meruit  quo  crimine  servos 
Supplicium?  quis  testis  adest?  quis  detulit?  audi, 
Nulla  imquam  de  morte  hominis  cunctatio  longa  est. 
O  demons  !  ita  servus  homo  est  ?  nil  fecerit,  esto : 
Hoc  volo  ;  sic  juheo;  sit  pro  ratione  volunta-. 
Xot  less  significant  is  the  assurance  of  Trimalchio  (himself  a 
slave)  to  his  guests,  in  Petron.  71 :  Amici,  et  servi  homines  sunt,  et 
„que  maim  lactem  bibertmt.     And  although  the  slave  in  immediate 
attendance  on  the  master  is  called  his  homo,  as  in  Cie.;;    Quinct.  19, 
and  often  in  Plautus,  still  this  has  nothing  to  do  with  his  rights  as 
a  man.     When  therefore  Sen.  de  Clem.  i.  18,  says,  cum  in  servum 
omnia  liceant,   est  aliquid,  quod  in  homincm  licere  commune  jus  vetet ; 
this  is  an  appeal  to  reason  and  feeling,  but  does  not  prove  the 
existence  of  such  a  relation,  which,  on  the  contrary,  was  in  later 
times  first  created  by  laws  protecting  the  slave.  Macrob.  Sat.  i.  11. 
No  doubt  this  stern  right  was  exercised   differently  at  different 


218  THE   SLAVES.  [Excursus  III. 

times  and  in  different  familiae  ;  and  its  severity  alleviated  both 
by  conscientious  feelings  on  the  part  of  the  master,  and  by  the 
usefulness  of  the  slave  ;  but  it  gave  the  hard  master  an  opportunity 
of  being  cruel  with  impunity.  Hence  the  description  of  Petrus 
Chrysologus,  Senn.  141,  is  certainly  true  :  Quidquid  dominus  in- 
debite,  iracunde,  libens,  nolens,  oblitus,  cogitans,  sciens,  nescius  circa 
servum  fecerit,  judicium,  justitia,  lex  est.  Altogether,  the  position 
of  the  Roman  slave  wa  i  far  harder  than  that  of  the  Greek ;  and 
the  reserve  of  the  Roman  character  effectually  prevented  all  ap- 
proach to  familiarity  between  master  and  slave.  Plutarch  (de  Gar- 
rid.  18,  iii.)  characteristically  observes  of  Piso's  slave  :  Ovtwq  n'tv 
'Pwuaiicbg  oiKerrjc.  ö  St  'Attikuq  ifjtl  t<^  S  ternary  mcänTwi',  if  o'iq 
ytyovaoiv  ai  SiaXvcreic.  In  more  ancient  times,  when  the  whole 
family,  which  consisted  only  of  a  few  house-slaves,  lived  in  closer 
bonds  of  union,  more  intimate  familiarity  did  arise  in  spite  of 
the  master's  power.  The  whole  family  ate  in  common.  Plut. 
Coriol.  24:  ivpüvro  ~o\\y  wpug  tovq  oiKkrae.  tTruiKtict  rört.  Cat. 
Maj.  21.  Still  the  slaves  never  reclined  in  company  with  the  rest 
at  table  ;  but  there  were  subsellia,  benches,  placed  at  the  foot  of  the 
lecti,  upon  which  they  sat  with  the  children  and  persons  of  lower 
degree.  The  parasites  also  contented  themselves  with  this  place, 
Plaut.  Capt.  iii.  1,  11  :  Nil  morantur  jam  Laconas  imi  subsellii  vivos 
Plagipatidas.  Plaut.  Stich,  iii.  32:  Haud postido  equidem  me  in  lec*o 
accumbere.  Scis  tu  me  esse  imi  subsellii  virum.  Comp.  v.  4,  21. 
Hence  also  Terence  at  the  table  of  Creeilius,  Vit.  Terent. :  Adcaznan- 
tem  cum  venisset,  dictus  est  initium  quidem  fabulce,  quod  eratcontemp- 
tiore  vestitu,  subsellio  juxta  lectulum  residens  legisse  ;  post  paucos  vero 
versus  invitatus  id  accumberet,  ccenasse  una.  There  too  sat  the  chil- 
dren of  Claudius  at  the  imperial  table,  Suet.  Claud.  .32 :  Adhibebat 
omni  ccence  et  liberos  suos  cum  pueris  puellisque  nobilibus,  qui  more 
veteri  ad  fulcra  lectorum  sedentes  vescerentur.  The  subsellia  are  dis- 
tinctly assigned  as  places  for  the  slaves  by  Sen.  de  Tranquill,  ii.  15  : 
Non  accipiet  sapiens  contumeliam,  si  in  convivio  regis  recumbere  infra 
mensam,  vescique  cum  servis  ignominiosa  officia  aortitis  jubebitur.  But 
this  privilege  was  soon  taken  away,  and  the  slave  was  not  allowed 
to  take  his  meals  with  his  mastef,  but  received  a  certain  allowance 
of  the  most  necessary  articles  of  food,  either  monthly  (menstrua),  or 
daily  (diaria  cibaria)  ;  this  allowance  was  called  demensum.  Donat. 
ad  Ter.  Pharm,  i.  1,9:  Sei-vi  quaternos  modios  accipiebant  frumenti 
in  mensem,  et  id  demensum  dicebatur.  Sen.  Ep.  80,  nevertheless  says, 
servus  est,  quinque  modios  accipit.  But  he  speaks  of  players ;  and 
Donatus  no  doubt  follows  the  rule  laid  down  by  Cato,  who  only 
treats  of  the  familia  rustica.     The  slaves  of  the  familia  urbana  lived 


Scene  I.]  THE    SLAVES.  219 

better.    Cato,  R.  R.  56,  fixes  the  allowance,  according  to  the  nature 
of  the  slave's  labours,  at  from  four  to  five  modii  of  wheat  per  month  ; 
wine  ad  libitum  just  after  the  vintage,  in  the  fourth  month,  1  hemina 
per  diem  =  2i  eongii;  in  the  fifth  to  the  eighth  month,  1  sext.  —  5 
com/.  ;  in  the  ninth  to  the  twelfth,  3  hem.  =  1  amphora,  nearly.    At 
the  Saturnalia  and  Compitalia,  1  cony,  to  each.    Oil,  1  sext ;  salt,  1 
mod.  per  month  ;  besides  figs,  olives,  halec,  and  vinegar.    We  collect 
from  Plaut.  Stich,  i.  2,  2,  that  this  allowance  was  given  out  monthly  : 
Vos  meministis  quot  calendis  petere  demensum  cibuni  : 
Qui  minus  meministis,  quod  opus  sit  facto  facere  in  aedibus  ? 
The  joke  of  the  sycophant,  who  pretended  he  had  been  in  Olym- 
pus, alludes  to  this.     Plaut.  Trin.  iv.  2,  202  : 
Chaeai.     Eho,  an  etiam  vidisti  Jovem  ? 

Syc.  Alii  dii  isse  ad  villam  aiebant  servis  depromtum  cibum. 

An  instance  occurs  in  the  Modell,  (i.  1,  59),  of  not  only  the  de- 
mensum for  the  familia  rustica,  but  even  the  fodder  for  the  cattle, 
being  obtained  from  the  city.  Ervom  daturine  estis,  bubus  quod 
feram  ?  Date  ces,  si  nan  est.  To  this  Tranio  replies,  Ervom  tibi 
aliqtas  crasfaxo  ad  villam  fcrat.  That  a  daily  distribution  was  not 
unusual,  is  clear  from  the  expression  diaria,  Mart.  xi.  108  :  Pueri 
diaria  poscunt.     Hor.  Epist.  i.  14,  40  ;  Sat.  i.  5,  67  : 

.  .  .  Rogabat 

Denique  cur  unquam  fugisset,  cui  satis  una 

Farris  libra  foret,  gracifi  sic  tamque  pusillo. 

whence  we  see  that  bad  diet  often  caused  slaves  to  abscond.     The 

slave  likewise  received  clothes,  tunica  and  sagum,  but  he  had  to  give 

up  those  he  had  cast  off;  for  shoes  he  received  sculponecs. 

If  the  slave  could  manage  to  spare  anything  out  of  this  allow- 
ance, he  might  thus  acquire  a  little  property,  to  which,  it  seems,  his 
master  could  lay  no  claim.     Indeed  the  principle,  quodcunque  per 
servum  acquiritur  id  domino  acquiritur,  was  not  strictly  adhered  to, 
and  the  slave  could  thus  earn  apeculium,  by  means  of  which  he  often 
purchased  his  freedom.     This  is  clear  from  Terent.  Phorm.  i.  1,  9  : 
Quod  ille  unciatim  vix  de  demenso  suo, 
Suum  defraudans  genium,  comparsit  miser, 
Id  ilia  Universum  abripiet,  baud  existumans, 
Quanto  labore  partum, 
besides  which  the  similar  passage,  Senec.  Ep.  80  :  Pcculium  suum 
quod  comparaverunt  ventre  fraudato,  pro  capite  numerant.    Of  course 
the  slave  might  acquire  property  by  other  means.     In  Plautus,  the 
master  lays  no  claim  to  what  the  slaves  may  have  found,  or  pre- 
tended to  have  found,  as  in  the  Rndens&nü.  the  Aulularia,  and  with 
which  the  slave  wishes  to  purchase   his  freedom.     There   were 


220  THE    SLAVES.  [Excursus  III. 

often  very  rich  slaves.  See  Senec.  de  Bene/,  iii.  28,  and  Petron. 
in  the  house  of  Trimalchio.    Plin.  xxx.  10. 

The  names  of  slaves  were  partly  borrowed  from  their  native 
country,  as  Phryx,  Geta,  Paphlago,  Cappadox  ;  or,  with  cruel  irony, 
from  ancient  heroes  and  kings,  as  Jason,  Achilles,  Priamus,  Midas, 
Croesus,  Castor,  Pollux,  Lucifer,  Hesperus,  Ptolemy,  Pharnaces, 
Semiramis,  Arsinoe,  &c.  They  seldom  bore  the  names  of  plants, 
flowers,  herbs,  and  stones,  as  Amiantus,  Sardonyx,  &c.  Orell.  Inscr. 
2782.  There  was  no  difference  between  the  dress  of  the  slave  and 
that  of  the  humble  freeman.  Sen.  de  Clem.  i.  24 :  Dicta  est  ali- 
quando  in  senatu  sententia,  id  servos  a  liber  is  cult  us  distingiteret:  deinde 
apparuit,  quantum  periculum  immineret,  si  nervi  nodri  numeraire  nos 
ccepissent.  Lampr.  Sev.  Alex.  27.  Tacit.  (Ann.  xiii.  25),  says,  veste 
servi/i,  but  this  only  means  coarse  clothing,  such  as  is  worn  by  slaves 
and  humble  persons  generally.  The  chief  portion  of  it  was  the 
tunica,  for  the  working  classes  could  make  no  use  of  the  toga. 
Hence,  in  Dial,  de  Cans.  corr.  Eloq.  7,  tunicatus  populus  is  identical 
in  meaning  with  vulgus.  So  Hor.  Epist.  i.  7,  65,  tunicato  popello. 
Tbe  tunica  of  the  lower  orders  was  inferior  in  quality  to  that  of  the 
higher  classes,  perhaps  shorter,  that  it  might  not  be  in  their  way 
at  work  (colobium).  This  opinion  is  in  nowise  invalidated  by  the 
Schol.  ad  Juv.  i.  3  ;  for  the  reading  there  is  doubtful.  Concerning 
the  livery  of  the  litter-bearers,  see  Excursus  I.  Sc.  4. 

Marriage  was  certainly  practised  among  slaves,  but  it  was  only  a 
natural  right,  and  entirely  distinct  from  the  marriage  of  free  per- 
sons. Hence  the  term  applied  to  it  was  contubernium,  not  matrimo- 
nium,  and  the  married  pair  were  called  contubernales,  Orell.  2807. 
The  slave's  wife  was  also  called  conserva,  Orell.  2788.  The  master 
alone  decided  which  slaves  should  cohabit  with  each  other,  Col.  i. 
8 :  Qualicunque  villico  contubernalis  mulier  assignanda  est.  It  was  to 
his  interest  to  see  that  they  had  a  mutual  inclination  for  each  other, 
Varr.  R.  R.  i.  17:  Danda  operant  (servi)  habeant  conjunctas  con- 
servas,  e  quibus  habeant  Jilios :  eo  enimfiuntfirmiores  et  conjunctiores 
fundo;  not  to  mention  the  profit  he  derived  from  the  birth  of 
verncB.  The  elder  Cato  made  his  slaves  pay  so  much  for  being 
allowed  to  cohabit  with  a  female  slave,  Plut.  Cat.  Maj.  21.  Some- 
times chance  may  have  brought  contubernales  together,  Orell. 
Inscr.  2834 ;  Petron.  56 ;  Plaut.  Cas.  prol.  66—74.  The  contu- 
bernales are  often  mentioned  in  inscriptions.  See  Campana,  di  due 
Sepolcri,  Rom.  1841 ;  and  Dig.  xxxiii.  7,  12 :  Contubernales  quoque 
servorum,  i.e.  uxores  et  natos  instructo  fundo  contineri.  verum  est. 

The  punishments  for  the  offences  of  slaves  were  very  numerous, 
and  became  more  severe  from  the  increase  in  their  numbers,  and 
the  greater  difficulty  in  superintending  them,  as  they  became  more 


Scene  I.]  THE   SLAVES.  221 

and  more  strangers  to  the  master.  Both  Greeks  and  Romans  agTeed 
in  inflicting  corporal  punishment  on  slaves,  in  contradistinction  to 
the  treatment  of  freemen.  Hence  in  a  qi«estio,  they  were  always 
put  to  the  torture.  The  great  hardship  lay  in  the  master  being  al- 
lowed to  punish  his  slaves,  just  at  his  own  caprice.  We  shudder  to 
read  the  accounts  of  the  treatment  they  received,  often  for  very 
trivial  misdemeanours ;  hut  must  not  overlook  the  fact,  that  they 
had  become  systematically  demoralized  and  vitiated  for  a  course  of 
several  centuries,  and  that  they  composed  a  class  far  superior  in 
number  to  the  freemen,  of  excessive  cunning  and  audacity,  and  could 
only  be  kept  in  order  by  the  most  extreme  severity.  Tacit.  Ann. 
xi  v.  41.  The  milder  punishments  were,  degrading  out  of  the  familia 
urbana  into  the  rustica,  and  into  the  ergastulum,  where  they  often 
had  to  work  catenati  et  compcditi.  Plaut.  Most.  i.  1,  17  : 
Augebis  ruri  numerum,  genus  ferratile. 
Geta  says,  Terent.  Phorm.  ii.  1,  1 7,  with  comic  resignation : 

0  Phnedria,  incredibile  quantum  herum  anteeo  sapientia. 
3Ieditata  mihi  sunt  omnia  mea  incommoda,  herus  si  redierit : 
Molendum  est  in  pistrino,  vapulandum,  habendum  compedes, 
Opus  ruri  faeiundum,  horum  nihil  quidquam  accidet  animo  novum. 

These  were  the  vincti  compede  fossores,  so  often  mentioned,  e.  g. 
Ovid.  Trist,  iv.  1,5;  Tib.  ii.  6,  25.  They  composed  a  separate  de- 
partment of  the  family,  viz.  the  ergastulum.  Col.  i.  8, 16 :  Ergastu- 
lum  mandpia  vincta  compedibus.  Juv.  viii.  180.  Those  who  might 
be  disposed  to  run  away  were  thus  secured :  whence  the  room  was 
under  ground,  Colum.  i.  6,  3.  These  were  forbidden  under  the 
emperors,  Spart,  lladr.  18,  but  were  never  quite  suppressed.  The 
reason  why  these  compediti,  according  to  Cato's  rules,  were  better 
fed,  was  because  they  had  harder  work,  and  could  not  procure  for 
themselves  anything  extra.  Hence  they  had  bread,  the  others 
wheat.  The  compes  was  either  a  block  of  wood  fastened  to  the  leg 
bv  a  chain,  or,  more  commonly,  regular  leg-irons.  Hence  the  pro- 
verb :  Compedes,  quas  ipse  fecit,  ipsus  id  gestet  faber.  An  iron  collar, 
collare  (like  the  Greek  icXoioe),  and  manacles,  manicfe,  were  often 
used,  Lucil.  in  Non.  i.  162  :  Cum  manicis,  catido,  collarique  utfugi- 
tinan  deportem.  Plaut.  Capt.  ii.  2,  107.  Hence  in  Trin.  iv.  •"!,  14, 
for  oculicrepidce  read  collicrepidre.  The  calulus  mentioned  by  Luci- 
lius  was  also  a  fetter,  derived  probably  from  catena,  and  containing 
a  play  on  the  word  canis.     Plaut.  Cure.  v.  3,  13  : 

Delicatum  te  hodie  faciam,  cum  catello  ut  accubes  : 
Ferreo  ego  dico. 

And  even  canis  came  to  be  used  in  the  same  sense : 
Tu  quidem  hodie  canem  et  furcam  feras. 


222  THE    SLAVES.  [Excursus  III. 

Faul.  p.  45  :  Catulus,  genus  quoddam  vinculi,  qui  interdum  cam's  ap- 
pellafur.  Beating  was  frequent,  at  one  time  with  fitstes,  or  virgts 
{ulmece),  hence  facere  aliquem  ulmeum.  Plaut.  Asin.  ii.  2,  96,  ulmi- 
triba.  Pers.  ii.  4,  7,  ulmorum  Acheruns  (i.e.  in  cujus  tergo  moriun- 
tur  ulmete)  ;  Amph.  iv.  2,  9 ;  or  with  lora  :  hence  in  Plautus  regular 
lorarii:  also  with  habence,  Hor.  Fspist.  ii.  2, 15.  Hence  Libanus,  Plaut. 
Asm.  i.  1, 21,  calls  the  pistrinum  the  treadmill,  where  the  slaves  under 
punishment  had  generally  to  perform  some  hard  labour :  fustitu- 
clines,  ferricrepinas  insulas,  ubi  vivos  homines  mortui  incursant  boves. 
Hence  arose  the  nicknames  verbero,  or  verbereu tn  caput.  Pers.  ii.  2, 
2,  verberea  statua ;  Copt.  v.  1,  31  ;  Pseud,  iv.  1,  7  ;  and  the  very  com- 
mon one  mastigia.  This  punishment  was  of  such  every-day  occur- 
rence, that  many  did  not  fear  it,  and  even  joked  at  it.  Thus 
Chrysalus  says,  Bacchid.  ii.  3,  131,  si  illo  stmt  virgce  ruri,  at  mihi 
est  tergum  domi.     So  Libanus,  Asin.  ii.  2,  53 : 

Habeo  opinor  familiärem  tergum,  ne  quseram  foris. 
This  virtus  and  firmitudo  animi  is  very  humorously  described, 
Asin.  iii.  2,  3 ;  where  a  multitude  of  other  punishments  are  enu- 
merated : 

Scapularum  confidentia,  virtute  ulmorum  (?)  freti, 
Advorsum  stimulos,  laminas,  crueesque  compedesque, 
Nervös,  catenas,  carceres,  numellas,  pedicas,  boias, 
Indoetoresque  aeerrimos,  gnarosque  nostri  tergi. 
Plautus  makes  us  acquainted  with  slave-life  on  every  side. 
Another  punishment  was  hanging  up  by  the  hands  with  weights 
attached  to  the  feet,  while  at  the  same  time  they  received  blows, 
Plaut.  Asin.  ii.  2,  31.     Hence  frequently  pendere  and  ferire  penden- 
tem,  Trin.  ii.  1,  19  ;  Most.  v.  2,  45 ;  Ter.  Phorm.  i.  4,  42. 

The  more  severe  punishments  were  branding,  executed  upon 
the  fugitiri  and  fures.  Letters  were  burnt  in  on  the  forehead,  to 
mark  the  crime,  and  those  who  were  thus  branded  were  termed 
literati.  Plaut.  Cas.  ii.  6,  49,  and  perhaps  alluded  to  also  in  Aul.  ii. 
4,  46  ;  trium  literarum  homo  (either  fur,  or  one  branded  several 
times)  or  stigmosi,  Petr.  109 ;  stigmata  is  the  proper  expression  for 
these  notce.  Also  notati,  inscripU,  Mart,  viii.  75,  2  ;  Senec.  de  Ira, 
iii.  3 ;  Plin.  xviii.  3, 4.  Whether  this  mark  was  a  single  F,  or  more 
letters,  is  doubtful ;  nothing  can  be  decided  from  Petronius,  103. 
The  latter  appears  more  probable,  as  there  would  otherwise  be  no 
distinction  between  fur  and  fugibivus,  although  it  is  true  that  Cic. 
p.  Rose.  Am.  20,  says  of  the  mark  for  the  calumniatores :  literam 
illam,  cut  vos  usque  eo  inimici  estis,  tit  etiam  omnes  calendas  oderitis, 
ita  vehementer  ad  caput  aßgent,  etc.  The  stigmata  remained  visible 
for  life,  and  many  who  afterwards  became  free  and  rich  tried  to 
hide  them  with  plasters,  spleniis,  Mart.  ii.  29.     Martial  mentions  a 


SceseL]  the  slaves.  223 

doctor,  Eros,  who  knew  how  to  efface  the  traces  of  former  branding, 
x.  5G,  6. 

A  very  frequent  punishment  was  carrying  the  furca,  but  in  earlier 
times  it  was  only  meant  as  a  mark  of  ignominy,  Donatus  ad  Ter. 
Andr.  iii.  5, 12  :  Ignominies  magis  quam  supplicii  causa.  Plut.  Cor. 
24.  The  furca  was  much  of  the  form  of  a  V,  and  was  placed  over 
the  back  of  the  neck  upon  the  shoulders,  whilst  the  bands  were 
bound  fast  to  their  thighs,  Plautus  (Cas.  ii.  G,  37)  :  Tu  quidem 
hodie  canem  et  furcam  feras.  Corporal  punishment  in  cbains  was 
a  far  severer  punishment,  Plaut.  Most.  i.  1,  53;  Liv.  ii.  36:  sub 
furca  ceesum.  The  furca  was  also  applied  to  slaves  who  were  about 
to  be  crucified.  Patibulum  often  means  the  same  a&furca  :  though 
literally  it  was  the  transverse  beam  of  the  cross,  Sen.  Ep.  101  : 
patibulo  pendere  deslrictum.  Plaut.  Mil.  ii.  4,  7  :  Credo  tibi  esse 
eundum  actutum  extraportam  dispessismanibus patibulum  cum  hale  hi- . 
MosteU.  i.  1.  52  :  Ita  te  forabunt  patibulatum  per  via*  stimuli*.  Car- 
nifices  went  behind  and  beat  or  goaded  the  culprit.  The  words 
extraportam  in  Plaut,  refer  to  the  custom  of  inflicting  all  supplicia 
outside  of  the  city.  It  was  not  the  legendary  porta  Metia,  the 
reading  of  some  in  Plaut.  Cas.  ii.  6,  2,  and  Pseud,  i.  3,  07  ;  but  the 
porta  Esquilina,  outside  of  which,  on  the  Campus  Esquilinus,  was 
the  place  of  execution,  and  general  burial-ground.  Tacit.  Ann.  ii. 
32j  extraportam  Esqudinam.  Suet.  Claud.  25  ;  Tacit.  Ann.  xv.  00. 
Death  by  crucifixion  was  not  uncommon.      Plaut.  Mil.  ii.  4,  10  : 

Noli  miuitari ;  scio  crucem  futurum  mihi  sepulcrum  : 
Ibi  mei  majores  sunt  siti ;  pater,  avos,  proavos,  abavos. 

It  is  also  recorded  that  slaves  were  thrown  into  the  vivaria,  to  be 
devoured  by  wild  beasts  ;  and  their  conflicts  with  these  animals  are 
well  known.  A  dreadful  case  occurs  in  Cic.  p.  Chi. :  Stratonem  in 
crucem  actum  esse  exsecta  scitote  lingua.  When  the  master  was 
murdered  by  one  of  his  slaves,  the  law  enjoined  that  all  should  be 
put  to  death,  Tacit.  Ann.  xiv.  41.  This  explains  Cic.  adFam.  iv.  12, 
after  the  murder  of  Marcellus.  Comp.  Lips,  de  Cruce.  Extra  cruel 
punishments — as  hacking  off  the  hand,  especially  for  theft  (see 
Plaut.  Epid.  i.  1,  11;  Bekkeris  Antig.  Plaut.  11),  or  throwing  the 
culprits  to  be  devoured  by  the  Murcence  (Sen.  de  Ira,  iii.  40) — were 
exceptions.  Hor.  Epist.  i.  16,  47,  nonpascesin  cruce  corvos.  Juv. 
v.  216.  Originally,  slaves  only  suffered  this  punishment,  hence 
crux  and  servile  supplicium  meant  the  same.  The  greatest  hardship 
slaves  had  to  endure  was.  that  very  frequently,  for  trivial  errors, 
or  from  mere  caprice,  they  were  subjected  to  the  most  refined 
maltreatment.     The  ladies  were  particularly  distinguished  in  this 


224  THE    SLAVES.  [Excursus  III. 

accomplishment ;  indeed  their  maids  who  dressed  them  seldom 
escaped  from  the  toilet  without  heing  beaten,  scratched,  and  torn 
or  pricked  with  needles.  See  Ovid.  Am.  i.  14,  13  ;  Art.  iii.  235  ; 
Mart.  ii.  66  ;  Juven.  vi.  491  : 

Disponit  crinem  laceratis  ipsa  capillis 
Xuda  humeros  Psecas  infelix,  midisque  mamillis. 
Altior  hie  quare  cincinnus  ?     Taurea  punit 
Continuo  flexi  crimen  facinusque  capilli. 

Büttig.  Sab.  i.  310,  323. 

But  when  treated  in  this  manner,  the  master  had  everything  to 
fear  from  the  vengeance  of  the  slaves ;  and  the  truth  of  Ovid's 
saying  (Met.  xiv.  489),  sors  ubi  pessima  rerum,  subpedibus  timer  est, 
was  frequently  exemplified.  Sen.  Ep.  47  ;  Cic.  p.  Mil.  22 :  De  servis 
nulla  qucesUo  in  dominos,  nisi  de  incestu.  Val.  Max.  vi.  8, 1.  Pliny 
relates  an  instance  of  such  revenge,  Ep.  iii.  14  :  Rem  atroeem  Largius 
Macedo,  vir  prcetorius,  a  servis  suis passus  est,  superbus  alioqui dominus 
et  scrvus,  et  qui  servisse  patrem  mum  parum,  immo  minimum  memi- 
nisset.  Lavabatur  in  Villa  Formiana,  repente  eum  servi  eireumsistunt ; 
alius  fauces  invadit,  alius  os  verberat,  alius  pectus  et  ventrem,  atque 
etiam  (  feed  urn  dictu)  verenda  eoidundit,  et  quum  exanimem  putarent, 
abjiciunt  in  fervens  pavimentum,  ut  experirentur,  an  viceret.  The 
wretch  lived  long  enough  to  have  what  Pliny  himself  calls  the 
solatium  uliionis.  On  the  other  hand,  instances  are  not  wanting  of 
the  truest  attachment  and  noble  self-sacrifice  for  the  master :  in 
the  horrors  of  the  civil  wars,  for  instance  :  and  Valerius  Maximus 
has,  in  a  particular  chapter  (vi.  8),  rescued  various  incidents  of 
this  description  from  oblivion.     Macrob.  Sat.  i.  11. 

We  mav  conclude  these  remarks  on  the  Slaves,  by  alluding  to 
the  peculiar  relation  which  arose,  after  the  last  days  of  the  Republic, 
through  the  lascivious  love  of  beautiful  slaves,  who  became  de- 
graded into  an  instrument  of  brutal  lust  on  the  one  hand,  and 
obtained  a  considerable  power  over  the  lord  and  influence  in  the 
household,  on  the  other.  Whoever  wishes  to  have  a  more  irtimate 
acquaintance  with  the  dark  side  of  slave-life,  will,  in  the  pages  of 
Martial  and  Juvenal,  and  elsewhere,  find  sufficient  proof  of  the 
depravity  i  f  the  age. 

From  what  has  been  said,  it  is  evident  that  the  Pioman  slaves 
were  in  the  last  state  of  degradation  and  demoralization.  Daily 
maltreatment,  while  it  1  ardened  them,  at  the  same  time  caused 
them  to  despise  and  detest  their  master. 

The  power  of  manumitting  their  slaves  was  a  right  enjoyed  by 
masters  from  the  earliest  times.  The  slave  at  once  became  a  citizen, 


Scene  I.]  THE    SLAVES.  225 

provided  the  manumission  took  place  according  to  the  forms  of 
law.  He  afterwards  stood  almost  in  the  relation  of  client  to  his 
former  master,  and  usually  took  his  name  ;  it  being  the  custom, 
generally,  to  adopt  the  name  of  the  Roman  by  whose  means  any 
one  had  obtained  the  rights  of  citizenship.  The  freedman  'often 
remained  in  his  master's  house,  who  was  a  sort  of  patron  (patronus) 
to  him  ;  his  position  now  became  very  different,  though,  anciently, 
freedmen  were  treated  strictly,  Cic.  od  Quint,  fir,  i.  1,  4 :  Libertis, 
quibus  Uli  non  muttum  secus  ac  servis  imperabant. 


EXCURSUS    IV.     SCENE   I. 


THE  RELATIONS,  FRIENDS,  AND   CLIENTS. 

THE  entire  organisation  of  a  Roman  family  was  perfect ;  and 
even  the  more  distant  members  of  it  were  united  with  the 
pater  familias,  or  head,  by  the  closest  ties. 

The  number  of  relations  was  generally  large,  and,  in  noble 
families,  the  degrees  of  affinity  were  marked  by  the  imagines, 
which  formed  a  widely-ramified  genealogical  tree.  The  legal  side 
of  the  question  will  not  here  be  entered  into.  The  ancient  re- 
verence entertained  for  the  ties  of  kindred  is  shewn  in  many  ways ; 
there  was  the  yearly  festival  of  the  Charistia,  Val.  Max.  ii.  1,  8  : 
Convivium  solenne,  cid  prater  cognatos  et  affines  nemo  inteiponebatur. 
Ovid.  Fast.  ii.  616.  So  again,  the  duty  of  mourning  deceased 
cognati  and  affines,  and  the  interdict  against  marriage  within  these 
grades ;  and  lastly,  the  jus  oscuU,  which  allowed  the  wife  to  be 
kissed  by  her  own  and  her  husband's  cognati ;  the  kiss  being  con- 
sidered symbolical  of  near  relationship,  Plut.  qu.  Horn.  vi. : 
trvfißokov  Kai  KowbtvTjfia  avyyivtiac.     ~\  al.  Max.  iii.  8,  6. 

The  ancient  explanations  of  this  custom  are  various.  Some 
refer  it  to  the  old  interdict  against  women  drinking  wine,  and 
assert  that  the  nearest  relations  sought  to  convince  themselves  by 
this  means,  whether  the  lady  had  taken  wine  or  no.  Plut.  ib. ; 
Cato  in  Plin.  H.  N.  xiv.  13;  Gell.  x.  13 ;  Polyb.  vi.  2. 

After  the  relatives  came  other  friends,  whose  acquaintance  had 
been  made  either  at  school  or  in  some  other  manner ;  and,  lastly, 
the  hospites,  or  friends  abroad,  of  whom  the  Eoman  of  distinction 
could  boast  numbers,  scattered  all  over  the  world.  From  the 
earliest  times,  that  beautiful  institution  of  hospitium  prevailed  in 
Italy  as  well  as  in  Greece  (see  Charicles),  whereby  friends  were 
not  merely  bound  to  exercise  the  rites  of  hospitality,  but  also  to 
afford  help  and  protection  to  each  other  in  all  circumstances, 
political  as  well  as  private.  According  to  the  usual  opinion  (Gell, 
v.  13),  the  first  and  most  sacred  duties  were  those  towards  parents 
or  wards.  He  goes  on  to  say,  secundum  eosj)ro.cimum  locum  clientes 
habere, — turn  in  tertio  loco  esse  cognatos  ajfinesque.  Masurius  autem 
Sdbinus  antiquiorem  locum  hospiti  tribuit  quam  clienti.  Verba  ex 
eo  libro  hccc  stmt :  in  officii»  apud  majores  ita  observation  est,  primum 
tutelce,  deinde  hospiti,  deinde  clienti,  turn  cognato,  postea  affini. 
Whence  the  relations  stood  after  the  hospites.     So  Cic.  Div.  20 ; 


Scene  I.]      RELATIONS,  FRIENDS,  AND  CLIENTS.         227 

Liv.  iii.  16 ;  iv.  13  ;  Plin.  Ep.  iii.  4.  So  Liv.  i.  45  ;  Cic.  p.  Flacc. 
20 ;  Suet.  Cces.  73 ;  Tib.  62 ;  and  the  descendants  always  most , 
religiously  observed  the  hospitium  entered  into  by  their  forefathers. 
Hence  the  so  frequent  mention  of  patemus  amicus  et  hospes,  e.g. 
Cic.  Div.  20  ;  Liv.  xlii.  38 ;  Plut.  Cat.  Min.  12.  At  the  conclusion 
of  such  alliances,  it  was  usual  for  the  parties  to  interchange  tessera 
(avjjißoXa))  which  were  preserved  by  their  posterity  as  a  mark  of 
identity.     Plaut.  Pcen.  v.  1,  22 ;  and  v,  2,  87,  where  Hanno  says : 

O  mi  hospes,  salve  multuru,  nam  mihi  tuus  pater, 

Pater  tuus  ergo,  hospes  Anticlamas  fuit, 

Haec  mihi  hospitalis  tessera  cum  illo  fuit. 

and  Agorastocles  replies : 

Ergo  hie  apud  me  hospitium  tibi  prsebebitur. 
cf.  Pseud,  i.  1,  53.     The  bond  could  not  be  severed  unless  by  pre- 
vious notice  given  by  one  of  the  parties,  Cic.  Verr.  ii.  36 :  hospitium 
renunciat.    Tomasius,  de  Tessera  hospitali in  Fabricius'  Bibliographia 
Antiq.,  p.  890. 

But  a  chief  class  in  the  Roman  domus  were  the  Clients.  The 
clientela  was  a  State-institution  ;  its  political  significance,  and  the 
legal  points  connected  with  it,  are  discussed  elsewhere.  All  that 
we  have  to  do  with  here,  is  its  exterior  appearance  in  the  house  of 
the  patron. 

One  of  the  client's  chief  duties  was  the  salutatio  matidina,  Plin. 
JSp.  iii.  12  :  Officia  antelueana.  Early  in  the  morning  the  client 
repaired  to  the  vestibulum  of  his  patronus  (the  word  vestibulum  is 
by  some  derived  from  this  circumstance ;  see  Excurs.  I.  Sc.  2),  for 
the  puipose  of  making  his  Ave.  Senec.  de  Ben.  vi.  34.  Directly 
the  door  was  opened,  he  entered  the  atrium,  where  he  awaited  the 
appearance  of  his  patron.     Mart.  iv.  8 : 

Prima  salutantes  atque  altera  continet  hora. 
ix.  100 :  et  mane  togalum  Observare  jubes  atria.     Hor.  Epist.  i.  5, 
31  :  Atria  servantetn.     Juv.  vii.  91. 

But  this  was  done  not  by  the  clients  merely,  but  also  by  others 
who  were  far  above  that  rank.  Cic.  ad  Earn,  ix.  20:  Mane  salu- 
tamus  domi  bonos  viros  multos,  qui  me  quidem  perofficiose  et  per- 
amanter  observant.  Att.  i.  18 ;  Sen.  Ep.  29 ;  vi.  34 :  In  pectore 
amicus,  non  in  atrio  quceritur.  There  were  various  classes  of 
visitors,  Senec.  de  Ben.  vi.  33 :  primes  et  secundce  admissiones.  Cf. 
Stuck,  Antiq.  Conviv.  ii.  31.  The  client  further  discharged  the 
opera  togata  to  his  patron,  by  accompanying  him  out  of  doors  as 
anteambulo,  see  above ;  for  which  he  was  treated  to  refreshments 
afterwards,  Sen.  Ep.  22  :  nudum  latus,  incomitata  lectica,  atrium 
vacuum,  and  de  Brev.  7.     This  service,  however,  originally  per- 

y  2 


228   RELATIONS,  FRIENDS,  AND  CLIENTS.    [Excursus  IV- 

formed  from  motives  of  respect,  afterwards  degenerated  into  an 
•  opera  mercenaria.  Not  only  the  man  of  quality,  or  who  was  he- 
loved  and  respected,  but  also  the  undeserving,  if  a  wealthy  one, 
wished  to  see  himself  everywhere  surrounded  by  an  obsequious 
host  of  courtiers  (clientum  turba,  Sen.  Ep.  68).  Hence  numbers 
of  persons  were  to  be  found  in  Rome  who  used,  for  a  pecuniary 
consideration,  to  form  the  court,  as  it  were,  not  of  one,  but  of 
several  persons  of  wealth  and  consequence. 

It  was  their  means  of  livelihood,  Juv.  i.  119  :  quibus  hinc  toga, 
calceus  hinc  est,  et  pants  fumusque  domi.  Many  came  to  Rome  from 
a  distance  in  hopes  of  obtaining  such  employment :  as  the  esuritor 
Tuccius,  ridiculed  by  Martial  iii.  7,  who  had  come  from  Spain,  and, 
upon  hearing  that  the  sportula  )delded  so  little  profit,  turned  back 
again,  at  the  Pons  Mulvius,  a  little  distance  from  Rome.  In  the 
same  manner  the  poet  enquires  of  Gargilianus,  after  the  sportulcs 
were  done  away  with  :  quid  Homcefacisf  JJnde  tibi  togula  est  et 
fuscce  pensio  cellce  ?  These  persons  used  to  go  early  in  the  morn- 
ing into  the  houses  of  their  domini  or  reges,  hurrying  on  from 
one  to  another,  Senec.  de  Brev.  14 :  cum  per  diversas  domos  meri- 
toriam  salutationem  circwntulerint.  A  disagreeable  task  this,  for 
the  sake  of  a  niggardly  sportula,  to  endure  daily  discursus  varios 
vagumque  mane,  etfastus  et  ave  potentiorum  (Mart.  vii.  39),  and  to 
play  the  part  of  the  anteambulo  tumidi  regis.    Mart.  ix.  10L : 

Denariis  tribus  invitas,  et  mane  togatum 
Observare  jubes  atria,  Basse,  tua  ; 

Deinde  hserere  tuo  lateri,  prseeedere  sellam, 
Ad  viduas  tecum  plus  minus  ire  decern. 

comp.  x.  74 ;  iii.  46.  Many,  who  received  the  salutatio  of  their 
clients,  performed,  in  turn,  the  part  of  salutator  to  others,  and 
took  away  the  sportula,  Juv.  i.  99  ;  Mart.  x.  10 : 

Cum  tu  laurigeris  annum  qui  fascibus  intras, 
Mane  salutator  limina  mille  teras. 

Mart.  xii.  26 :  How  the  sportula  or  recompense  was  given,  is  not 
quite  clear.  Kretzschmar,  de  Sportidis,  Dresd.  1758.  Anciently,  the 
client  was  invited  to  dinner  by  his  patron.  Afterwards,  when  the 
custom  degenerated,  this  was  not  only  inconvenient,  but  impossible ; 
hence  a  ccena  recta,  or  distribution  of  victuals,  was  substituted : 
not,  however,  to  take  away,  as  Buttmann  supposes  ;  for  in  the  only 
passage  that  can  be  cited  in  favour  of  this  supposition  (Hesych.  i. 
p.  485)  the  reading  is  doubtful.  Probably  this  food  was  doled  out  in 
baskets,  whence  the  word  sportula.  But  this  also  proving  inconve- 
nient, the  ccena  was  changed  into  money,  (to  avri  deixvov  apybpiovy 
Hesych.  ib.) ;  and  so  it  always  continued.  With  the  help  of  the 
accounts  given  by  Suetonius  and  Martial,  the  periods  of  these  alter- 


Scene  I.]       RELATIONS,  FRIENDS,  AND  CLIENTS.         229 

ations  may  be  ascertained  pretty  accurately.  Under  the  earlier 
emperors,  the  clients  vrere  entertained  with  a  regular  coena,  or 
a  cold  repast,  improvised  for  the  occasion.  This  is  plain  from 
Mart,  (cited  below)  viii.  50.  In  Nero's  time  the  custom  arose  of 
paying  in  coin,  and  that  emperor  decreed  this  in  reference  to  the 
publica  ccence  also.  Sueton.  Ner.  16 :  publica  coena  ad  sportulas 
redacta.  Domitian  reintroduced  the  old  custom,  Suet.  Dom.  7  : 
sportidas  publicas  sustulit,  revocata  coenarum  rectarum  consuetudine. 
He  gave  sportulae,  which  in  completeness  and  elegance  equalled 
the  coena  recta,  Mart.  viii.  50  : 

Grandia  pollicitus  quanto  majora  dedisti ! 

Prumissa  est  nobis  sportula,  recta  data  est. 

The  patrons  perhaps  preferred  feeding  the  clients,  for  these  gentry 
could  not  eat  dinners  in  so  many  places  as  they  were  accustomed  to 
receive  money ;  and  thus  the  number  to  be  recompensed  was  much 
smaller.     Martial,  iii.  7,  refers  to  this  time : 

Centum  miselli  jam  valete  quadrantes 

Anteambukmis  congiarium  lassi — 

Regis  superbi  sportulse  recesserunt. 

Nihil  stropharum  est :  jam  salarium  dandum  est. 
t.  e.  since  the  money-sportula  is  done  away  with,  a  fixed  salary 
(salarium)  must  be  supplied  by  the  patron,  in  order  to  enable  his 
clients  to  live.  Before  this,  they  had  not  required  it.  The  stingy 
patron  would  give  his  clients  common  food,  while  he  ate  delicacies, 
Mart.  iii.  14,  60  : 

Ostrea  tu  sumis  stagno  saturata  Lucrino, 
Sumitur  ineiso  mytilus  ore  mihi, 
ib.  iv.  68.     From  all  the  passages  we  gather  that  the  client  ate  the 
food  in  his  patron's  house ;  it  is  nowhere  hinted  that  he  took  it 
away  with  him.     See  also  Suet.  Dom.  4,  where  the  emperor  gives 
sportula  cum  obsoniis,  and  then  initium  vescendi  primus  fecit,  and 

Mart.  viii.  50 : 

Vescitur  omnes  eques  tecum  populusque. 

whence  it  is  clear  that  the  food  was  eaten  there  and  then.  But, 
after  Domitian,  the  money-sportula  again  became  the  vogue: 
whence  Asc.  on  Cic.  Verr.  i.  8,  explains  sportula  by  numorum 
receptacula.  The  usual  value  of  the  sportula  was  100  quadrantes,  or 
25  asses.  Mart.  iv.  68  ;  i.  60 ;  iii.  7 ;  x.  74 ;  Juv.  i.  120 ;  although 
many  persons  gave  a  much  more  considerable  sportula,  (major  spor- 
tula, viii.  42.)     So  Mart.  ix.  101. 

Denariis  tribus  invitas,  et  mane  togatum 
Observare  jubes  atria,  Basse,  tua. 
x.  27: 

Et  tua  tricenos  largitur  sportula  nuramos 


230    RELATIONS,  FRIENDS,  AND  CLIENTS.    [Excobsus  IV. 

This  was,  according  to  the  old  value,  300  quadrantes,  or  1\  denarii, 
comp.  xii.  26.  The  sportula  was  doled  out  in  the  vestibulum  or 
atrium,  Juv.  i.  100 : 

.  .  .  Nunc  sportula  primo 
Limine  parva  sedet,  turbse  rapienda  togatse. 

and  fetched  away  in  the  evening  by  those  who  had  in  the  morning 
paid  the  rex  their  opera  togata,  Mart.  x.  70,  13 : 

Balnea  post  decimam  lasso  centumque  petuntur 

Quadrantes. 

It  was  just  at  the  time  of  coena,  Mart.  x.  27 ;  Juv.  iii.  249.  When 
therefore  Juvenal  says  (i.  128)  : 

Ipse  dies  pulero  distinguitur  ordine  rerum : 

Sportula,  deinde  forum,  etc. 

this  is  an  exception,  and  perhaps  effectum  pro  efficiente.  In  short, 
there  is  much  that  is  peculiar  in  Juv.  i.  117,  e.  g.  the  ladies,  there, 
fetch  the  sportula  in  a  lectica,  which  is  elsewhere  unheard  of. 
Whether,  however,  as  Buttmann  supposes,  this  money  was  actually 
doled  out  in  little  baskets,  sportellce,  is  very  dubious ;  and  probably 
it  was  only  the  name  of  the  ancient  custom,  that  had  been  trans- 
ferred to  this  distribution  of  money.  But  it  seems  certain,  that  as 
soon  as  the  salutatio  had  been  omitted,  or  the  other  duties  of  the 
client  neglected,  the  sportula  also  ceased  to  be  forthcoming.  In 
Mart.  ix.  86,  the  client  is  not  admitted  : 

Non  vacat  aut  dormit,  dictum  bis  terque  reverso. 

Cic.  Verr.  iii.  4 ;  Mart.  ix.  86. 

If  the  client  omitted  his  officio,,  not  from  his  own  fault,  but  be- 
cause his  patron  was  ill,  he  still  got  no  sportula :  Mart.  iv.  25.  From 
which  passage  we  learn,  that  some  patrons  did  not  dole  out  the 
sportula  daily,  but  only  on  fixed  days.  Others  again  gave  the 
sportula  more  or  less  frequently,  according  to  the  wants  of  their 
client,  or  the  amount  of  service  done ;  but  he  never  came,  except 
by  invitation,  as  is  clear  from  the  frequent  use  of  the  word  invitare. 
At  family  festivals,  as  e.  g.  at  marriages,  the  sportula  was  regularly 
and  generally  distributed.  Appul.  Apol.  p.  416,  where  the  mar- 
riage took  place  in  the  country,  ne  rives  denuo  ad  sportulas  convo- 
larent.  This  wedding-sportula  continued  in  vogue  till  the  latest 
times,  and  consisted  of  a  piece  of  gold  to  each.  Symmach.  Ep.  iv. 
55  ;  ix.  97.  The  sportula  on  the  day  of  assuming  the  toga  virilis  is 
mentioned  by  Appul.  ib. ;  and  Plin.  Ep.  x.  117,  where  other  feast- 
days  are  recorded. 


EXCURSUS    I.     SCENE    IL* 


THE   ROMAN   HOUSE. 

OXE  of  the  most  difficult  points  of  investigation  throughout  the 
whole  range  of  Roman  antiquities  which  bear  on  domestic  life 
is  the  discussion  on  the  several  divisions  of  the  house,  their  position 
and  relation  to  each  other.  We  might  fancy,  after  all  the  excava- 
tions in  Herculaneum,  and  more  especially  in  Pompeii,  where  the 
buildings  have  been  laid  open  to  our  view,  that  the  greatest  light 
would  have  been  thrown  on  this  point ;  but  we  should  greatly  err, 
were  we  to  take  the  houses  in  the  latter  city  as  a  criterion  of  the 
regular  Roman  house.  It  is  true  that  they  have  much  similarity; 
indeed,  the  habitations  of  antiquity  generally  were  by  no  means  so 
various  in  their  arrangements  as  are  those  of  our  own  times;  for  the 
situation  and  disposition  of  certain  parts  were  alike  in  all.  Still 
there  were  many  parts  belonging  to  a  large  Roman  mansion  which 
those  living  in  provincial  towns  did  not  require ;  and  thus,  from  its 
being  supposed  that  these  remains  present  a  true  picture,  though  on 
a  small  scale,  of  what  the  others  were,  additional  error  has  crept 
into  the  matter. 

[Becker  goes  too  far  when  he  asserts  that  no  house  in  Pompeii 
presents  us  with  the  plan  of  a  regular  Roman  house,  and  that  the 
most  essential,  and  in  fact  the  characteristic,  parts  of  a  Roman  do- 
mus  were  not  to  be  found  in  that  city ;  inasmuch  as  these  were 
required  by  the  Roman  of  quality  only,  and  quite  unnecessary  for 
the  middle  classes,  or  citizens  of  the  country-towns.  In  opposition 
to  which  it  may  be  remarked,  that,  even  in  the  mnnicipia.  there 
were  houses  not  much  inferior  to  a  great  Roman  house,  e.  g.  the 
houses  of  the  Faun,  of  the  Dioscuri,  and  of  Pansa,  at  Pompeii ; 
besides  several  in  Herculaneum,  where  everything  was  on  a  larger 
scale  than  at  Pompeii.  Further,  those  parts  only  can  be  termed 
essential  which  are  common  to  all  dwellings  of  the  citizens,  viz. 
atrium,  tablinum,  fauces,  cavum  tedium,  peristylium ;  and  in  these 
respects  the  Pompeian  houses  are  just  like  the  grand  palaces  of 
Rome,  although  on  a  smaller  scale.     Doubtless,  at  Rome,  there 


*  In  the  Excursuses  to  the  first  Scene  |  they  were  so  mixed  up  together.  Hence- 
it  was  found  impossible  to  separata  forward  all  new  matter  will  be  included 
accurately  the  old  and  new  matter,  as    |    in  brackets.     German  Editor. 


232  THE   ROMAN   HOUSE.  [Excubsus  L 

were  also  many  saloons  besides,  as  Pinacothecce,  Bibliothecce,  and  so 
forth ;  but  none  of  these  are  essential  parts  of  the  house.  What 
led  Becker  to  make  the  above  assertion,  was  his  notion  about  the 
difference  of  the  Atria  and  Cavesdia.  Not  finding  at  Pompeii  any 
Atria  to  his  mind,  he  at  once  pronounced  the  houses  there  unlike 
those  at  Rome  ;  and  thus  the  most  important  results  were  lost  to 
him,  which  have  been  obtained  from  the  excavations  at  Pompeii ; 
since,  without  them,  we  are  unable  to  fix  the  position  of  the  tablinum 
and  the  fauces."] 

Besides,  no  ancient  author  has  given  us  a  regular  account  or  plan 
of  a  Roman  residence.  Our  chief  sources  of  information  are  Vitru- 
vius,  vi.,  the  letters  of  the  younger  Pliny,  and  isolated  passages  in 
Varro,  Gellius,  Festus,  Plautus,  Cicero,  Seneca,  Petronius,  &c.  But 
Vitruvius  instructs  us  only  how  and  in  what  proportions  to  build  a 
house ;  the  position  and  use  of  the  individual  parts  could  not  in  his 
day  have  been  a  matter  of  doubt.  How  therefore  could  it  ever 
have  occurred  to  him  to  enter  into  any  explanation  on  the  subject 
Pliny  again,  ii.  17,  and  v.  6,  does  not  describe  a  domus  urbana,  but 
two  villas ;  although  the  plan  of  one  of  them  does  not  appear  to  be 
materially  different  from  that  of  a  regular  house.  We  must  endea- 
vour then,  by  combining  the  scattered  notices  on  the  subject,  to 
throw  some  light  on  it,  and  lay  down  a  plan  of  a  Roman  house 
accordingly. 

INSULTE. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  in  this  discussion  about  the  Roman 
habitation,  we  refer  only  to  the  regular  donms — the  cedes  privatce. 
The  insulce,  or  lodging-houses,  which  were  several  stories  high,  and 
calculated  for  the  reception  of  several  families  and  single  individu- 
als, must  necessarily  have  been  built  in  an  entirely  different  man- 
ner, and  doubtless  with  no  less  variety  of  plans  than  ours.  [The 
large  ones  had  several  courts  and  entrances.  Pest.  p.  371.  They 
were  also  very  high,  and  lightly  built.  Vitruv.  ii.  8.  j  Probably  the 
word  insida  meant  not  only  one  separate  house,  but  also  a  number 
of  adjoining  houses  (generally  lodging-houses),  encircled  by  a  street, 
Paul.  Diac.  p.  111.  This  second  meaning  was  the  most  common, 
Cic.  p.  Ccel.  7,  where  Caelius  inhabited  only  a  part  of  the  insula. 
The  building  was  under  the  care  of  an  insularius,  who  had  to  let 
the  apartments  for  his  master.  Afterwards,  every  separate  lodging- 
house  was  called  insula.  And  this  is  the  reason  why  there  were  so 
many  insula?  and  so  few  domus  in  Rome ;  viz.  above  44,000  insulae 
and  about  1,780  domus,  Suet.  AV.38.     Niebuhr,  on  this  subject, 


BECKER  S   PLAN,    OR    PLAN   A. 


ooooo    ooooo 
O                         P                           o 
o                                            o 
o 

O                                                           O 

ooooo    ooooo 

JOHLT" 

c 

c 

I 

0 

C 

o                    o 

a     °         A          °     a 

o                    o 

o                   o 

1 ■ 

1       1 

i  °  i  • 

V 

V  Vestibulum. 

O  Ostium  or  Janua. 

o  o  Celles  Ostiarice. 

A  Atrium. 

a  a  Alee. 

C  Cavum  tedium. 


PLAN  OF  A  LARGE  ROMAN  HOUSE. 

c  Cistern  or  Fountain. 

T  Tablinum. 

f  f  Fauces,  ör  entrance  into  the  Peristylium. 

P  Peristylium,  in  the  centre  of  which  is 

c  A  Cistern  or  Fountain. 

K  QScus  Kv£iict)v(>s. 


I   Impluiium.  in  the  centre  of  which  is 


HOUSE  OF  THE  TRAGIC  POET  AT  POMPEII,  AFTER  JAHN, 
CALLED  PLAN  B. 


a  a      Two  Tabernce. 
b       Wardrobe. 
c        Cubiculum. 
d       Opening  in  the  cistern. 
e       Apartment  of  the  atriensis  and 

ostiarius. 
f        Fauces. 
g,h,i,k,l  Dwelling  and  sleeping-rooms. 


m       Study. 
n       Kitchen, 
o       Latrina. 
p        Triclinhim. 
x       Posticum. 

The  capital  letters  denote  the  same  parts 
as  in  the  Plan  A. 


Scene  IT.]  THE   ROMAN   HOUSE.  237 

cites  Dionys.  x.  32.     [Preller's  work  on  the  Roman  insults  is  the 
best.] 

PARTS  OF  THE  HOUSE. 

In  describing  the  Roman  domus,  the  house  of  one  of  the  higher 
sort  of  citizens,  we  shall  treat  in  the  first  place  of  such  parts  as  had 
their  situations  fixed  and  always  the  same,  and  formed  the  skele- 
ton, so  to  speak,  to  which  the  other  parts  were  appended.  These 
were  the  vestibulum,  ostiimi  (ßvpwpüov),  atrium,  alee,  cavum  cedium, 
tablinum,  fauces,  peristylium. 

VESTIBULUM. 

It  may  be  justly  doubted  whether  the  vestibulum  can  with  pro- 
priety be  inserted  amongst  the  divisions  of  the  house,  as  it  was 
strictly  no  kind  of  building.  Still  it  appertained  to  the  area  of  the 
house,  and  has  besides  often  been  sought  for  in  the  house  itself. 
Even  Marini  (Tab.  cvi.)  has  marked  the  regular  entrance-hall  within 
the  house  as  the  vestibulum  !  In  the  plan  given  by  Stratico  after 
Newton  something  else  appears  to  be  meant,  yet  there  also  it  is  a 
space  closed  in  on  all  sides.  On  the  other  hand,  Rode,  Stieglitz, 
and  Hirt,  have  placed  it  before  the  house ;  but  the  front  of  the 
house  formed  a  straight  line,  and  the  vestibulum  lies  before  it, 
covered  by  a  roof  sustained  by  pillars  ;  a  vacant  space  is  thus  left 
on  each  side  of  it,  in  front  of  the  house,  with  which  nobody  knows 
what  to  do.  This  notion  of  the  matter  therefore  appears  com- 
pletely wrong.  [Zumpt  tries  to  reconcile  the  conflicting  opinions, 
thus  far,  that  he  takes  the  vestibulum  to  be  partly  the  space  before 
the  house,  partly  the  passage  between  the  two  walls  from  the  house- 
door  to  the  atrium.  It  is  plain,  that  the  vestibulum  lay  before  the 
atrium,  and  formed  the  first  part  of  tbe  house,  from  Quinct.  Inst. 
xi.  2,  20  :  Prmium  sensum  vestibule-  quasi  assignant,  secundum  atrio ; 
or  ix.  4,  10,  where  the  ear  is  compared  with  the  vestibulum ;  or 
Cic.  Verr.  v.  66,  where  Italy  is  called  vestibulum  Sicilice.~\ 

There  can  be  no  doubt  what  we  are  to  understand  by  the  term 
vestioulum,  according  to  Gellius  and  Macrobius ;  for  the  former  says 
(xvi.  5)  :  Animadverti  quosdam  haudquaquam  indoctos  vivos  opinari, 
vestibulum  esse  partem  domus  priorem,  quam  vulgus  atrium  vocat. 
C.  Ccecilius  Gallus,  in  libro  De  signißcatione  verborum  qua  ad  jus 
civile  pertinent,  secundo  vestibulum  esse  dicit  non  in  ipsis  cedibus  neque 
partem  cedium,  sed  locum  antejanuam  domus  vacuum,  per  quern  a  via 
aditus  accessusque  ad  cedes  est,  cum  dextra  et  sinistra  inter  januam 
tectaque,  quce  sunt  vice  juncta,  spatium  relinquitur,  atque  ipsajanua 


238  THE   ROMAN   HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

procul  a  via  est,  area  vacanti  intersita.  Hence  the  vestibulum,  in- 
stead of  proj  ecting  before  the  front,  receded,  and  was  a  vacant  space 
towards  the  street  and  before  the  house,  and  enclosed  on  three  sides 
by  the  middle  main  building  where  the  janua  was,  and  by  the  two 
wings  projecting  into  the  street,  tecta  quce  sunt  vicejuncta.  Dextra 
et  sinistra  are  to  be  understood  in  relation  to  the  janua.  [Yet  this 
description  refers  also  to  those  houses  which  had  not,  it  is  true,  two 
projecting  wings,  but  the  house-door  of  which  retired  a  few  paces 
inwards,  so  that  a  small  space  was  thus  made  in  front,  as  in  the 
house  of  Pansa,  of  the  Faun,  the  Centaur,  and  others  in  Pompeii.] 
Macrobius  says  the  same,  but  more  concisely  :  Ipsa  enimjanuapro- 
eul  a  viafiebat,  area  intersita,  quce  vacaret.  Sat.  vi.  8 ;  [and  Varro, 
L.  L.  vii.  81 :  Ideo  qui  exit  in  vestibulum,  quod  est  ante  domum,  pro- 
dire  et  procedere  dicitur.  It  is  evident  from  many  other  passages, 
that  the  grammarian's  explanation  of  the  vestibulum  is  quite  right.] 
Comp.  Plautus,  Most.  iii.  2,  132.  Cic.  p.  Ccec.  12  :  Si  te  non  modo 
limine,  sedprimo  aditu  vestibidoque  prohibuerint.  lb.  13  ;  p.  Mil.  27  : 
Ut  sororetn  non  modo  vestibido  privaret,  sed  omni  aditu  et  limine. 
De  Or.  i.  45  ;  adAtt.  iv.  3  ;  Colum.  viii.  3,  8.  Those  passages,  too, 
which  speak  of  the  ornamenting  of  the  vestibulum,  are  to  the  same 
point.  So  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  28 ;  Plin.  xxxv.  2 ;  [Virg.  JEn.  ii.  504 : 
Barbarico  postes  auro  spoliisque  superbi.] 

Besides  the  spolia,  there  were  equestrian  statues  and  quadriga  in 
the  vestibulum.     Juv.  vii.  125 : 

.  .  .  currus  aeneus,  alti 

Quadrijuges  in  vestibulis,  atque  ipse  feroci 

Bellatore  sedens. 

[Virg.  JEn.  vii.  177  : 

Quinetiam  veterum  effigies  ex  ordine  rerum 
Vestibulo  adstabant. 

where  Larsch  explains  vestibido  adstabant  by,  '  They  stood  in  the 
atrium  towards  the  vestibulum.'  But  this  interpretation  is  opposed 
both  to  the  passages  above  cited,  as  well  as  to  grammar. 

In  the  vestibule  of  Nero's  house  stood  a  Colossus,  120  feet  high, 
long  arcades,  and  a  great  basin,  maris  instar,  surrounded  by  the 
wings  of  the  palace,  Sueton.  Ner.  31  :  circumseptimi  cedifieiis.  So 
Cat.  42,  stetitque  in  vestibulo  cedium;  and  Vespas.  25.] 

The  above  important  testimonies  are  not  to  be  controverted  by 
single  passages,  where  the  word  vestibulum  is  either  used  metapho- 
rically or  incorrectly,  and  which  have  given  rise  to  the  absurd 
notion  that  it  means  the  entrance  itself,  or  the  first  room  in  the 
house.     [Thus  Virgil,  by  a  poetical  license,  uses  vestibulum  of  the 


Scene  IL]  THE    ROMAS   HOUSE.  239 

place  for  the  doors,  and  for  the  porter,  who  was  just  behind  the 
door.     JEn.  ii.  409  : 

Vestibulura  ante  ipsum  primoque  in  limine  Pyrrkus. 

Or  vi.  273,  and  574 : 

.  .  .  cernis,  custodia  qualis 
Vestibulo  sedeat,  facies  quae  limina  servet ; 

where  the  vestibulum  first  becomes  visible  after  the  door  is  opened. 
Livy  (v.  41)  makes  a  mistake  when  he  says  that  the  aged  men  sat 
medio  tedium,  and  then  in  tedium  vestibulis,  (unless,  perhaps,  by  me- 
dio cedium  he  means  the  space  between  the  two  wings,  i.e.  the  vesti- 
bulum.) That  he  was  well  aware  what  the  vestibulum  was,  is  clear 
from  ii.  45  and  49.  Lastly,  Suet.  {Oct.  100)  appears  incorrect, 
where  he  says  of  the  corpse  of  Augustus,  equester  ordo  suscepit,  urbi- 
que  intulit  atque  in  vestibulo  collocavit ;  for  the  proper  place  for 
corpses  was  the  atrium.  Still  no  more  is  said  than  that  the  corpse 
was  set  down,  not  that  it  was  allowed  to  remain  there.]  The  only 
correct  supposition,  therefore,  is  that  the  vestibulum  was  a  free 
space,  generally  uncovered,  before  the  house-door.  See  the  two 
Plans.  At  all  events,  certain  portions  only  of  it  were  covered  in,  as 
when  arcades  projected  over  the  vestibulum ;  as  in  Sueton.  Nero,  31, 
and  in  the  house  of  the  four  mosaic  pillars  at  Pompeii,  and  at  Her- 
culaneum.  But  this  was  a  luxury  belonging  to  a  later  period.  No 
more  was  there  any  lattice,  separating  the  vestibulum  from  the 
street,  at  least  not  originally.  Cic.  ad.  Att.  3,  does  not  prove  any- 
thing. Vitruvius  gives  no  directions  about  the  vestibulum,  though 
he  mentions  it  twice,  c.  5,  (8),  as  an  essential  part  of  houses  of 
persons  of  quality  ;  but  he  says  that  for  people  qui  communi  sunt 
fortuna,  magnified  vestibula  are  not  necessary.  No  vestibulum  of 
this  kind  has  hitherto  been  discovered  in  Pompeii. 

On  the  uncertain  etymology  of  the  word,  (according  to  Sulpicius 
Apollinaris,  from  vce  and  stabulum=lata  stabulatio),  see  Gellius  and 
Maerobius  above  mentioned.  From  Vesta,  Ovid  Fast.  vi.  303.  [quod 
j'anuam  vestiat  according  to  Servius  ad  Virg.  ii.  4G9 ;  Nonius,  ib. :  nan 
stabidum,  quod  hullus  illic  stet,  (as  vesanus,  i.e.  non  sanus.)]  Comp. 
Lsidor.  Orig.  xv.  7.  Vestibulum  comes  from  vesture,  in  the  same 
manner  as  prostibulum  from  prostare,  yet  the  meaning  lies  only  in 
the  particle  ve.  Originally,  this  seems  to  have  meant  outside  or 
beyond,  like,  in  some  cases,  the  Greek  -x-apä  ;  thus  vecors  is  the  same 
as  excors,  irapär^piav,  and  so  also  vesanus.  So  vegrandis,  that  which 
is  of  a  larger  size  than  usual ;  and  it  can  be  easily  conceived  how 
the  particle  could  thus  have  had  sometimes  a  strengthening,  some- 
times a  negative,  meaning.    Comp.  Heind.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  2, 129,  where 


240  THE   KOMAN   HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

vepallida  signifies  '  more  than  usually  pale.'   It  is  quite  evident  how 
excellently  this  meaning  suits  vestibulum. 


OSTIUM. 

The  name  ostium  denotes  the  entrance  of  the  house,  [Vitruv.  in 
Serv.  ad,  Virg.  JEn.  vi.  43 ;  Isidor.  xv.  7,]  and  is  therefore  syno- 
nymous with  janua,  fores.  [Properly  speaking,  the  chief  entrance 
only  was  called  janua.  Hence  Cic.  p.  Red.  in  Sen.  60  :  Non  janua 
receptis,  sed  pseudothyro  intro?nissis.~\  Cic.  Nat.  Deor.  ii.  27.  This 
entrance  was  exactly  in  the  middle  of  the  house  [and  sometimes  has 
several  steps  ;  Sen.  Up.  84.  So  in  the  Palatium,  Suet.  Ner.  8 ;  Tac. 
Hist.  i.  29;  Dio.  Cass,  lxviii.  5 ;  and  in  many  Pompeian  houses.]  The 
separate  parts  of  it  are  Urnen  inferum  et  superum.  Plaut.  Merc.  v. 
1,  1.  [Nov.  in  Non.  iv.  278 ;  Isidor.  xv.  7  ;  Plin.  xxxvi.  14,  21,  in 
limine  ipso  quod  foribus  imponebat.  The  threshold  was  of  stone  ; 
among  the  poor  often  of  wood.  The  carved  garnishing  set  on  the 
door-posts  {antepagmenta)  always  of  wood,  antepagmenta  abiegnea. 
Paul.  Diac.  p.  8 ;  Vitruv.  iv.  6.  In  many  houses  at  Pompeii  there 
are  depressions  visible  on  the  threshold  round  the  postes,  into  which 
the  antepagmenta  were  fixed.  The  two  column-shaped  projections 
in  the  ostium,  against  which  the  postes  and  limina  rested,  were 
called  antes;  which  name  further  signifies  every  corner-column 
(and  consequently  the  columns  or  pillars  standing  on  both  sides  of 
the  house  before  the  ostium,  as  in  the  house  of  the  Vestse,  &c. 
The  lamps  also  in  Passerat.  Lucernes ßct.  iii.  4 ;  Isidor.  xv.  7 :  quia 
ante  stant  vel  quia  ante  eas  accedimus  priusquam  domum  ingredia- 
mur.)  Paul.  Diac.  explains  them  as  latera  ostiorum  ;  on  which  pas- 
sage Genelli  is  quite  in  error.  Serv.  ad  Virg.  Georg,  ii.  417,  eminentes 
lapides,  vel  columnce  ultima.  Non.  i.  124,  quadra  columnce.  Vitruv. 
iii.  1 ;  iv.  4.] 

The  Romans  had  a  beautiful  custom  of  saluting  the  person  who 
entered,  by  a  salve,  drawn  in  mosaic  upon  the  lower  threshold,  as  we 
see  from  those  found  at  Pompeii.  Over  the  door,  super  Ihnen,  they 
suspended  a  bird  that  had  been  taught  to  give  this  salutation, 
Petron.  28.  In  Trimalchio's  house  there  was  much  that  would  not 
be  foimd  elsewhere,  but  the  pica  salutatrix  is  mentioned  by  Mart, 
vii.  87,  and  xiv.  76,  and  the  parrots  were  especially  taught  to  say 
xa?|U£.     Pers.  Prol.  8. 

The  postes  (properly  signifying  door-posts,  frequently  used  by 
the  poets  for  the  door  itself,  and  even  for  valves.  See  Gesn.  ad  Claud 
de  rapt.  Pros.  iii.  147)  were  made  of  marble  or  curiously  carved 


Scene  II. J  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  241 

wood  [Stat.  Silv.  i.  3,  35,  Manros  postes]  (Plaut.  Most.  iii.  2,  133), 
inlaid  with  tortoise-shell,  like  the  postes  and  valvae.  The  valvre 
were  adorned  with  ivory  and  gold,  bullce  (Plaut.  Asin.  ii.  4,  20 ; 
Cic.  Verr.  iv.  56),  and  used  in  ancient  times  to  open  inwards  in 
private  houses,  whilst  in  public  buildings  they  opened  outwards ;  a 
privilege  granted  only  to  men  of  especial  merit,  as  a  mark  of  respect. 
See  Plut.  Poplic.  20 ;  Dion.  Hal.  v.  39 ;  Plin.  xxxvi.  15,  24.  Fea 
erroneously  supposes  that  in  later  times  this  distinction  was  not  ob- 
served. The  tabernce,  however,  opened  both  iuwards  and  outwards. 
The  distinction  drawn,  Isid.  Orig.  xv.  7,  fores  dicuntur,  quce  foras  ; 
valvce,  quce  inius  revolmntur,  is  by  no  means  confirmed  by  custom  ; 
for  the  doors  of  the  temples  opened  outwards,  and  yet  Cicero  calls 
them  valvae  [Cic.  Verr.  i.  23  ;  iv.  43 ;]  the  doors  of  dwelling-houses 
inwards,  and  yet  they  are  always  called  fores.  Comp.  Sagitt.  de  Jan. 
Vett.  [Serv.  adJEn.  i.  453  :  Valves  sunt  quce  revolvuntur  et  se  velant. 
The  valvre  consisted  of  several  parts,  fastened  together  by  metal 
bands.  They  were  used  in  rooms  which  were  lighted  through  the 
door  only,  and  required  much  light,  as  in  the  tablinum  and  large 
tabernse  ;  see  the  Tablinum,  p.  254,  and  the  following  Excursus.] 

The  door  did  not  hang  on  hinges  as  with  us,  but  was  provided 
with  wedge-shaped  pins,  which  fitted  into  a  hollow  in  the  upper 
and  lower  threshold  (Ihnen  superum  et  inferum),  or  moved  in  bronze 
or  iron  rings.  Plin.  xvi.  40,  77.  This  was  the  case  not  only  in 
the  larger  house-doors,  but  also  in  those  of  the  inner  chambers 
there  were  similar  pegs  (scapi  cardinales,  Vitruv.  iv.  6,  4,)  on  the 
folding-doors,  and  the  cavities  or  rings  were  on  the  threshold,  or 
on  the  side-posts.  Appul.  Met.  i.  p.  49.  This  is  also  evident  from 
remains  at  Pompeii. 

The  door  was  closed  during  the  day,  but  not  generally  fastened : 
and  in  Plautus  the  strangers  who  knock,  do  so  only  for  the  sake  of 
propriety ;  nobody,  whether  lord  or  slave,  knocks  at  his  own  door, 
not  even  Dorippa  and  Syra,  who  arrive  unexpectedly  from  the 
country,  Merc.'vf.  1.  Neither  does  Stichus,  Stich,  iii.  1,  or  Mnesi- 
lochus,  Baeeh.  iii.  4.  Theuropides,  Most.  ii.  2,  14,  wonders  at  find- 
ing the  door  fastened ;  as  does  Dinacium  also,  Stich,  ii.  1,  36  ;  and 
therefore  Alcesimarchus  has  to  give  particular  orders  for  these  doors 
to  be  fastened,  Cist.  iii.  18.  There  is  no  doubt  that  bells,  tintin- 
nabula,  were  used,  as  a  signal  to  a  confused  crowd,  or  to  collect  peo- 
ple together.  On  their  use  in  the  baths,  see  Excurs.  to  the  Seventh 
Scene.  But  there  is  no  proof  that  there  were  bells  at  the  house- 
doors.  The  passage,  Sueton.  Aug.  91,  is  no  direct  evidence,  and 
the  examples  adduced  by  Casaubon,  from  Dio  Cass,  and  Lucian, 
only  say  that  the  family  were  awakened  or  collected  by  the  sound 

II 


242  THE   ROMAN   HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

of  a  bell.  As  &  janitor  was  generally  at  the  house-door,  there  was 
the  less  need  of  such  a  signal,  and  most  probably  only  the  metal 
knocker  or  ring,  called  by  the  Greeks  Kop<!tvti}  KÖpaK,  poirrpov,  was 
made  use  of.  [It  is  plainly  seen  on  a  lamp,  representing  the  fold- 
ing-door of  a  tomb,  in  Passer.  Lucern.  Fictil.  iii.  45.  On  the  fasten- 
ing of  the  door,  see  the  special  Excursus.  The  doors  were  seldom 
adapted  for  driving  in  at,  as  it  was  not  usual  to  drive  in  the  city. 
The  postica  or  small  back-door,  opening  into  a  side  street  (angipor- 
tus),  was  very  common,  Non.  iii.  158  ;  Plaut.  Stich,  iii.  1,  40 : 

.  .  .  est  etiam  hie  ostium 
Aliud  postieum  nostrarum  harunce  sedium. 

Hot.  Bp.  i.  5,  31.] 

It  is  extraordinary  that  no  mention  is  made  anywhere  of  an 
entrance-hall,  and  yet  we  can  scarcely  imagine  a  house  without  one. 
Vitruv.  vi.  7,  speaks  only  of  the  hall  of  a  Greek  house,  which  he 
says  Greece  Qvpwptlov  appellator.  He  does  not  mention  one  in  a 
Roman  house.  Yet  Plutarch,  Qu.  Rom.  Ill,  says  kv  roJ  9vpS>vt  rijc 
oidag,  talking  of  the  house  of  the  flam  en  dialis.  M  oreover,  the  house 
must  have  had  a  hall,  since  immediately  behind  the  door  was  the 
cella  ostiarii,  or  janitoris,  Suet.  Vit.  16  j  Petron.  29.  Here  was  the 
dog  with  the  warning  Cave  canem ;  sometimes  a  painted  dog,  as 
Petronius  relates.  Such  an  one  has  been  discovered  at  Pompeii. 
See  Mus.  Horb.  ii.  56 ;  Gell.  Pompeian.  i.  142.  Hence  we  may  sup- 
pose that  the  space,  probably  not  a  very  large  one,  between  the 
outer  door  and  the  janua  interior,  was  included  under  the  name  of 
ostium.  [Isid.  xv.  7,  ceetera  intra  januam  ostia  vocantur.  In  this 
space  there  were  holes  to  drain  off  the  rain-water;  and  for  the 
same  purpose  the  interior  of  the  house  was  mostly  built  sloping. 
Forcell.  Lexic.  s.  v.  coUumarium.~\ 

ATRIUM. 

The  most  important  question  in  our  examination  of  the  Roman 
house  is,  as  to  what  is  to  be  understood  by  the  atrium  ;  and  upon 
the  reply  to  it  depends  the  correctness  of  the  whole  description,  as 
any  error  in  it  must  give  a  false  plan  of  the  building  ;  for  the  dis- 
tribution of  most  of  the  other  divisions  depends  upon  the  situation 
and  nature  of  the  atrium.  On  this  point  there  exist  two  different 
opinions. 

The  most  common  idea  is,  that  it  is  only  another  appellation  of 
the  inner  court,  cavum  cedinm.  Schneider's  does  not  materially 
differ — that  the  cavum  aedium  denotes  the  whole  interior  space, 
and  atrium  its  covered  portions ;   whilst  Mazois  understands  by 


Scene  II.]  THE    ROMAN   HOUSE.  243 

atriura  the  whole,  and  by  cavum  sedium  the  uncovered  space.  The 
supposition  that  they  were  identical  is  chiefly  based  on  improperly 
explained  passages  in  Varro  and  Vitruvius,  and  on  the  notion  that 
the  houses  of  Pompeii  must  necessarily  have  had  regular  atria. 
The  chief  passage,  the  palladium  as  it  were  of  all  maintaining  this 
opinion,  is  in  Varro,  Ling.  Lot.  iv.  4-j  :  Cavum  ccdium  diction,  qui 
locus  tectus  intra  parietes  relinquebatur  patulus.  qui  esset  ad  eommu- 
nem  omnium  usum.  In  hoe  locus  si  nullus  relictus  erat,  sub  divo  qui 
i  \set,  dicchatur  tcsfudo,  a  testudinis  simUitudine,  ut  est  in  Prcetorio 
in  castris :  si  rdictum  erat  in  medio  ut  lucem  cuperef,  deorsum,  quo 
impluehat,  impluvium  dictum, et  sursum,  qua  compluebat,  compluvium  : 
utrumque  a  pluria.  Tuscanicum  dictum  a  Tuscis,  posteaquam  Hie- 
rum varum  tedium  simulare  cceperunt.  Atrium  appellatum  ab 
Atriatilus  Tunis;  Mine  enim  exemplum  surntum.  Circum  cavum 
tedium  erant  imiuscujusque  rei  utiUtatis  causa  parietibus  dissepta  ; 
ubi  quid  conditum  esse  valebant,  a  celando  cettam  appellarunt;  pena- 
riam  ubipenus;  ubi  cubabant,  cubicukim ;  ubi  ccenabant  coenacuium 
vocifabant,  etc.  The  words  which  especially  refer  to  the  subject  of 
our  present  inquiry,  Atrium  appellatum,  etc.,  have  been  translated, 
"  It  (cavum  sediurn)  was  called  atrium."  The  question  is,  By  what 
authority  ?  Yarro  explains  the  appellations  of  all  the  individual 
parts  of  the  house,  and  points  out  their  etymology.  He  defines, — 
as  he  had  before  done  domus  and  cedes,  and  afterwards  tablinum, — 
the  terms,  cavum  sediurn,  and  its  species,  testudinutum,  Tuscanicum, 
impluvium,  compluvium,  atrium,  cella,  penaria,  cubiculum,  coenacu- 
ium. But  what  right  have  we  to  refer  the  name  atrium  to  the 
cavum  sedium  ?  Or  rather,  what  prevents  us  from  translating, 
"The  atrium  has  its  name  from  the  atriales"?  On  the  contrary, 
Varro  had  completed  the  explanation  of  the  cavum  sedium,  its 
species  and  parts,  and  passed  on  to  the  atrium.  The  fact  of  his 
once  more  mentioning  the  cavum  sedium  does  not  prove  that 
he  had  been  talking  of  it  all  through  ;  and  without  doing  so  he 
could  not  have  described  the  position  of  the  cellce.  This  passage 
therefore,  instead  of  affording  proof  of  the  identity  of  the  atrium 
and  cavum  sediuin,  rather  shews  the  contrary. 

Next  it  is  asserted,  that  Vitruvius  has  several  times  used  cavum 
sedium  and  atrium  for  the  same  part.  We  may  pass  over  the  stale 
argument,  again  adduced  by  Marini,  which  has  been  gathered  from 
the  words  in  atrii  latitudine  (b.  vi.  3).  Schneider  has  demonstrated 
that  it  would  be  absurd  to  say  in  atrii  latitudine,  instead  of  in 
latitudine,  if  atrium  had  meant  cavum  sedium  itself.  But  another 
passage  has  more  plausibility  about  it.  Yitruviussays,  c.  8,  Stratic 
(Schneid,  and  Marini  5),  he  will  lay  down  quibus  rationibus  pri- 

k2 


244  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

vatis  aedißciis  propria  loca  patribus  familiarum  et  quemadmodum 
communia  cum  extranet's  cedificari  debeant.  Namque  ex  his  quae 
propria  sunt,  in  ea  non  est  potestas  omnibus  introeundi,  nisi  invitatis; 
quemadmodum  sunt  cubicida,  triclinia,  balnece,  ceteraque,  quce  easdem 
habent  usus  rationes.  Communia  autem  sunt,  quibus  etiam  invocati 
suo  jure  de  popido  possunt  venire,  i.  e.  vestibula,  cava  tedium,  peri- 
stglia,  quceque  eundcm  habere  possunt  usum.  Igitur  his,  qui  communi 
sunt  fortuna,  non  necessaria  magnifica  vestibula,  nee  tablina  neque 
atria,  quod,  etc.  From  this  passage  it  has  been  inferred,  that 
because  cava  a^diurn  is  mentioned  the  first  time,  and  atria  the 
second,  that  they  are  synonymous  ;  hut  the  inference  is  entirely 
false.  Igitur  his,  etc.,  does  not  stand  as  a  consequence  of  that 
which  immediately  precedes.  Vitruvius  had  only  explained  the 
meaning  of  propria  et  communia  loca,  and,  after  making  the  trans- 
ition by  igitur,  proceeded  to  give  the  above  precepts  for  everybody 
planning  his  house  conformably  to  his  condition  and  means.  But 
even  if  an  immediate  connection  existed  between  the  two  sentences, 
it  would  not  follow  that  atria  signified  cava  tedium ;  for  Vitruvius 
did  not  wish  to  mention  all  the  loca  communia,  but  qtueque  cundem 
possunt  habere  usum.  And  here  he  names  tablina,  which  did  not  at 
all  belong  to  the  loca  communia,  but  rather  to  those  places  which 
ordinary  men,  having  no  tabulae,  codices,  monumenta  rerum  gesta- 
rum  in  magistratu,  to  preserve,  did  not  require.  The  same  remark 
refers  to  the  atria,  which  had  not  been  mentioned  above  ;  but  how 
the  cava  sediuui  could  be  omitted  in  the  construction  of  a  house,  is 
not  conceivable.  On  the  contrary,  Vitruvius  (c.  4,  or  3,  3),  after 
describing  the  various  cava  sedium,  says,  Atriorum  vero  longitudines 
et  latitudines  tribus  gencribus  formantur ;  thus  placing  the  atria  in 
opposition  to  the  cava  tedium,  for  otherwise  he  would  have  said, 
latitudines  vero  atriorum.  [It  is  plain  that  Vitruvius  alludes  only 
to  covered  atria,  not  to  open  cavcedia  with  four  covered  side- 
arcades  :  for  in  the  latter  case  the  proportions  would  be  absurd. 
Thus,  in  an  atrium  80  ft.  long  and  53g-  broad  (the  breadth  being 
reckoned  at  §  of  the  length),  the  impluvium  would  have  ^  of  the 
breadth,  i.  e.  17|.  How  would  60  ft.  high  suit  this  ?  or  if  the 
atrium  was  40  ft.  long,  and  24  broad,  the  impluvium  would  be  at 
least  6  ft.,  and  each  of  the  side-halls  9  ft.,  in  breadth.  How  would 
this  suit  the  normal  height  of  30  feet  as  Vitruv.  says,  vi.  3,  7  : 
Columnce  tarn  altce  quam  porticus  latce  fueriut?  The  proportions 
of  Vitruvius  agree  exactly  with  those  found  in  Pompeii  ;  e.  g.  the 
house  of  Pansa  is  47  ft.  4  in.  long,  and  31  ft.  6  in.  broad,  i.  e. 
two-thirds.  Vitruv.  vi.  7  :  Atriis  Greeci  quia  non  utuntur  neque 
gedificant.    The  Poman  atria  were,  therefore,  quite  different  from 


Scene  IL]  THE    ROMAN   HOUSE.  245 

the  Greek  ae\>),  since  aüXjj  was  equivalent  to  cavurn  tedium.  Had 
atrium  and  cavum  oedium  been  the  same,  Vitruvius  could  not  have 
made  the  above  assertion.] 

We  will  now  adduce  other  proofs  of  the  difference  between 
them.  Quiuctilian  says  of  the  Mnemonieians,  who  desired  to  im- 
press on  their  memory  the  locality  of  a  house  (Inst.  Or.  xi.  2,  20, 
305)  :  Primum  son  sum  [re!  locum]  vcstihulo  quasi  assignant,  secundum 
«trio,  turn  impktvia  oircumeunt,  nee  cubiculis  modo  auf  exedris,  sed 
statuis  etiam  similibusque  per  ordinem  committunt.  It  is  difficult  to 
understand  what  circumire  impluvia  can  here  mean,  except  to  go 
round  the  impluvium,  along  the  covered  passages,  out  of  which  the 
doors  led  into  the  various  apartments,  and  between  the  columns  of 
which  statues  were  placed.  Cic.  Verr.  i.  19,  23.  Seneca  says 
(Epist.  55)  of  two  artificial  grottos  in  the  villa  of  Vatia  :  Spehmcce 
sunt  duce  magni  operis,  laxo  atrio  pares,  manu  facta ;  qua  rum  altera 
golem  non  reeipit,  altera  usque  in  oecidontem  tenet.  It  does  not  ap- 
pear, however,  what  similitude  there  was  between  grottos  and  a 
cavum  sedium,  whose  inner  space  was  uncovered.  Was  Seneca 
thinking  of  a  testudinatum  ?  But  these  were  never  laxa  ;  on  the 
contrary,  ubinon  er  ant  magni  impetus,  Vitr.  c.  3.  [This  passage  of 
Seneca  is  of  no  importance,  as  we  cannot  suppose  the  atrium  to  be 
so  covered,  as  Becker  would  have  it.  Much  more  important  is 
Virg.  JEn.  ii.  483,  where  the  distinction  is  sharply  drawn  between 
atrium  and  the  cavum  sedium  in  the  domus  interior  : 

Apparet  domus  intus,  et  atria  longa  patescunt, 
Apparent  Priami  et  veterum  penetralia  regum, 
Armatosque  vident  stantes  in  limine  primo. 
At  domus  interior  gemitu  miseroque  tumultu 
Miscetnr,  penitusque  cavae  plangoribus  sedes 
Femineis  ululant.] 

Lastly,  Pliny  (Epist.  ii.  17)  gives  a  description  of  his  Villa  Lauren- 
tina,  built  after  the  fashion  of  the  city,  in  which  atrium  and  cavum 
aedium  appear  not  only  quite  different,  but  separate  from  each 
other.  He  says,  Villa— in  cujus  prima  parte  atrium  frugi,  nee 
tarnen  sordidum :  deinde  portions  in  D  (or  0)  literce  similitudinem 
circumacta?,  quibus  parvula,  sed  festiva  area  includitur  .  .  .  Est  contra 
mediae  cavcedium  hilare,  mox  triclinium  satis  pulcrum,  quod  in  litus 
excurrit.  Undique  valvas  atit  fenestras  non  minores  valvis  habet, 
atque  ita  a  lateribus  et  a  fronte  quasi  tria  maria  prospectat ;  a  tergo 
cavcedium,  porticum,  aream,  portieum  rursus,  mox  atrium,  Silvas  et 
longinquos  respicit  monies.  Schneider  appears  entirely  to  misunder- 
stand the  passage,  for  he  supposes  the  same  apartments  were 
repeated  again,  and  lay  behind  the  cecus  Cgzicenus,  but  in  inverse 


24G  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

order,  and  thus  that  there  was  an  atrium  at  each  end  of  the  build- 
ing. But  the  triclinium  reached  to  the  sea,  and  a  view  was  obtained 
through  all  these  rooms  backwards  only.  As  the  atrium  and 
cavum  sedium  are  here  separate  from  one  another,  it  has  been 
supposed,  to  get  rid  of  the  difficulty,  that  the  atrium  in  the  time  of 
Pliny  was  quite  different  from  that  of  Vitruvius.  In  corroboration 
of  this,  Schneider  quotes  the  description  of  the  Tuscuian  villa, 
Epist.  5,  6 :  Multa  in  hac  membra  ;  atrium  etiam  ex  more  majorum  ; 
and  fancies  that  in  this  villa  there  was  an  atrium  after  the  ancient 
fashion,  but  in  the  Laurentian,  on  the  contrary,  one  novo  more. 
But  the  most  we  can  infer  from  the  words,  more  majorum,  is,  that 
in  Pliny's  time  it  was  no  longer  the  custom  to  build  atria,  at  least 
in  villas.  Pliny's  villa,  moreover,  differs  from  the  directions  given 
by  Vitruvius,  vi.  5,  3. 

Only  one  difficult  passage  now  remains.  Festus  says :  Atrium 
est  genus  cedificii  ante  cedem  continens  mediam  aream  ;  in  quam  col- 
leeta  ex  omni  tecto  pluvia  descendit ;  this  is,  as  Schneider  remarks, 
quite  erroneous,  and  betokens  a  confused  idea  of  the  matter, 
probably  occasioned  by  confounding  it  with  vestibulum.  The  old 
atria  might  doubtless  have  gone  out  of  fashion  in  the  time  of 
Festus ;  for  immediately  after  the  great  fire,  in  the  reign  of  Nero, 
the  houses  assumed  an  entirely  different  appearance.  Suet.  Ner. 
16.  [Festus  is  not  to  blame  for  this  obscurity ;  which  most  likely 
is  to  be  attributed  to  the  epitomist,  Paulus.  Festus,  no  doubt,  said 
that  the  atrium  was  in  the  front  part  of  the  house,  and  contained 
mediam  aream,  i.  e.  the  open  impluvium,  as  was  afterwards  very 
general.  Paulus  spoiled  the  passage,  and  corrupted  anterior  pars 
cedium,  anterior  domus,  or  some  such  words,  into  ante  cedes,  which 
has  no  meaning.  In  other  respects  the  excerpt  is  correct.]  This, 
in  part  corrupt  passage,  is  in  Plin.  H.  N.  xiv.  1,  3  :  Ecedem  (yites) 
modici  hominis  altitudine  adminiculate?  sudibus  horrent,  vineamque 
faciunt,  et  alice  improbo  discursu  pampinorumque  superfluitate,  peritia 
domini  amplo  discursu  atria  media  complentes.  Pliny  evidently 
wishes  to  describe  an  extraordinary  exuberance,  and  assigns  the 
two  extremes  of  growth.  The  question  is,  Whether  such  be  the 
case  when  a  vine  covers  a  whole  impluvium ;  by  which  atria  media 
should  be  understood  ?  He  has  already  said,  Populis  nubunt  .  .  . 
atque  per  ramos  .  .  .  scandentes  cacumina  cequant,  in  tantum  sublimes, 
ut  vindemiator  auctoratus  rogum  ac  tumulum  excipiat.  Nullo  fine 
crescunt,  dividiquc  aut  potius  avelli  nequeunt.  Villas  et  domos  ambiri 
singidarum  palmitibus  ac  sequacibus  loris  memoria  dignum  inter 
prima  Valerianus  quoque  Cornelius  existimavit.  Una  vitis  Rome?  in 
Lima  porticibus  subdiales  inambulationes  umbrosis  pergtdis  opacat, 


Scene  II.]  THE   ROMAN    HOUSE.  247 

eadem  duodenis  musti  amphoris  fcecmda,  etc.  After  sucli  an  extra- 
ordinary instance  as  this,  a  vine  that  covers  an  impluvium  is  very 
insignificant.  If  we  suppose  the  atrium  to  he  the  same  as  cavuni 
fedium,  and  imagine  a  greater  atrium,  sixty  feet  in  length,  then  its 
breadth  would,  according  to  Yitruvius,  be  forty  feet.  The  un- 
covered space  would,  in  that  case,  be  at  most  one-third  of  the 
breadth,  ne  minus  quarto,  ne  plus  tertia  parte ;  consequently  about 
thirteen  feet  broad  by  twenty  feet  long,  which  would  give  the  very 
small  superficies  of  sixty-five  square  ells.  In  the  next  place,  we 
might  inquire  why  so  great peritia  dommiwas  requisite,  as  theper- 
gul<e  were  common  to  all  houses ;  the  connexion  also  of  peritia 
with  domini  is  strange  ;  for  surely  it  was  the  business  of  the  viri- 
darius,  and  not  of  the  master,  thus  to  train  the  vines.  These 
considerations  throw  considerable  suspicion  on  the  passage;  besides 
which  the  MSS.  are  very  conflicting,  and  several  read  without  any 
sense,  pampmorumque  peritiam  damtta  discursu  at.  med.  com.  So 
we  may  almost  surmise  that  some  very  different  meaning  is  to  be 
sought  in  the  passage — perhaps,  per  itinera  do??ius?  [Herzberg 
conjectures  pernicie  domuum,  since  the  vines  in  the  impluvium, 
piercing  through  into  the  atrium,  loosened  and  spoiled  the  wall. — 
The  passage  is  corrupt ;  but  the  emendations  both  of  Becker  and 
Herzberg  are  wrong,  as  will  presently  appear.  Becker  starts  with 
the  false  notion  that  Pliny  wished  to  describe  the  vine's  extraordi- 
nary power  of  growth,  and  that  he  only  speaks  of  a  single  vine. 
The  oist  of  Pliny's  description  lies  in  the  words  :  Tot  differentia*  vel 
sola  tantum  Italia  recipit.  He  wishes,  then,  to  shew  how  the 
Italian  vine  varies  in  growth ;  and  begins  with  that  which  grows 
highest,  then  describes  that  growing  on  pales  {hominis  altitud.),  and 
lastly,  those  luxuriating  in  the  impluvium,  probably  at  the  foot  of 
the  pillars.  In  reference  to  the  words  improbo  raptatu,  comp.  Cic. 
Cato  Maf.  15  :  Midtiplici  lapsu  et  erratico.  Prof.  Bergk,  by  a  mas- 
terly emendation,  would  read  peristylia  domus  for  peritia  domi/u. 
He  then  alters  amplo  into  amplce,  inserts  et  before  atria,  and  reads 
complent.  The  word  discursu  will  then  be  the  only  difficulty.  An- 
other less  happy  conjecture  is  :  super  (instead  of  que  superfluitatc) 
peristylia  domus  amplce  discursu  atria  media  complentes. 

But,  in  any  case,  the  above  obscure  passage  cannot  at  all  weaken 
the  clear  arguments  in  favour  of  the  total  difference  of  the  atrium 
and  cavum  osdiuin.] 

In  the  atrium  stood  the  lectus  r/enialis,  or  adverms,  so  called  be- 
cause this  symbolical  marriage-bed  was  placed  janua  ex  adverso. 
See  the  commentators  on  Prop.  iv.  11,85;  Obbarius  ad  Ilorat. 
Epist.  i.  1, 87,  92.    [Lipsius,  Elect,  i.  17.]    Where  are  we  to  suppose 


248  TIIE   ROMAN   HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

this  lectus  placed,  if  the  atrium  was  the  inner  court?  In  the 
atrium  also  stood,  vetere  more,  the  looms,  tela,  of  the  female  slaves 
who  worked  there.  Ascon.  ad  C'ie.  Mil.  5.  But  there  would  hardly 
have  been  room  for  them  in  the  passages  round  the  impluvium, 
particularly  as  the  doors  into  the  various  ccllce  and  eubicula  led 
from  thence. 

Two  more  observations  may  be  offered  in  opposition  to  Schnei- 
der's explanation.  First,  the  collective  appellation  atrium  would 
have  been  a  strange  one  for  the  four  passages  or  halls  that  sur- 
rounded the  impluvium  ;  and  if  we  allow  this,  the  proportions 
assigned  by  Vitruvius  will  not  apply;  for  the  impluvium  was  longer 
than  it  was  broad,  and  consequently  two  of  the  passages  would 
have  been  broader  or  narrower  accordingly.  Secondly,  if  the 
whole  space  be  meant,  with  the  impluvium  in  the  middle,  there 
arises  another  difficulty.  Vitruvius  speaks  of  the  atria  being  thirty 
feet  long,  and  consequently  twenty  feet  broad  at  the  utmost ;  from 
this  one-third  goes  for  the  impluvium,  and  only  six  and  two-third 
feet  remain  on  each  side  for  the  passages.  Vitruvius  (cap.  3 — 10) 
should  be  read,  in  order  to  discover  all  the  contradictions  to  which 
the  common  explanation  gives  rise. 

Hence  it  appears  that  the  atrium  was  quite  a  different  part  of 
the  house  from  cavum  sedium.  It  was  the  first  (januis  proximo) 
as  well  as  the  largest  saloon,  about  which  more  will  be  said  in  the 
explanation  of  the  ake. 

The  etymologies  given  of  atrium  are  very  various.  Varro  de- 
rives it  from  Atriates,  for  which  there  can  scarcely  be  any  other 
ground  than  the  chance  similarity  of  the  names ;  on  the  same  prin- 
ciple as  Festus  deduces  histrio  from  Histria.  Festus  says  concern- 
ing it,  vel  quia  a  terra  oriatur  quasi  aterreum ;  as  if  the  whole  of 
the  ancient  Roman  house  was  not  on  the  ground-floor.  Servius  ad 
sEn.  i.  780,  goes  so  far  as  to  derive  it  from  smoke,  atrum  enim  erat 
exfumo.  [Isidor.  also,  xv.  3,  mentions  this  derivation,  but  says 
previously,  dictum  est  eo,  quod  addantur  ei  tres  portions  extrinsecus.~\ 
But  the  strangest  explanation  is  that  of  Ottfr.  Mueller,  Etnis.  i. 
256,  who  says,  in  reference  to  Varro's  etymology,  as  the  Atrias  on 
the  Adriatic  sea  is  originally  the  land  of  the  streams  flowing  to- 
gether (Athesis,  Tartarus,  Padus,  and  others),  and  the  collecting 
place  of  all  the  waters  of  upper  Italy,  so  the  atrium  is  that  part  of 
the  house,  where  the  water  that  rains  down  upon  the  roof  flows 
into  the  compluvium  and  impluvium.  Besides,  this  goes  for  no- 
thing, if  atrium  be  not  the  same  as  cavum  medium.  The  most  usual 
derivation,  and  not  an  improbable  one,  is  from  alOpiov  ;  for  the 
atrium  had  a  wide  opening  in  the  roof,  lumen,  through  which,  as  in 


Scene  II.]  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  249 

the  other  parts  of  the  house,  the  light  was  cast  from  above.  See 
Vitruv.  vi.  4;  Winkelm.  W.  i.  551.  But  if  we  are  to  adopt  a 
Greek  derivation,  we  should  rather  be  inclined  to  think  that  the 
word  was  the  same  as  äßpoov;  for  it  was  in  the  atrium  that  the 
whole  family  was  accustomed  to  assemble,  to  enjoy  each  other's 
company,  to  work,  and,  in  early  times,  to  dine  also.  Still  it  is 
difficult  to  determine  the  etymology  of  words  that  belong  to  a 
remote  period,  and  which  might  have  had  an  origin  quite  incon- 
ceivable to  us. 

[Becker's  acute  and  profound  researches  make  it  perfectly  clear 
that  atrium  and  cavum  sedium  were  two  different  parts  of  the 
house,  the  first  corresponding  to  our  hall,  the  second  to  our  court. 
But  he  goes  too  far,  in  assuming  that  the  atrium  was  always 
covered  in,  or,  at  most,  he  only  admits  of  a  hole  in  the  roof, 
lumen.  But  as  this  theory  does  not  hold  good  in  any  of  the  houses 
discovered  at  Pompeii,  Becker  is  led  into  the  second  error,  of  pre- 
suming that  the  open  space,  which  is  regularly  found  behind  the 
ostium  in  Pompeii,  is  not  an  atrium,  but  the  cavum  aediuni ; 
although  in  that  case  the  Pompeian  houses  must  have  generally 
had  several  cavaedia  and  never  an  atrium.  Now,  though  the 
lower  orders,  both  in  town  and  country,  require  no  atrium,  yet  in 
the  houses  of  even  the  tolerably  affluent  there  must  have  always 
been  an  atrium,  as  this  was  the  original  focus  of  their  whole 
domestic  life — somewhat  like  the  great  hall  of  the  mediaeval 
knight — and  with  it  were  connected  all  the  most  important 
incidents  of  their  existence  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave.  The 
people  of  Pompeii  had  doubtless,  therefore,  their  atrium,  and 
though  later  it  may  have  been  shaped  more  like  a  court,  still, 
that  is  no  reason  why  the  atrium  shoidd  have  been  superseded  by 
the  court ;  but,  rather,  the  atrium,  as  its  use  became  altered, 
altered  its  shape  also.  This  will  be  manifest  from  what  follows. 
In  the  old  atrium  stood  the  hearth  (focus),  serving  alike  for  the 
profane  purposes  of  cooking,  and  also  for  the  receptacle  of  the 
Penates.  Schol.  Hor.  Epoch  ii.  43:  Juxta  focum  DU  Penates  positi 
fuerunt.     Plaut.  Aul.  ii.  8,  15  : 

Hsec  imponentur  in  foco  nostro  Lari. 
Usually  they  were  in  little  cupboards  (cedicula),  Tib.  i.  10,  20  : 
Stabat  in  exigua  ligneus  jede  deus. 

Juv.  viii.  110  ;  Petron.  29.  Hence  Ovid  (Fast.  i.  136)  mentions 
Larem  close  to  the  house-door,  i.  e.  in  the  atrium.  The  place  was 
caMed.  penetralia  (Virg.  *En.  ii.  4-n"3,  513;  vii.  59;  Stat.  Silv.  i.  3,  59); 
and  the  hearth  itself,  foci  penetrates.  Virg.  JEn.  v.  660  ;  Or.  clehar. 
Jtesp.  27.     Near  the  familiar  flame  they  took  the  common  meal. 


250  THE    ROMAN   HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

Cato  in  Serv.  ad  Virg.  JEn.  i.  730,  et  in  atrio  et  diwbus  ferculis  epu- 
labantur  antiqui.     Serv.  on  ix.  648  :  IUic  et  epulahantur   et   Deo* 
colebant.     So  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  6,  65,  though  of  country  life : 
0  noctes  coenseqne  Deum !  quibus  ipse  meique 
Ante  Larem  proprium  vescor,  vernasque  procaces 
Pasco. 

Here  sat  enthroned  the  mistress  of  the  house  in  the  midst  of  her 
maids ;  here  was  the  thalamus  nuptialis,  and  the  strong-box  of  the 
father  of  the  family.  Serv.  on  Virg.  JEn.  i.  730 :  Ibi  etiam  pecu- 
nias  habebant ;  and  ix.  648.  Several  such  have  been  dug  up  at 
Pompeii ;  see  next  Excursus.  Here  all  visits  were  received,  and 
the  clients  had  audience,  who  came  to  their  patron  for  advice  or 
help.  (Cic.  de  Leg.  i.  3  :  more  patrio  sedens  in  solio  consulentibus  re- 
sponderem,  and  de  Or.-iii.  33.)  Here  the  corpses  of  the  deceased 
members  of  the  family  lay  in  state  till  their  interment  (see  Excursus 
to  the  twelfth  Scene) ;  here,  lastly,  were  suspended  the  waxen 
masks  or  imagines,  those  dear  mementos  of  their  deceased  fore- 
fathers. See  above.  For  the  admission  of  light  and  escape  of 
smoke  there  was  an  opening  in  the  roof,  which  was  larger  or 
smaller  according  to  the  size  of  the  room,  but  never  of  such  mag- 
nitude as  that  the  room  lost  its  character  of  a  ceiled  apartment.  But 
when  the  frugal  family-meal  had  given  place  to  huge  banquets,  and 
instead  of  a  few  intimate  friends  and  more  familiar  clients,  whole 
troops  of  people  crowded  the  house,  the  whole  arrangement  of  the 
atrium  would  suit  no  longer.  The  ancient  family-hearth  was 
banished  to  a  remote  part  of  the  building,  and  while  the  Lares 
were  placed  in  a  special  sacrarium,  a  spacious  kitchen  was  made 
for  cooking.  The  slaves,  likewise,  were  removed  to  the  hinder 
part  of  the  house,  and  the  comce  were  held  in  various  saloons,  of 
different  sizes,  erected  for  the  purpose.  See  below.  The  atrium 
now  served  only  as  the  hall  of  waiting  and  reception  for  the  clients 
and  friends  on  all  occasions.  Hor.  Ep.  i.  5,  31.  So  Virgil,  JEn. 
iii.  353,  had  his  own  times  in  his  mind,  when  he  says  of  Helenus  : 

Illos  portieibus  rex  accipiebat  in  amplis. 
•  Aulai  in  medio  libabant  pocula  Bacchi. 
where  aula  stands  for  atrium. 

The  atrium  likewise  continued  to  be  the  place  for  the  corpses, 
and  for  the  images  of  the  dead  ;  only  that  instead  of  the  insignifi- 
cant waxen  masks,  cerei  clypei,  argentecB  fncies  surdo figurarum  dis- 
crimine,  came  into  vogue.  Here  also  remained  the  lectus  genialis, 
but  at  this  time  it  had  only  a  symbolical  meaning. 

It  was  now  no  longer  necessary  to  have  the  atrium  covered  in ; 
on  the  contrary,  the  larger  it  became,  the  wider  was  the  orifice  in 


Scene  II.]  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  251 

the  roof  (one-fourth  or  one-third  of  the  breadth  of  the  atrium, 
Vitr.  vi.  3,  6),  for  the  admission  of  sufficient  light  and  air.  When 
the  roof  sloped  inwards  with  an  opening  of  this  kind,  pillars  were 
required  to  support  it :  these  soon  grew  into  an  article  of  luxury, 
and  were  made  of  the  most  costly  marble.  Scaurus  had  four  such 
pillars  in  his  atrium,  one  at  each  corner ;  they  were  of  Hymettian 
marble,  and  thirty-eight  feet  high,  Cic.  p.  Scaur,  p.  27 ;  Plin. 
H.N.  xvii.  1  ;  xxxvi.  2.  Between  these  statues  were  placed. Plin. 
xxxiv.  9;  xxxv.  2;  where  he  compares  the  ancient  and  modern 
atria  ;  formerly  there  were  only  the  waxen  imagines.  Thus  this 
apartment  had  gradually  become  very  magnificent,  Claud,  in  Ruf. 
ii.  135$  purpuras  effulta  eolumnis  atria.  Lucan,  ii.  238;  Mart, 
xii.  50 ;  Virg.  2En.  i.  725 ;  xii.  475 ;  Vitr.  vi.  5,  2 ;  atria  ampla, 
alta,  longa,  with  longis  porticibus.  Auson.  Id.  x.  49 :  laqueata. 
Ovid.  Mctam.  xiv.  200:  mar  more  tecta.  The  cavoedium  had  like- 
wise, in  course  of  time,  been  adorned  with  splendid  rows  of  pillars  ; 
and  both  in  it,  and  in  the  atrium,  a  basin  and  fountain  were  placed 
(Paul.  Diac),  to  which  were  added  lawns  and  shrubberies.  Ovid. 
Met.  viii.  563  ;  Auson.  Mos.  335  : 

Atria  quid  memorera  viridantibus  adsita  pratis, 

Inuumerisque  super  nutantia  tecta  eolumnis  ? 
Plin.  II.  JV.  xiv.  1, 3.  (See  above  respecting  the  vine.)  Prop.  iv.  8, 35  ; 

Unus  erat  tribus  in  secreta  lectulus  herba, 
where  the  atrium  is  meant,  as  is  clear  from  1.  49.   But  it  is  not  so 
certain  that  Virg.  (^En.  xii.  476)  speaks  of  the  water-basin  of 
the  atrium  : 

Et  nunc  porticibus  vacuis,  nunc  humida  circum 

Stagna  sonat. 
(viz.  the  swallow)  ;  for  it  could  also  fly  to  the  fountain  in  the  halls 
of  the  cavsedium.  The  basin  in  the  atrium  was  generally  of  an 
oblong  shape,  without  further  ornament.  Virgil,  JEn.  ii.  512, 
doubtless  alludes  to  the  atria  of  his  times.  From  this  similarity 
between  the  later  atrium  and  the  cavsedium,  the  atrium  came  to  be 
called  av\r)  also,  which,  in  earlier  times,  would  have  been  impos- 
sible. So  Horace,  Epist.  i.  1,  87,  says  aula  instead  of  atrium  ;  so 
Virg.  jE>i.  iii.  354.  The  ancients  often  allude  to  this  contrast 
between  the  old  and  modern  atrium;  the  former  resembling  a 
saloon,  the  latter,  with  its  rich  ornaments,  a  cavsedium.  Plin.  Ep. 
v.  6 :  atrium  ex  more  veterum  ;  ii.  17  :  atrium  fruyi  nee  tarnen  sor- 
didum.  The  passage  in  Plin.  xxxv.  2  :  cditer  apud  majores,  etc. 
(cited  above),  is  important.  Hör.  (Od.  iii.  1,  46)  speaks  of  the 
new  fashion,  et  novo  sublime  ritu  moliar  atrium  ?  Varro,  L.  L.  viii. 
28,  when  he  plainly  says  that  an  atrium  is  no  more  like  to  a  peri- 
style than  a  cubieuhim  to  a  stable,  speaks  of  the  old  saloon-like 


252  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

atrium.  This  passage  utterly  confutes  those  who  fancy  that  Varro 
held  a  cavum  aedium  and  an  atrium  to  be  identical ;  for  a  cavum 
ajdium  would  have  been  exceedingly  like  a  peristyle  ;  and,  with 
pillars  round  it,  would  be  a  peristyle  exactly.  For,  beyond  doubt, 
in  Varro's  time  the  cava  sedium  were  built  with  rows  of  pillars. 

To  return  to  the  later  atria.  The  houses  now  had,  as  it  were, 
two  cavsedia  (as  the  Grecian  house  had  two  aulse,  Vitr.  vi.  7,  6)  ; 
the  first,  however,  differed  from  the  second  in  being  less  spacious, 
and  having  a  smaller  opening  in  the  roof;  and  likewise  in  its  pecu- 
liar use.  At  least  this  is  the  case  in  all  the  plans  of  houses  at 
Pompeii.  Nor  was  there,  in  this,  any  room  for  a  garden.  So  that 
there  was  always  so  much  difference  between  the  two  rooms,  that, 
even  in  later  times,  the  first  confirmed  to  be  called  atrium,  and  the 
second  and  larger,  cavsedium.  The  latter  almost  merged  into  the 
peristylium  ;  see  Cavcedium.  In  the  houses  at  Pompeii  the  atria 
are  only  of  the  later  period,  with  a  basin  and  fountain,  seldom  with 
pillars.  Like  as  in  Rome,  these  were,  at  first,  the  chief  rooms  of 
domestic  life,  but  later  only  served  for  the  reception  of  clients. 
These  gentry  predominated  at  Pompeii,  where  there  was  plenty  of 
ambitio  at  work,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  numerous  notices  on  the 
walls.  All  the  boroughs  and  colonies  were,  in  fact,  miniatures  of 
the  great  metropolis,  and  so  they  could  not  possibly  do  without 
the  atrium — a  room  so  indispensable  at  Rome. 

From  what  has  been  said,  we  shall  not  be  disposed  to  allow  that 
there  were  no  atria  in  Pompeii,  and  that  there  was  no  true  copy  of 
the  Roman  house  to  be  found  there. 

The  wide  orifice  in  the  roof  of  the  atrium,  as  well  as  of  the 
cavum  aedium,  was  hung  with  carpets,  as  a  defence  against  sun, 
wind,  and  rain.  These  were  called  vela.  Isidor.  xix.  26  :  quod 
objectu  suo  interiora  domorum  velent.  TJlp.  Dig.  xix.  1,  17,  §  4 ; 
xxxiii.  7,  12,  §  16  ;  umbra  causa.  §  17,  §  20 :  De  velis,  qitce  in 
hypcethris  extenduntur,  item  de  his  quae  sunt  circa  columnas  ;  where  the 
hypaethral  orimpluvial  carpets,  hung  horizontally,  are  distinguished 
from  the  vertical  tapestry  between  the  pillars.  Pliny  also  men- 
tions them  ;  see  above.  Varro  in  Serv.  ad  Virg.  'JEtn.  i.  697  (vela  sus- 
pendi,  to  keep  out  the  dust).  Ovid,  Met.  x.  595,  speaking  of  the 
mode  in  his  time  : 

Haud  aliter,  quam  cum  super  atria  velum 

Candida  purpureum  simulatas  inficit  umbras. 

i.  e.  the  purple  velum  tinges  the  marble  atrium.   Lucret.  iv.  73,  has 
a  similar  idea,  though  in  reference  to  the  vela  of  the  theatre.   Hor. 
Sat.  ii.  8,  54,  is  generally  referred  to  horizontal  vela : 
Interea  suspensa  graves  aidsea  ruinas 
In  patinam  fecere,  trahentia  pulveris  atri,  &c. 


Scene  IL]  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  253 

See  Heindorf.  Wüstemann,  however,  supposes  it  to  mean  the 
curtain  hung  before  the  door,  or  the  carpets  hung  against  the 
walls  instead  of  paper-hangings. 

In  winter,  moveable  roofs  of  board  could  be  pushed  over  the 
impluvium :  at  least  Javol.  Dig.  L.  16,  242,  §  2,  would  seem  to 
refer  to  this:  structuram  ex  tabulis factam,  quce  cerate  toUerentur  et 
Meine  ponerentur.  Though  it  might  mean  boardings  between  the 
pillars. 

ATRIOLUM 

is  only  mentioned  by  Cic.  ad  AM.  i.  10,  and  ad  Qu.  fr.  iii.  1,  1  : 
Quo  loco  in  portion  te  scribere  ahmt  id  atriolum  fiat,  mihi,  >d  est, 
magis  placebat.  Neque  enim  satis  loci  videbatur  esse  atnolo,  neque 
fere  solet  nisi  in  iis  cedificiis  fieri,  in  qnibus  est  atrium  majus,nec 
habere  poteras  adjuneta  cubicula  et  efusmodi  membra.  Whence  it 
«-ppears,  firstly,  that  atriola  were  only  to  be  found  in  large  mansions, 
where  there  was  also  a  great  atrium ;  secondly,  that  they  served 
as  an  antechamber  to  a  greater  hall,  perist  glium  with  a porbicus.~\ 

AL.E. 

Nothing  agrees  better  with  the  supposition  that  the  atrium  was 
a  different  part  of  the  house  from  the  cavuru  a?dium,  than  the  idea 
which  we  can  alone  form  of  the  ales.  Those  who  take  the  atrium 
to  be  the  inner  court,  can  form  no  correct  opinion  about  the  alse, 
and  hence  has  arisen  the  strange  notion  that  they  were  the  side- 
buildings  running  longitudinally  parallel  to  the  cavum  sedium,  and 
in  which  were  the  various  cellae  and  cubicula.  Galiani,  Perrault, 
Stieglitz,  Hirt,  Böttiger  (Sab.  iL  86,  102),  Wüstemann  (Pal.  d. 
Scaur.  55,  56).  On  this  supposition  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  why 
Yitruvius  fixed  the  breadth  of  the  aia?  in  proportion  to  the  length 
of  the  atrium.  [With  an  atrium  of  80—100  ft.  in  length,  the  alte 
are  to  be  one-fifth  in  breadth,  or  20  ft. ;  with  50 — 60  ft.  in  length, 
only  one-fourth  or  15  ft.  ;  with  30 — 40  ft.,  one-third  or  10  feet.] 
The  alse  (in  this  sense)  did  not  belong  to  the  cavum  tedium  ;  they 
were  separated  from  the  passages  by  walls,  and  could  have  had  as 
much  depth  for  each  separate  cell  or  compartment  as  the  architect 
pleased,  while  their  height  must,  according  to  Yitruvius,  be  equal 
to  their  breadth  ;  this  also  is  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  usage  of 
the  word.  The  ahe,  it  is  true,  are  not  further  mentioned  in  a 
dwelling ;  but  we  have  the  analogy  of  the  Tuscan  temples  (the 
atrium  also  is  of  Tuscan  origin),  in  which  there  can  be  no  doubt  of 
their  nature.  The  Tuscan  temple  could  have  three,  or  only  one, 
cella.     Yitruvius.  iv.  7,  says  of  it,  Latitudo  dividatur  in  partes  decern  ; 


254  THE   ROMAN   HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

ex  his  tenia;  partes  dextra  ac  sinistra  cellis  minoribus,  sive  ibi  alee 
futures  sint,  dentur,  reliques  quatuor  media;  eedi  attribuantur.  The 
alae  therefore,  in  the  one-celled  temple,  were  narrower  side-halls 
right  and  left  of  the  great  cella,  and  probably  divided  from  it  only 
by  a  row  of  pillars.  Thus  we  must  picture  to  ourselves  the  alae  in 
the  atrium,  only  that  the  proportion  of  their  breadth  was  less  ;  and 
we  now  see  why  the  breadth  was  fixed  in  proportion  to  the  length 
of  the  atrium,  which  was,  in  fact,  that  of  the  alae  also.  The  edific  , 
then,  was  similarly  constructed  to  many  of  our  churches,  which  are 
divided  into  a  large  centre-aisle  and  two  smaller  side-aisles.  Mazois 
and  Marini  felt  that  the  aire  must  be  something  of  this  hind,  but 
they  were  prevented,  by  their  false  notion  about  atrium,  from  as- 
signing their  true  position.  They  take  them  to  be  on  both  sides 
of  the  back-hall,  by  the  impluvium. 

We  now  see  to  what  use  the  columns  in  the  atrium  were  ap- 
plied (Plin.  xxxvi.  3),  for  the  roof  was  much  too  high  to  be  sup- 
ported by  them  ;  but  the  trabes  liminares  of  the  alae  were  not 
higher  than  the  breadth  of  the  alae.  Possibly,  in  earlier  times, 
piles  only  occupied  the  place  of  columns. 

[In  the  houses  at  Pompeii  the  alae  do  not  form  side-aisles  to  the 
atrium  (as  Becker  would  have  it),  but  regular  squares  at  the  back- 
ward end  of  it ;  whence  it  is  easy  to  perceive  why  their  breadth 
depended  on  the  length  of  the  atrium.  Moreover,  they  were  not 
by  any  means  a  necessary  part  of  the  house,  for  some  houses  are 
found  without  them ;  and  in  the  house  of  the  tragic  Poet,  in  that  of 
the  two  Fountains,  and  others,  there  was,  from  want  of  space,  only 
one  ala  at  the  right  end  of  the  atrium.  The  construction  of  the 
alae,  as  supposed  by  Mazois  and  confirmed  by  Pompeii,  is  now 
universally  acknowledged  to  be  correct.] 

TABLINUM. 

It  is  very  difficult  to  assign  the  correct  position  of  the  tablinum, 
nor  are  we  acquainted  with  any  passage  containing  information  on 
the  subject.  [Except  in  Vitruv.  vi.  3,  5,  it  is  only  mentioned  twice  ; 
and  Vitruvius  says  nothing  about  its  situation,  only  giving  its  size  in 
proportion  to  the  breadth  of  the  atrium,  viz.  two-thirds,  when  the 
atrium  is  twenty  feet  broad  ;  one-half,  when  it  is  thirty  to  forty  feet 
broad ;  and  two-fifths,  when  it  is  forty  to  sixty  feet.]  It  is  true  that 
Festus  says,  273  :  Tablinum  proxime  atrium  locus  dicitur,  quod  anti- 
qui  magistratus  in  suo  imperio  tabulas  .  .  . ;  and  Paul.  Diac.  p.  137 ; 
Tablinum  locus  proximus  atrio  a  tabulis  appellatus.  But  whatever 
idea  we  may  form  of  the  atrium,  this  place  is  not  discoverable.    It 


Scene  II.]  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  25o 

does  not  suit  the  theory  of  those,  who  under  the  word  atrium  under- 
stand cavum  sedium,  because  a  number  of  different  chambers  would 
have  been  then  proxime  atrium.  Again,  if  we  take  atrium  in  the 
sense  given  above,  there  will  be  no  proper  place  where  it  could  have 
been  situated.  "We  shall  be  less  inclined  to  attach  importance  to 
this  explanation  of  Festus,  when  we  recollect  that  he  had  an  erro- 
neous idea  about  the  atrium  itself.  The  tablinum  has  been  usually 
supposed  opposite  the  ostium,  or,  according  to  our  supposition,  the 
atrium,  beyond  the  cavum  asdium,  and  has  been  laid  down  thus  in 
the  Plan  we  have  given.  [According  to  Marquez,  the  tablinum  is  to 
the  left  of  the  atrium,  and  of  the  same  length  ;  this  needs  no  refu- 
tation. But  Becker's  notion  is  likewise  very  improbable  and  arbi- 
trary (as  he  himself  afterwards  acknowledged)  ;  for,  not  to  mention 
any  other  reason,  it  does  not  suit  either  the  account  of  Vitruvius  or 
Festus.  Thus  much,  at  all  events,  may  be  gathered  from  Vitruvius, 
that  the  tablinuni  lay  at  the  small  end  of  the  atrium  ;  for,  other- 
wise, there  would  be  no  sense  in  making  the  extent  of  the  tablinum 
depend  on  the  breadth  of  the  atrium.  This,  moreover,  harmonizes 
with  Festus,  who  was  not  at  all  in  error  about  the  matter,  al- 
though his  epitomist  was  ;  as  shewn  above.  He  says  very  briefly, 
proxime  atrium ;  but  everybody,  who  knew  the  position  of  the 
atrium,  was  aware  that  this  proxime  referred  neither  to  the  front 
end  of  the  atrium,  nor  yet  to  its  two  sides ;  for  in  the  first  case  the 
tablinum  must  have  lain  between  the  ostium  and  the  atrium,  which 
was  impossible ;  and  in  the  second  case  there  would  have  been  no 
space  left  for  the  alee.  So  that  the  fourth  or  hinder  end  of  the 
atrium  alone  remained  for  the  tablinum  to  join  on  to.  This  is  shewn 
by  all  the  excavations  at  Pompeii ;  where  there  is  invariably  a  four- 
cornered  room,  with  a  very  broad  doorway  (for  the  sake  of  light), 
behind  the  atrium  ;  and  this  room  could  only  be  the  tablinum ;  see 
T.  in  Plan  B.  Through  this  position  of  the  tablinum,  alone  are  we 
enabled  to  fix  that  of  the  fauces  ;  or  in  any  way  to  explain  them.] 
There  appears  to  be  no  doubt  that  tablinum  is  to  be  derived 
from  tabula ;  the  only  question  is,  whether  tabula  (according  to 
Varro's  interpretation)  means  board ;  or  whether  the  tabula  ratio- 
num  and  the  like  are  alluded  to,  which  is  most  probable.  Besides 
the  authority  of  Festus  for  this,  we  have  that  of  Pliny  (xxxv.  2,  2), 
who,  in  praising  the  olden  time,  says :  Tablina  codicibus  impleban- 
tur  et  monumentis  verum  in  marjistratu  gestarum.  Hence  it  was  in 
some  measure  the  archives  of  the  house,  that  which,  in  reference 
to  the  res  publica,  was  called  tabellariion,  Bionys.  i.  74. 


256  THE   ROMAN   HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 


FAUCES. 

What,  or  rather  where,  the  fauces  were,  is  a  point  on  which 
there  exists  great  diversity  of  opinion,  and  upon  which  we  know 
next  to  nothing.  Perrault,  Rode,  Wüstemann,  and  Schneider  have 
supposed  it  to  be  the  hall  which  we  have  comprehended  under  the 
term  ostium  ;  but  such  quotations  as,  Vestibulum  ante  ipsum primis- 
que  in  faucibus  Orci  (Virg.  jEn.  vi.  273),  do  not  show  that  other 
passages  in  the  house  might  not  have  had  the  same  name ;  and 
Vitruvius  calls  the  passages  in  the  Grecian  house,  which  supplied 
the  place  of  the  hall,  iter,  not  fauces.  Galiani,  Ortiz,  and  Stratico 
understood  by  this  term,  aperturam  per  quam  transitu»  habetur  ab 
atrio  ad  tablinum,  which  is  rather  obscure.  [Marquez  (della  Casa  di 
Citta,  etc.  p.  91)  understands  them  to  be  passages  between  the 
pillars  or  piers  from  the  ala3  into  the  atrium  ;  but  these  interme- 
diate spaces  were  much  too  broad  to  admit  of  being  called  fauces.] 
Mazois,  Hirt,  and  Marini  conceive  them  to  be  passages  leading  to 
the  larger  peristylium,  on  each  side  of  the  tablinum ;  and  we  have 
adopted  this  idea,  because  Vitruvius  lays  down  the  breadth  of  the 
fauces  in  proportion  to  that  of  the  tablinum,  which  would  have  been 
unnecessary,  had  they  not  been  in  some  manner  connected  with  it. 
It  is  evident  that  some  such  thoroughfares  must  have  existed,  and 
if  we  set  the  tablinum  in  the  place  assigned  to  it,  this  is  the  most 
plausible  position  of  the  fauces.  [The  only  correct  idea  of  the 
fauces  is,  that  they  were  narrow  passages  or  corridors  beside  the 
tablinum  (although  Becher,  in  his  posthumous  Papers,  has  forsaken 
this,  and  gone  back  to  the  opinion  that  the  fauces  were  the  entrance- 
hall,  the  8vpwv  of  Plutarch).  This  is  clear  from  Vitruv.  vi.  3,  6 : 
Fauces  minoribus  atriis  e  tablini  latitudine  dempta  tertia,  majoribus 
dimidia  constituantur.  As  the  tablinum  did  not  lie  behind,  but 
before,  the  cavadium,  the  fauces  did  not  lead  from  the  cavsedium 
to  the  greater  peristyle,  as  in  Becker's  Plan  (f.  f.)  ;  but  from  the 
atrium  into  the  cavaedium,  as  in  Plan  B.  This  explanation  is  most 
fully  corroborated  in  Pompeii,  where,  with  scarcely  a  single  excep- 
tion, there  are  either  two  passages,  one  on  each  side  of  the  tablinum 
(viz.  in  large  houses),  or  only  on  one  side  of  it  (viz.  in  small 
houses).  And  to  these  alone,  from  their  narrowness,  is  the  term 
fauces  applicable.  The  tablinum  and  fauces  always  lie  at  the 
upper  end  of  the  atrium  ;  seldom  however  (as  in  Plan  B.)  occupying 
the  whole  breadth  of  the  atrium ;  but  leaving,  mostly,  enough  space 
for  another  room  alongside  of  the  tablinum.  This  practice,  more- 
over, agrees  exactly  with  the  theory  of  Vitruvius.  He  says  that, 
with  an  atrium  sixty  feet  broad,  the  tablinum  must  be  two-iifths,  or 


Scene  IL]  THE    ROMAN   HOUSE.  257 

twenty-four  feet,  and  the  two  fauces,  one-half  or  twelve  feet  broad 
each,  i.e.  forty-eight  in  all ;  so  that  twelve  feet  remain  over  for 
other  purposes.  When  the  atrium  is  only  forty  feet  broad,  the 
tablinum  will  be  two-fifths  or  sixteen  feet ;  the  fauces  eight  each  or 
thirty-two  feet  in  all,  leaving  eight  feet  over.  But  when  the  atrium 
is  only  twenty-four  feet  broad,  the  tablinum  will  have  two-thirds, 
or  sixteen,  and  the  fauces  ought  properly  to  have  sixteen  feet  also, 
or  one-half.  But  in  that  case  the  sum  would  be  thirtv-two,  whereas 
we  have  only  twenty-four  at  our  disposal,  and  this,  according  to  the 
practice,  ought  not  to  be  all  used  up.  But  this  difficulty  will  dis- 
appear, if  we  remember  that,  with  a  smaller  atrium,  two  fauces 
were  not  necessary,  a  single  corridor  sufficing  which  would  take 
up  eight  or  only  six  feet ;  and  then  there  would  be  still  two  feet 
over  from  the  breadth  of  the  atrium,  as  was  the  case  in  most  atria.] 

CAVUM  JEBIUM.1 

Ofr  remarks  on  the  atrium  have  shewn  what  was  the  general 
nature  of  the  cavum  tedium  :  it  was  the  inner  court,  the  real  heart 
of  the  house,  around  which  the  other  divisions  were  situated.  In 
the  centre  was  an  uncovered  space,  area,  styled  impluvmm,  and  en- 
closed on  all  sides  by  covered  passages.  [The  slanting  roof  over 
the  arcades  was  called  compluvium,  Yarro,  ih.  This  was  the  dis- 
tinction made  between  impluvium  and  compluvium  by  Ilirt  and 
Laglandiere  ;  but  Mazoia  and  Baoul-Rochette  understand  by  com- 
pluvium the  opening  in  the  roof,  by  impluvium  the  cistern.  See 
Paul.  Diac.  p.  108:  Impluvium.  quo  aqua  impluit  coUecta  detecto. 
Compluvium,  quo  de  diversis  tectis  aqua  pluviali?  confluit  in  eundcm 
locum.  So  Asc.  ad  Cic.  Verr.  i.  23,  p.  277;  Serv.  ad  Virg.  JS/i. 
i.  505:  ii.  512.  It  is  evident  that  impluvium  was  the  name  of  the 
open  space,  from  Plant.  Mil.  ii.  2,  3  :  per  impluvium  intra  spectant 
(  oicini),  and  3,  16.]  These  roofs  were  divided  into  the  following 
kinds,  according  to  their  construction,  Vitruv. 

I.  Tuscanicum,  in  which  beams  were  laid  in  latitudine  atrii. 
resting  upon  the  opposite  walls  :  into  these  two  others  were  nior- 
tised,  or  hung  in  at  equal  distances  from  the  wall,  the  interpensiva 
of  Vitruvius ;  and  on  these  timbers,  which  thus  formed  a  square  lav 
the  asseres,  the  spars  which  supported  the  roof.  This  was  pro- 
bably the  most  ancient  mode  of  building,  but  not  suitable  for  a  very 
lai'fre  cavum  aedium. 


1  Cavum  cedium,  according  to  Varro  and  Vitruvius  :  cavcedium,  to  Pliny. 

s 


258  THE   ROMAN    HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

II.  The  tetrastylum  differed  only  in  pillars  being  placed  in  the 
four  corners  where  the  interpensiva  lay  upon  the  main  beams. 
This  possibly  took  place  only  in  cavadia  of  larger  dimensions,  for 
fear  of  imposing  too  much  weight  on  the  beams. 

III.  In  the  Corinthium  the  beams  did  not  be  on  the  walls,  a 
parietibus  recedunt,  but  were  upheld  by  a  row  of  columns  which 
encircled  the  impluvium. 

IV.  In  the  displuiiatum  the  roofing  did  not  slope  inwards  to- 
wards the  impluvium,  but  towards  the  walls,  where  gutters  caught 
the  rain-water,  and  carried  it  down.  The  advantage  of  this  was 
that,  in  winter,  or  gloomy  weather,  the  light  from  the  surrounding 
apartments  was  not  intercepted  by  a  low  roof.  [Its  disadvantage  was, 
that  the  walls  were  injured  if  the  gutters  did  not  carry  off  the 
water  quickly  enough,  Yitruv.j 

V.  The  testudinatum  was  covered  and  had  no  impluvium.  The 
testudo,  however,  was  not  an  arch,  camera,  but  a  common  roof  of 
rafters.  See  Vitruv.  v.  1  ;  Hirt,  supra.  How  a  cavum  sedium  of 
this  description  received  the  requisite  light,  we  are  not  informed. 
[It  has  been  already  observed  that,  later,  the  cavasdium  passed 
more  into  the  form  of  the  peristyle  (as  tetrastylum  and  Corinthium ) ; 
and  this  was  almost  always  the  case  in  those  houses  which  had  only 
two  open  chief  rooms  (atrium  and  cavsedium),  and  were  in  fact 
without  the  regular  peristyle.  Cava?dia  of  this  kind  were  in  the 
house  of  the  tragic  Poet.  See  Plan  B.,  P.  In  that  of  Pansa, 
of  Meleager  (to  the  left  of  the  atrium),  of  the  Dioscuri  (to  the 
right  of  the  atrium),  of  the  Bronzes,  &c.  The  pillars  were  on 
all  four  sides,  as  in  the  house  of  Meleager,  where  there  are 
twenty-four  magnificent  pillars  ;  or  on  three  sides,  as  in  our  Plan 
(where  the  middle  pillar  in  the  front  has  been  omitted  by  mistake), 
and  in  the  house  of  Sallust ;  from  the  fourth  side  resting  against 
a  wall ;  or  even  on  two  or  one  side  only,  as  in  many  small  houses 
in  the  street  of  Mercury  at  Pompeii.  These  pillars  were  mostly  of 
bricks  or  common  stone  stuccoed  over ;  with  a  variety  of  fantastic 
capitals.] 

In  the  middle  of  the  impluvium  there  was  generally  a  cistern,  or 
fountain  [salientes,  Yarro,  R.  R.  i.  13  :  Interim  compluvium  habeat 
lamm,  tibi  saliat  aqua],  the  basins  of  which  were  four-cornered,  and 
generally  adorned  with  rebefs,  puteaUa  sigillata,  Cic.  Ail.  i.  10 ; 
[Ulp.  Dig.  xix.  1,  17,  §  9.  Many  beautiful  fountains  of  marble 
and  bronze  have  been  discovered  at  Pompeii.  In  some,  at  the  top 
of  a  marble  pillar  there  are  bttle  animals,  like  ducks,  which  eject 
the  water.  Sometimes  the  water  spouts  from  a  tiger's  head,  or 
from  a  stag  of  bronze  (as  in  the  house  of  Sallust,  now  in  the  Mu- 


Scene  II.]  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  259 

seum  at  Palermo),  or  from  a  mask,  as  in  the  house  of  Meleager. 
There  is  also  a  beautiful  Silenus  standing  in  a  niche,  highly  orna- 
mented with  mosaic,  and  leaning  against  the  pipe,  whence  the  water 
falls  down  four  steps  into  the  basin.  Steps  were  erected  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  a  little  cascade.  Sen.  Ep.  8G  :  Quantum  aquarum 
per  gradus  cumfragore  cadentium  ?  In  the  house  of  Meleager  the 
water  trickled  from  a  marble  slab  into  the  great  basin  of  the  atrium, 
and  in  the  peristyle  of  the  cavsedium  down  several  steps.  The  grand 
basin  was  generally  of  marble,  and  of  various  shapes.  Beside  it 
there  were  also  little  basius  placed,  of  stone  or  bronze,  Javol.  Dig. 
xxxiii.  10,  11  :  Vasa  eenea  salient  is  aquce  posita.  Frequently  there 
was  a  marble  table  near  the  cistern,  as  in  the  houses  of  Meleager 
and  of  the  Centaur.  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  125  :  Mensa  erat  lapidea  .  .  . 
voeabatur  cartibulum.  Ucee  in  cedibus  ad  compluvium  ponebatur. 
A  little  fish-box,  or  water-vessel,  was  set  by  the  cistern  as  in  Plan 
B,  letter  d,  in  the  atrium.  The  intercolumniations  of  the  cavaadium 
were  adorned  with  statues,  after  the  days  of  the  Republic.  Cic. 
Terr.  i.  19  :  Quce  signa  mine,  Verres,  ubi  sunt  f  ilia  qttcero,  quee  apud 
te  naper  ad  omnes  columnas,  omnibus  etiam  intercolumniis,  in  silva 
denique  sub  divo  vidimus.  So  23  and  56.  At  the  same  period  gar- 
dens and  ornamental  shrubberies  were  laid  out  in  the  cavaedia, 
which  had,  by  degrees,  become  just  like  the  peristyles.  Hor.  Ep. 
i.  10,  22 : 

Nempe  inter  varias  nutritur  silva  columnas ; 
and  Obbarius,  on  Od.  iii.  10,  5 : 

Audis  quo  strepitu  janua.  quo  nemus 

Inter  pulchra  satum  tecta  remugiat 

Ventis. 
Tib.  iii.  3,  15  ;  Juv.  iv.  7  ;  Liv.  xliii.  13  ;  Plin.  //.  N.  xvii.  1 ;  Suet. 
Aug.  92.     Flower-pots  of  metal  are  often  found  between  the  pil- 
lars.    Javol.  Dig.  xxxiii.  7,  6  :  Dolia  fictilia  item  plumbea ;  quilus 
ciridaria  positaJ] 

PERISTYLIUM. 

Behind  the  cavum  sedium  and  tablinum  lay  the  larger  peristy- 
lium,  in  the  shape,  like  the  former,  of  an  oblong  square  ;  but  while 
the  cavum  radium  reached  longitudinally  from  the  atrium  to  the 
tablinum,  the  peristylium,  on  the  contrary,  lay  transversely 
beyond  the  tablinum.  Vitruv.  4 :  Peristylia  autem  in  transverso 
tertia  parte  longiora  sint,  quam  introrsus,  and  consequently  its 
length  extended  crosswise  towards  the  sides  of  the  house.  [But 
sometimes  it  lay  longitudinally,  and  not  crosswise,  as  in  the  house 
of  the  Faun.]     The   surrounding   porticos,   the   pillars  of  which 

s2 


2GÜ  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  [Excuesls  I. 

might  not  be  more  than  four  diameters  from  each  other,  enclosed 
a  larger  area,  whicn  also  had  a  cistern  or  jet  in  its  centre,  and  was 
planted  with  flowers,  shrubs,  and  trees  (viridarium).  See  Obbar. 
ad  Horat.  Epist.  i.  10,  22,  [just  like  as  in  the  cavaedium,  only  on 
a  larger  scale.  Statues  were  placed  here  likewise,  and  a  low 
balustrade  ran  between  the  pillars,  as  a  fence  to  the  garden,  Vitruv. 
iv.  4,  1.  On  the  cornice  above  the  pillars  there  were  ornaments 
(antefixa,  Paul.  Diac),  such  as  lions'  heads,  as  in  temples,  Vi- 
truv. iv.  4.  The  largest  peristyle  in  Pompeii  is  in  the  house  of  the 
Faun,  with  forty-four  Doric  columns.  That  in  the  house  of  the 
ornamented  Capitals,  consisting  of  twenty-four  pillars,  encircled  a 
large  garden  neatly  laid  out.  Most  of  the  pillars  made  of  brick,  at 
Pompeii,  still  remain,  while  those  of  marble  have  perished.  This 
is  explained  by  the  fact  that,  soon  after  the  destruction,  the  inhabit- 
ants returned,  and  excavated  whatever  they  were  able  of  their 
property.] 

II.  We  now  come  to  the  divisions  of  the  house  which  might  be 
arranged  differently,  according  to  circumstances  and  the  tastes  of 
the  owners ;  whilst  those  already  described  held  the  same  position 
in  all  genuine  Roman  houses,  and  were  built  according  to  a  received 
plan,  which  in  the  main  was  not  deviated  from. 

The  parts  which  especially  remain  for  our  consideration  are 
cubicula,  triclinia,  ceci,  exedra,  pinacotheca,  bibliotheca,  balineum.  The 
baths  and  library  will  be  treated  of  in  distinct  Articles,  in  order  that 
the  disquisition  on  the  usages  concerning  them  may  not  be  sepa- 
rated from  the  description  of  their  situation  and  construction. 

CUBICULA 

was  the  name  for  all  the  smaller  chambers,  that  served  as  regular 
lodging  and  sleeping  apartments,  Cubicida  nocturna  et  diurna 
(Plin.  JSj).  i.  3)  ;  the  former  are  also  called  dormitoria,  id.  v.  6  ; 
Plin.  xxx.  6,  17.  There  is  nothing  particularly  worthy  of  remark 
respecting  their  position,  except  that  a  small  ante-room  was  some- 
times attached,  which  went  by  the  Greek  name,  TrpoKoirwv.  Plin. 
Ep.  ii.  17.  There  were  cubicula  cestiva  and  hiberna,  and  the  bed- 
chambers were  removed  as  far  as  possible  from  all  disturbances. 
See  Mazois,  Pal.  d.  Scam:  G8.  [In  the  house  of  Meleager,  and 
others  at  Pompeii,  large  chambers  have  been  found  with  smaller 
alcove-shaped  rooms  attached  to  them,  which  were  often  dormitoria. 
The  name  for  these  alcoves  or  cabinets  was  zotheca.  Plin.  Ep.  ii. 
17  :  Zotheca  perquam  eleganter  recedit,  qua  specidnribus  et  velis  ob- 
ductis  reductisque  modo  adjicitur  cubiculo,  modo  avfertur.  Plin.  v.  6 ; 
Sidon.  Ep.  viii.  16,  zothecula.~] 


Scene  IL]  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  201 


TRICLINIA. 

Respecting  the  triclinia,  Ciacconi  and  Orsini  have,  according  to 
the  old  fashion,  collected  a  good  deal  e  re  and  a  re.  They  were 
smaller  dining-halls  or  rooms,  according  to  Vitruvius,  twice  as  long 
as  they  were  broad.  Their  height  was  half  the  sum  of  the  breadth 
and  length  ;  consequently,  when  sixteen  feet  broad,  and  thirty-two 
feet  long,  they  were  twenty-four  feet  high.  Vitruv.  vi.  3,  8.  They 
were  also  called  triclinia,  when  they  contained  more  than  one  tri- 
clinium. There  were  particular  triclinia  as  well  as  cubicula  for 
the  different  seasons  of  the  year.  [Varro,  JZ.  R.  i.  13 ;  L.  L.  via. 
29;  Sidon.  Apoll.  Ep.  ii.  2.]  Vitruvius  directs  that  the  verna 
and  aidumnalia  be  towards  the  east,  the  hiberna  towards  the  west, 
and  the  cestiva  towards  the  north  :  but  this  arrangement  of  course 
depended  much  upon  the  disposable  room.     See  Plut.  Lueull.  4L 

CECI 

were  larger  saloons,  of  various  styles  of  architecture,  which  were 
used  also,  though  not  exclusively,  as  triclinia.  Vitruvius  mentions 
various  sorts  of  such  saloons. 

I.  The  tetrastyhs,  which  requires  no  particular  explanation. 
Four  pillars  supported  the  roof. 

II.  The  Corinthius.  This  had  rows  of  pillars  on  all  four  sides, 
along  the  wall,  though  detached  from  it,  so  that  a  passage  was  left 
between  them.  They  were  connected  by  an  cpistijlium,  along 
which  ran  a  corona,  and  upon  this  rested  the  roof,  which  was 
moderately  arched. 

III.  The  (Ecus  JEgyptius  was  still  more  splendid;  like  the 
Corinthian,  it  had  pillars  on  all  four  sides,  but  from  their  entabla- 
ture to  the  wall  there  was  a  flat  roof,  so  that  the  height  of  the 
passages  was  not  more  than  that  of  the  pillars  with  the  entablature. 
Above  the  lower  pillars  a  second  row  was  placed  (ad  jwrpcndicu- 
lum),  the  height  of  which  was  one-fourth  less  than  that  of  the 
lower  ones,  and  on  the  epistylium  of  these  rested  the  roof.  Above 
the  roof  of  the  passages  was  a  pavement,  outside  of  the  middle  and 
higher  saloon,  so  that  there  was  a  passage  all  round,  and  a  view 
through  the  windows  placed  between  the  columns.  Thus  the  oecus 
xEgyptius  presented  the  appearance  of  a  basilica,  which  is  built  in 
this  manner. 

IV.  The  fourth  kind,  the  (Ecus  KvZiKt)vi>e,  seems,  even  in  the 
time  of  Vitruvius,  to  have  been  uncommon  and  new ;  for  he  says 
that  such  saloons  are  now  Italic«  consuetvdinis.     Their  peculiarity 


262  THE    ROMAN   HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

was,  that  they  had  on  three  sides  (Vitruvius  says  only  dextra  et 
sinistra)  glass  doors,  or  windows  reaching  like  doors  to  the  ground, 
so  that,  when  reclining  on  the  triclinia,  persons  could  enjoy  a  view 
on  all  sides  into  the  open  air.  Pliny  had  a  saloon  of  this  descrip- 
tion in  hoth  his  villas.  To  have  commanded  such  a  view,  they 
must  have  projected  from  the  rest  of  the  house. 

EXEDRCE. 

Vitruvius  places  these  with  the  oeci,  i.  e.  with  the  quadrati;  for 
those  mentioned  above  had  the  proportions  of  triclinia,  and  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  we  must  understand  thereby  regular  rooms 
for  conversation  and  the  reception  of  company.  In  certain  respects 
only  can  they  be  compared  with  the  exedrce  in  the  public  gymnasia, 
which  were  semicircular  recesses  with  seats  in  the  colonnades. 
Vitruv.  v.  11:  Constituuntur  in  porticibus  exedrce  spatiosce,  habentes 
sedes,  in  quibtis  philosophic  rhetores,  reliquique  qui  studiis  delectantur, 
sedentes  disputare  possint.  Of  course  these  were  in  the  open  air 
(Vitruv.  vii.  9),  apertis  locis,  id  est  peristyliis  ant  exedris,  quo  sol  et 
luna  possit  splendores  et  radios  immittere.  Tbat  Wüstemann,  Pal.  d. 
Scaur.  123,  is  wrong  in  inferring  that  in  private  houses  also  they 
were  without  covering,  is  evident  from  Vitruvius  assigning  their 
height  in  common  with  the  oeci  quadrati :  Sin  autcm  exedrce  aid  oeci 
quadrati  fuerint,  latitudinis  dimidia  addita  alt it u dines  educantur. 
Comp.  vii.  3.  They  were  called  exedrse,  according  to  Mazois,  119, 
because  on  two  sides  they  had  such  semicircular  recesses;  but 
perhaps  really  only  from  their  being  used  for  similar  purposes,  and 
on  account  of  the  seats ;  for  undoubtedly  they  had  seats  [of  stone, 
running  along  the  wall ;  see  Becker's  Charicles,  translated  by  Met- 
calfe, p.  207  ;  Gronov.  ad  Suet.  III.  Gramm.  17]  and  not  lecti  to 
recline  on.  Cic.  Nat.  Deor.  i.  6  :  Nam  cum  feriis  Latinis  ad  eum 
[Cottain^  ipsius  rogatu  arcessituque  venissem,  offendi  eum  sedentem  in 
exedra  et  cum  C.  Velleio  senatore  disputantem.  Hence  also,  De  Orat. 
iii.  o,  cum  in  earn  exedram  venisset,  in  qua  Crassus,  lectulo  posito  re- 
cubuisset,  etc.  The  hemicyclia  are  not  to  be  confounded  with  them. 
Cic.  de  Amic.  1 :  Domi  in  hemicyclio  sedentem.  Plin.  Ep.  v.  6. 
These  were  uncovered  semicircular  seats,  which  occur  frequently 
at  Pompeii.     They  are  also  mentioned  at  Athens. 

[DLETA. 

This  does  not  denote  any  particular  sort  of  room,  but  is  a 
general  term  for  a  lodging-room  or  lodgings.  In  the  first  sense, 
Stat.  Silv.  ii.  2,  83 : 

Ante  tarnen  cunctas  procul  eminet  una  distas. 


Scene  IL]  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  203 

Plin.  Ep.  vii.  5 ;  ii.  17 ;  Ulp.  Dig.  xxix.  5,  1,  §  27 ;  Suet.  Claud. 
10.  In  the  sense  of  a  lodging,  or  number  of  rooms,  or  as  the  wing 
of  a  house,  in  Plin.  Ep.  v.  6 :  Dicetce  dace,  quorum  in  altera  cubicula 
quatuor,  altera  tria.  Hence  it  signifies  an  eating-room,  Sidon. 
Epist.  ii.  2;  a  bed-chamber,  Plin.  Ep.  ii.  17;  and  a  garden-saloon, 
Scsev.  Die/,  vii.  1,  60,  §  1.  In  the  above  passages,  town-houses,  as 
well  as  country  ones,  are  referred  to. 

CHAPEL. 

Wb  f.x  the  hearth  was  removed  from  the  atrium,  a  chapel  was 
made  for  the  Lares  and  Penates,  and  the  hearth  became  an  altar. 
(In  the  houses  of  the  poor  and  the  rustic,  the  household  gods  still 
remained  at  the  hearth.  Cato,  R.  R.  143.  And  in  this  point  of 
view,  arc?,  foci,  dii  jjenates,  still  continued  to  be  mentioned  to- 
gether. Or.  p.  Dom.  40.)  The  name  of  this  chapel  was  lararium, 
or  sacrarium,  which  last  word,  however,  signified  any  sacred  place, 
LHp.  Dig.  i.  8,  9,  §  2.  As  a  domestic  chapel  it  occurs  in  Cic.  ad 
Earn.  xiii.  2  ;  Verr.  iv.  2 :  Erat  apud  Heium  sacrarium  in  cedibus,  in 
quo  signa  pulcherrima  quatnor.  Pro  3IH.  31 :  Lararium  occurs  in 
Lamprid.  Sev.  Alex,  who  mentions  a  larger  and  smaller  one  be- 
longing to  that  emperor.  Cap.  Ant.  Phil.  3.  From  which  passages 
we  learn  that  besides  the  Lares,  the  images  of  revered  persons  were 
stored  up  here.  Suet.  Vit.  2.  Its  situation  was  uncertain  ;  either 
in  the  cavum  aedium,  Suet.  Oct.  92  (see  Plan  B.,  left  of  the  virida- 
rium,  close  to  the  wall),  or  in  the  garden  of  the  peristyle,  as  in  the 
house  of  the  Dioscuri.  It  was  rarely  in  the  atrium,  as  in  the  large 
house  of  the  ornamented  Capitals  (in  the  left  wing).] 

PINACOTHECA. 

In  the  old  Roman  houses  there  was  certainly  no  pinacotheca, 
any  further  than  that  the  intercolumniations  of  the  cavum  sedium 
or  peristylium,  the  gymnasium  and  the  garden,  were  adorned  with 
statues.  Marcellus,  Flaminius,  iEmilius  Paulus,  and  especially 
Mummius,  took,  it  is  true,  a  great  number  of  works  of  art  to 
Rome,  but  they  were  only  used  for  beautifying  public-  buildings  and 
palaces,  and  Cic.  Verr.  i.  21,  praised  those  men  quorum  domus,  cum 
honore  et  virtutefloreroit,  signis  et  tahulis  jiictis  era/it  vacua.  Even 
among  the  Greeks,  the  desire  for  the  personal  possession  of  works 
of  art  arose  only  at  a  late  period,  when  public  spirit  was  gradually 
disappearing,  and  they  were  more  and  more  divesting  themselves 
of  the  habit  of  looking  on  what  belonged  to  the  community  as  their 
own  property  also,  and  ceased  to  seek  their  own  glory  in  the  gran- 


264  THE    KOMAN    HOUSE.  [Exccrsts  I. 

deur  of  their  country.  How  much  more  was  this  the  case  at  Rome, 
where  even  the  taste  for  art  was  wanting,  and  where,  at  a  later 
period,  vanity  and  fashion,  rather  than  love  or  knowledge  of  the 
subject,  led  people  to  form  collections.  See  Becker's  Antiq.  Plau- 
tince,  i.  28. 

In  the  time  of  Vitruvius  it  was  considered  good  taste  to  possess 
a  pinacotheca  (see  Plin.  xxxv.  2),  and  he  therefore  prescribes  the 
manner  of  constructing  that,  as  of  every  other  part  of  the  house. 
A  northern  aspect  was  selected  for  it,  that  the  colours  might  not  he 
injured  by  the  light  of  the  sun.  The  tabula?  (for  wood  was  in 
general  used  for  painting  on,  although  Cicero,  Verr.  iv.  1,  mentions 
pictures  on  canvass,  in  textili)  were  either  let  into  the  wall,  or  hung 
against  it.  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  55 ;  Plin.  xxxv.  10,  37  (qua  ex  incendiis 
rapi  possent) ;  Plin.  xxxv.  §  9;  Ulp.  Dig.  xix.  1,  17,  3;  comp.  An- 
tiq. Plant.  47.  No  passage,  in  which  frames  for  the  pictures  are 
mentioned,  occurs  to  us  at  present,  however  natural  it  may  appear 
to  have  had  them.  In  Plin.  xxxv.  2,  there  is  nothing  about  them, 
yet  several  paintings  on  the  walls  are  provided  with  frames,  like 
borders  ;  as,  for  instance,  that  one  known  by  the  name  of  the  Aldo- 
brandini  marriage.  Comp.  Winkelm.  TV.  v.  171 ;  Vitruv.  ii.  8,  9, 
speaks  of  wooden  frames  for  the  transport  of  fresco  paintings  cut 
out  of  the  walls. 

[APARTMENTS  OF  THE  SLAVES. 

The  cellcs  familiäres  or  familiar icce,  servorum  cellce  (Col urn.  i.  6; 
Cic.  Phil.  ii.  27 ;  Vitruv.  vi.  7),  were  unadorned  chambers,  in  the 
back  or  upper  part  of  the  house  ;  except  the  cella  of  the  ostiaiius, 
which  was  at  the  ostium  :  perhaps,  too,  that  of  the  atriensis.  These 
two  are  marked  e  in  Plan  B. 

KITCHEN. 

The  culina  (originally  eoquina,  Non.  i.  273)  was  in  ancient 
times  on  the  simple  hearth  of  the  atrium.  Serv.  ad  Virg.  JEn.  i. 
726  (see  above).  In  the  country  they  kept  to  this  old  custom,  and 
both  kitchen  and  hall  were  one.  Varr.  R.R.  i.  13 ;  Col.  i.  6 :  magna 
culina — in  ea  commode  familiäres  omni  tempore  anni  morari  queant. 
But  in  the  town,  the  kitchen  was  removed  backwards.  Varro,  in 
Non.  ib. :  In  postica  parte  erat  culina.  Lucil.  in  Non.  iii.  158  : 
Pistrinum  appositum,  postieum,  sella,  culina. 

In  large  palaces  it  was  very  spacious,  and  frequently  arched  over. 
One  is  mentioned  as  148  feet  long,  in  an  inscription.  Sen.  Ep.  114  ; 
Ep.  64.     They  were  even  adorned  with  frescoes,  as  in  the  house  of 


Scene  II.]  THE   ROMAN    HOUSE.  265 

Meleager,  and  the  Dioscuri,  at  Pompeii.  A  snake  was  often  painted 
above  the  hearth.  Many  remains  have  been  found  of  hearths  and 
sinks  (coquince  fusorium,  Pall.  R.  R.  i.  37,  or  confluviumy  Varro), 
but  none  of  chimneys ;  the  flues  being  short. 


THE  LATRIXA 

was  inconveniently  placed  next  the  kitchen  (derived  from  lavatrina, 
ÜSon.  iii.  131)  ;  perhaps  that  the  sewer  leading  from  the  latrina  to 
the  public  cloaca  might  carry  oil*  the  dirty  water  from  the  kitchen. 
Col.  x.  85 ;  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  118 ;  Suet.  Tib.  58  ;  Plaut.  Cure.  ii.  3> 
83.  The  slaves  brought  hither  the  sellse  familiaricse  or  pertusa?, 
niatula?  and  matelliones  (Paul.  Diac.  p.  125),  lasana,  scaphia,  etc., 
which  were,  later,  often  of  costly  metal.  Mart.  i.  '-IS-  Petron.  27  : 
Lampr.  Heliog.  32.  The  debasing  offices  performed  by  the  slaves, 
in  this  respect,  are  described  by  Martial,  iii.  82 ;  vi.  89  ;  xiv.  119 ; 
Sen.  Dp.  G7.  On  the  public  foricce,  see  Juv.  iii.  38 ;  Paul.  Dir/. 
xxii.  1,  17. 

STORE-CHAMBERS. 

The  cella  penaria,  penuaria  (Cic.  de  not.  d.  ii.  27;  Dig.  xxxiii. 
9),  proma  or  promptuaria,  also  horreum,  and  later  called  cellarium 
(Suet.  Oct.  6),  was  indispensable.  Like  the  cella  vinaria  and  the 
granarium  ( Yitruv.  i.  4,  2),  it  lay  to  the  north,  near  the  cavse- 
dium,  consequently,  behind  the  house,  not  far  from  the  kitchen. 
Respecting  the  cellarius,  see  above.  The  oil-store,  cella  olearis  or 
olearia,  lay  southwards,  to  prevent  the  oil  from  freezing.  Yitruv. 
vi.  6 ;  Cato,  R.  R.  13  ;  Varro,  R.  R.  i.  13.  On  the  cella  vinaria, 
see  Excursus  IV.  Sc.  9.  Sometimes  there  was  a  small  chamber 
near  the  triclinium  (apatheea  triclinii),  serving  as  a  pantry. 


PISTMNÜM 

was  the  name  for  the  bakehouse  and  mill  together,  which,  in  the 
houses  of  the  rich,  stood  near  the  kitchen.  The  middle  classes 
bought  their  meal  and  bread  at  the  public  baker's.  The  pistrina, 
found  at  Pompeii,  were  not  for  the  use  of  the  house,  but  had  been 
let  out  by  the  proprietor  to  public  bakers.  In  them  there  are, 
generally,  several  hand-mills  (also  named  pistrina  or  molctriuce, 
Non.  i.  320,  and  moles),  which  consist  of  an  upper  and  lower  part, 
catillus  and  meta.  The  upper  stone  was  worked  round,  and  thus 
crushed  the  grain  below.  The  pole  for  turning  it  (molile,  Cato, 
R.  R.  11,  12,  or  molucrum),  was  worked  by  asses;  also  by  slaves, 


266  THE   ROMAN   HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

as  a  punishment.  Appul.  Met.  ix.  p.  221 ;  Ovid.  Fast.  vi.  311. 
Hence  a  distinction  is  made  between  molaa  manuarice  and  jumen- 
tarice.  Javol.  Dig.  xxxiii.  7,  26.  The  ovens  are  quite  round,  and 
seven  or  eight  feet  deep,  by  as  many  broad.  The  flues  consist  of 
three  pipes  of  clay,  ten  inches  in  diameter. 


TABERN^E. 

In  the  town-houses  these  were  often  placed  right  and  left  of 
the  ostium,  and  also  in  the  side  street ;  sometimes  in  whole  rows. 
Originally,  the  name  signified  small  wooden  houses.  Fest.  Taber- 
nacvla,  p.  256.  So  Paul,  under  adtibernalis  and  contiibernales,  p.  12 ; 
Isidor.  xv.  2  ;  Ulpian,  Dig.  xiv.  183.  Later,  it  was  only  used  of 
shops.  Non.  xii.  55.  These  tabernae  had  often  their  own  special 
upper-chamber,  which  served  as  a  lodging,  while  in  the  room  below 
was  the  shop  only,  as  is  clear  from  the  large  doorways.  These 
shops  were  either  let,  and  then  had  no  internal  communication  with 
the  house,  or  the  master  of  the  house  occupied  them  himself.  Many 
instances  of  both  kinds  are  met  with  in  Pompeii.  See  Plan  B., 
the  rooms  marked  a,  a,  which  are  quite  separated  from  the  house. 
Of  such  Cicero  speaks,  ad  Att.  xiv.  9.  In  the  house  of  Sallust 
there  is  a  large  bakehouse  with  four  rooms  on  the  ground  floor, 
besides  upper  story.  These  are  quite  disconnected  from  the  house ; 
so  also  the  tabemse  at  the  right  corner,  one  of  which  was  an  oil- 
shop,  as  is  clear  from  the  stone  counter,  which  is  hollowed  out  for 
several  jars.  But  there  are  two  other  tabernae  on  either  side  of  the 
ostium,  which  were  connected  with  the  house,  and  were  used  by 
the  proprietor.  In  the  house  of  Pansa,  there  were  eleven  such 
tabernae,  each  with  its  separate  entrance  into  the  adjoining  streets, 
and  not  communicating  with  the  house.  Some  of  them  were 
lodgings  as  well  as  shops.  The  largest  is  a  bakehouse  ;  over  the 
oven  is  the  inscription,  hie  habitat  felicitas.  In  the  surgeon's  house 
is  a  booth  connected  with  the  atrium,  and  was  therefore  used 
by  the  possessor  in  which  to  practise  his  art.  Here  were  found 
thirty-eight  leaden  weights,  inscribed  Erne.  Ilabebis.  All  sorts  of 
articles  were  sold  in  these  tabernae,  from  the  most  costly  furni- 
ture to  the  simplest  victuals  (taberna  casearia,  Ulp.  Dig.  viii.  5,  8). 
The  booksellers,  the  tonsores,  and  slave-dealers,  had  all  their  booths. 
The  wine-shops  played  a  principal  part.  Respecting  those  tabernae, 
which  were  not  included  in  the  area  of  the  house,  but  only  abutted 
on  it,  see  above. 


IL]  TUE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  2G7 


CELLARS 

were  named  hypogcea  (concamerationes).  Vitruv.  vi.  8;  Isidor. 
xv.  3,  apogeum.  They  were  vaulted,  and  used  for  various  purposes. 
In  the  villa  of  Diomed  at  Pompeii  (and  also  in  the  house  of  the 
Anchor),  there  is  a  row  of  such  cellars,  to  which  one  descends,  on 
both  flanks  of  the  main  building.  At  the  entrance  on  the  right, 
eighteen  skeletons  were  discovered,  and  several  ornaments.  A 
number  of  amphora,  filled  with  ashes,  still  lie  where  they  were 
found.] 

UPPER    STORY.  ' 

The  ground-floor  was  the  principal  part  of  the  building,  and 
served  as  the  regular  place  of  abode.  The  apartments  above  them 
went  by  the  common  name,  ccenacula.  Varro,  supra  :  Posteaquam 
in  superior e parte  ccenitare  caperant,  superior  domus  imiversa  ccena- 
cula  dicta.  Festus,  42  :  Ccenacula  dicuntur,  ad  quce  scalis  ascenditur. 
Hence,  too,  Jupiter  says,  jocularly,  Plaut.  Amph.  iii.  1,  3 :  In  su- 
periore  qui  habito  ccenaculo.  [So  Ennius  in  Tertullian,  adv,  Valent. 
7 :  ccenacula  maxima  cozli.  Sen.  JEp.  90.  The  different  stories 
were  called  tabidataJ]  As  the  lower  divisions  of  the  house  were  of 
different  heights,  and  in  some  instances  received  light  from  above, 
it  was  impossible  to  have  an  unbroken  succession  in  the  upper 
rooms ;  to  connect  which,  several  flights  of  steps  were  therefore 
requisite :  proof  of  this  has  been  discovered  at  Pompeii.  Occa- 
sionallv,  too,  these  stairs  ascended  from  the  street  outside.  Liv. 
xxxix.  14  :  Consul  rogat  socrum,  ut  aliquam  partem  csdium  vacuum 
faccrct,  quo  Hispala  immigrarct.  Canaeulum  super  cedes  datum  est, 
scalis  ferentibus  in  publicum  obseratis,  aditu  in  cedes  verso.  [Ulp. 
Dig.  xliii.  17,  3,  §  7.  Under  these  steps  was  a  good  hiding-place. 
Cic.  p.  Mil.,  in  scalarum  se  latebras  abdidit.  Hor.  Ejjist.  ii.  2,  15.] 
Above  these  ccenacula,  or  over  the  ground-floor,  terraces  were  laid 
out,  and  planted  with  trees,  shrubs,  and  flowers.  In  the  early 
periods  these  may  have  stood  in  tubs  filled  with  earth,  but  after- 
wards they  undoubtedly  had  regular  gardens  on  the  pavement. 
These  roof-gardens  were  called 

SOLARIA ; 

a  name  which  is,  however,  of  more  extensive  signification,  and 
denotes  generally  a  place  where  we  can  enjoy  the  warmth  of  the 
sun.  [Isidor.  xv.  3,  solaria,  quia  patent  soli.  Ulp.  Dig.  viii.  2, 17  ; 
Haut.  Mü.    Glor.  ii.  3,  69 ;    Macrob.   Sat.  ii.  4.]      Seneca  (Conti: 


2G8  THE    ROM  AX   HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

Exc.  v.  5)  testifies  to  what  an  excess  this  pleasant  custom  was 
carried,  ahmt  in  summis  culmhiibus  mentita  nemora  et  navigabilium 
piscinarum  freta.  Sen.  Ep.  122  :  Non  mvuni  contra  naturam,  qui 
pomaria  in  summis  turribus  serunt  ?  quorum  silcce  in  tectis  domorum 
ac  fastigiis  nutant,  hide  ortis  radicibus  quo  improbe  cacumina  egis- 
sent  f  The  solaria  huilt  hy  Nero  in  front  of  the  houses  and  insula, 
and  resting  on  piazzas,  were  somewhat  similar.  Suet.  Nero,  l(j  : 
Formam  cedificiorum  Urbis  novain  excogitarit,  et  ut  ante  insulas  ac 
domos  portions  essent,  de  quorum  solariis  incendia  arcerentur.  Tacit. 
Ann.  xv.  4,  3,  refers  to  insulae  only.  These  solaria  were  prohahly 
not  much  unlike  our  balconies.     Comp.  Winkelm.  W.  i.  391. 


[PERGUL^E,  MONTANA,  PODIA. 

These  were  a  sort  of  projecting  balcony.  Pergula  (from  per  go, 
as  regula  from  rego)  answered,  on  the  ground-floor,  to  our  project- 
ing shop-front,  and  above,  to  a  bow  or  balcony.  Plin.  H.  X.  xxxv. 
10,  36.  (Apelles)  perfecta  opera  proponebat  pergula  transeuntibus,  cli- 
que post  ipsam  tabulam  latens,  vitia  quce  notarentur  auseuliabat.  Lucil. 
in  Lactant.  i.  22.  Ulp.  Dig.  ix.  3,  5:  Cum  pictor  hi  pergula  clipeum 
vel  tabulam  exposition  habuisset.  Herodian.  vii.  12.  Hence  the  whole 
room  or  shop  was  called  pergula.  Ulp.  Dig.,  tabernulam,  pergulnm. 
To  the  pergula  of  the  upper  story  Pliny  refers,  xxi.  3,  6  :  Fulrius 
e  pergula  sua  in  forum  prospcxisse  dictus.  Lastly,  pergula  meant, 
generally,  any  light,  airy  chamber.  Petron.  Fragm.  Trag.  74. 
Suet.  Aug.  94:  In  pergulis  mathematici  artem  suam  profitebantur . 

The  mamiana  were  likewise  parts  projecting  beyond  the  walls 
of  the  house.  Javol.  Dig.  IG,  242  ;  Vitruv.  v.  1 ;  Fest.  p.  134. 
Appellata  sunt  a  Mcenio  censore,  qui  primus  in  foro  ultra  columnas 
tigna  projecit.  See  Nonius,  ii.  112.  In  later  times  they  seem  to 
have  been  merely  projecting  roofs,  just  like  the  solaria.  Arum. 
Marc,  xxvii.  9  ;  Salmas.  ad  Spart.  Pesc.  12. 

Of  the  podia  less  is  known.  They  are  often  mentioned  in 
theatres,  only  once  in  a  private  house.  Plin.  Ep.  v.  6,  22 :  Est  et 
aliud  cubiculum,  marmore  excultum  podio  tcuus.  It  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  a  balcony. 

ROOFING. 

The  roofs  were  mostly  flat  (with  the  solaria,  mentioned  above). 
But  there  were  also  sloping  roofs,  pectinata,  with  two  long  and  two 
short  sides.  Fest.  p.  213  :  Peetinatum  tectum  dicitur  a  simililudine 
pectinis  in  ducts  partes  devexum,  id  testudinatum  in  quatuor.     At  the 


Scene  IL]  THE   ROMAN   HOUSE.  269 

two  ends  of  this  sort  of  roof  there  were  either  little  slanting  roofs 
terminating  in  a  point,  or  gahles  running  up  from  the  ground ; 
without  any  triangular  tympanum.  So  that  private  houses  had,  in 
this  sense,  fastigia,  as  well  as  the  temples.  Cic.  ad  Quint.  Fr.  iii. 
1,  4.  The  regular  fastigia,  with  their  abundance  of  ornaments, 
and  quite  separated  from  the  wall  of  the  house,  were  peculiar  to 
temples,  state-buildings,  and  palaces.  Caesar  first  obtained  this 
right  by  a  decree  of  the  Senate.  Flor.  iv.  2;  Plut.  Cess.  91;  Suet. 
Cats.  81  ;  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  43. 

The  tecta  testudinata,  sloped  on  all  Tour  sides,  with  no  gable, 
and  suited  best  for  square  houses.  Col.  xii.  5.  But  a  roof  of  this 
hind,  of  smaller  dimensions,  was  also  over  the  cavsedium.  See 
above.  Conic  roofs  are  only  mentioned  by  Sidon.  Apoll.  Ep.  ii.  2, 
apice  in  toman  cacuminato.  Conn,  xviii.  8.  Salmasius  {Spart,  and 
Exerc.  Plin.  p.  853)  erroneously  applies  the  name  trichorum  to 
gable  roofs.  Stat.  Silv.  i.  3,  57,  partitis  distantia  tecta  trichoris. 
Spart.  Peso.  Nig.  12.  But  trichorum  (according  to  the  analogy  of 
fi>lri>X<»poe,  (TTev6x<»poQ,  etc.)  can  ouly  mean  a  room  with  three  divi- 
sions, and  not  with  three  corners.  Hence  Casaubon  explained  it 
to  be  a  house  with  three  wings  ;  others,  a  room  with  three  par- 
titions ;  and  others,  a  house  of  three  stories.  But  none  of  these 
seem  suitable.  See  Hand  ad  Stat.  Silv.  i.  3,  39.  It  is  difficult  to 
know  what  is  meant  by  tectum  deliciatum.  Paul.  Diac.  p.  73  : 
Delicia  est  tignum,  quod  a  culmine  adtegulas  angular  es  infimas  versus 
fastigdtum  collocatur. 

Suggrunda,  or  more  generally  protecta,  and  projecta,  also  pro- 
clinata,  were  eaves.  Ulp.  Dig.  ix.  2,  29,  and  ix.  3,  5,  where  a  frag- 
ment of  the  praetor's  edict  is  cited,  ne  qui*  in  suggrunda  protectove 
id  positum  habeat  cujus  casus  nocere  cui  possit.  The  ancient  cavsedia 
had  such  roofs  round  them  (imminentibus  tectis,  Plin.  Ep.  ii.  17,4). 

The  flat  roofs  had  a  firm  pavement  of  stucco,  stone,  or  metal. 
The  sloping  ones  were  covered  with  straw  and  shingles,  later,  with 
tiles,  slates,  and  metal.  The  hut  of  Romulus  reminded  one  of  the 
most  ancient  times.  Vitruv.  ii.  1,  5  ;  comp.  Virg.  JEn.  viii.  654 ; 
Ovid.  Fast.  199.  Shingles  are  mentioned  by  Pliny,  //.  Ar.  xvi.  10, 
15:  Scandal  a  contectam  fuisse  liomam  ad  Pyrrhi usque  bellum,  annis 
cccclxx.  C.  Ncpos  auctor  est.  Isidor.  xix.  19.  The  tiles  were  either 
flat  or  hollow,  tegula  or  imbrices;  Isidor.  xiv.  8;  Non.  ii.  433; 
Plaut.  Mil.  Glor.  ii.  6,  24.  But  tegula  stands  for  all  sorts  of  tiles. 
Vitruv.  ii.  1,  7,  8  ;  Juv.  iii.  201  ;  and  fcegulse  for  a  roof,  generally, 
Suet.  Gramm.  9,  sub  tegulis  habitant.  Cic.  Phil.,  per  tegulas.  The 
hollow  tiles,  in  the  corners,  to  carry  oil'  the  water,  were  called 
tegula  collicia.     Paul.  Diac.  illicium.     Cato,  it.  R.  14.     Hence  the 


270  THE   ROMAN    HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

furrows  of  the  plough  were  named  collicia?,  by  which  the  water 
was  carried  into  the  canals.  Col.  ii.  8.  The  terminal  imbrices  had 
ornamented  fronts,  imbrices  extremti  or  frontati  (originally  only  on 
the  temples).  Plin.  H.  N.  xxxv.  12,  43.  Numbers  of  old  tegulse 
have  been  found  at  Puteoli  and  Pompeii,  some  with  inscriptions 
(literatse),  shewing  the  name  of  the  maker  or  the  place  ;  as  ex  of 

(ficina) op(us)i/'[iglinum]  exprcediis  Cosince.     Metal  roofing  is 

mentioned,  Orell.  Inscr.  3272,  tegulas  ceneas  auratas.  Diavol.  Dig. 
16,  242.  The  beams,  spars,  and  laths,  e.  g.  the  ambrices  and 
asseres,  for  carrying  the  tiles  (Paul.  Diac.  16),  will  not  be  further 
discussed.  The  space  under  the  roof  was  sometimes  used  as  a 
hiding-place,  as  is  remarked  by  Müller  and  Welcher,  who  cites 
Tac.  Ann.  iv.  69  ;  Val.  Max.  vi.  7,  2.] 

THE    REMAINING    ARRANGEMENTS. 

Having  gone  through  the  different  parts  of  the  house,  we  must 
now  briefly  mention  the  remainder  of  the  buildings,  and  the  in- 
ternal arrangements.  Many  of  the  objects,  however,  come  under 
the  head  of  works  of  art,  and  as  they  are  sufficiently  discussed  in 
another  place,  a  few  hints  and  references  may  here  suffice. 

FLOOR. 

The  floor,  solum,  was  never  boarded,  although  Statius,  in  the 
Sphceristerium  of  Etruscus,  according  to  the  present  text,  mentions 
planks,  tabulata,  Silv.  i.  5,  57. 

Quid  nunc  strata  solo  referam  tabulata,  crepantes 

Auditura  pilas. 
But  the  proper  reading  is  tubulata,  as  is  evident  from  the  words 
following.     Comp.  Plin.  Ep.  ii.  17,  9 ;  Sen.  Ep.  90. 

It  usually  consisted  of  pavement  of  rubble,  pavimentum  (rude- 
ratio,  opus  ruderatum).  [Plin.  H.  N.  xxxvi.  25,  61 ;  Vitruv.  vii. 
1  ;  Varro,  R.  R.  i.  51.  The  floor  was  also  laid  with  bricks,  or,  at 
least,  the  rubble  was  mixed  with  pieces  of  brick,  pavimentum  or 
opus  testaceum,  also  ostracus  and  signianum.  Plin.  ib. ;  Vitr.  ib. ; 
Isidor.  xix.  10  ;  Plin.  xxxv.  46 :  Fractis  testis  utendo  sic,  idfirmius 
durent  tusis  calce  addita,  quce  vocant  signina.  One  particular  sort  of 
brick-floor  was  called  testaceum  spicatum  (ear-shaped).  Vitr.  vii. 
1,  4.]  This  probably  led  to  laying  the  floor  with  slab-work,  [pavi- 
mentum, XiOöerptoTui'  in  a  wider  sense,  viz.  large  four-cornered 
pieces  of  white  or  coloured  marble.  Tibull.  iii.  3,  16,  marmoreum 
solum.      Suet.  Ner.  50,  solum  porphyretici  marmoris.     Sen.  Ep.  90; 


Scene  II.]  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  271 

Pallad.  i.  9.  So  the  atrium,  in  the  house  of  the  Tragic  poet,  was 
laid  with  white  marble.  This  was  often  the  case  in  the  labra  and 
piscina  of  the  baths.  Besides  this,  there  were  two  finer  sorts 
of  slab-work,  viz.  pavim.  sectile  and  tesselatum.  Vitruv.  vii.  1,  3, 
she  sectilia  seu  tesseris.  Suet.  Cces.  40.  Pallad.  i.  9,  mentions  all 
four  sorts,  vel  testaceum  (i.e.  of  baked  earth),  vel  marmora,  vel  tes- 
seras  aid  seutidas.  The  pav.  sectile  was  composed  of  small  pieces 
of  differently-coloured  marble,  either  squares,  or  in  the  shape  of 
diamonds  and  polygons.  Vitruv.  vii.  1,  4,  quadratics  seu  favis,  i.  e. 
hexagons  or  circular.     Juv.  si.  173  : 

Qui  Lacedsemonium  pytismate  lubricat  orbem."' 
Stat.  Sih:  ii.  2,  88.]  Such  floors  ought  not  to  be  called  '  mosaic,' 
for  in  that  figures  are  constructed  of  a  number  of  single  pieces 
placed  together  ;  but,  of  themselves,  representing  nothing.  Here  it 
is  different :  for  the  separate  pieces  are  each  of  them  complete 
figures  carved  out  of  marble,  and  consequently,  this  is  onlv  an  in- 
genious specimen  of  opus  sectile.  [The  second  kind,  pavim.  tesse- 
latum,  was  the  real  mosaic,  composed  of  small  variously-coloured 
four-cornered  stones.  Vitruv.  ib.;  Sen.  qu.  Nat.  vi.  31 ;  Plin.  H.  N. 
xxxvii.  10,  54.  This  art  came  to  Rome  in  the  sixth  centurv 
from  its  foundation.  Plin.  xxxvi.  25,  61.  Cic.  Orat.  44,  who  quotes 
Lucilius : 

ut  tesserulse  omnes 
Arte,  pavimento  atque  emblemate  vermieulato. 
Isidor.  xix.  14.  The  more  perfect  this  art  became,  the  distinction 
between  coarse  and  fine  mosaic,  between  the  tesselarii  and  musivarii, 
grew  stronger.  The  tesselatum  denoted  the  coarser  mosaic,  or  com- 
bination of  stones  in  geometric  forms,  so  as  to  make  stars,  flowers, 
and  other  figures  ;  whilst  musicum  was  the  finer  mosaic,  imitating 
painting.  The  first  required  only  care  and  workmanlike  dexteritv, 
the  other  a  knowledge  of  drawing,  shading,  and  perspective.  The 
word  musivum  occurs  first  in  Spart.  Pesc.  JVii/.  0. 

The  small  slips  of  divers  colours  {crustce  vermieulato;,  ad  effigiem 
rerum  et  animaUum,  Plin.  xxxv.  1, 1)  were  of  clay,  glass,  marble,  or 
other  sorts  of  valut  ble  stoue.  Plin.  xxxvi.  25,  mentions  the  first, 
asaroton.     Stat.  Sih:  i.  3,  54  : 

varias  ubi  picta  per  artes 
Gaudet  humus  superare  novis  asarota  figuris. 

Glass,  riin.  04  ;  agate,  beryl,  onyx,  Appul.  Met.  v.  p.  159.  Sen.  Up. 
86:    Eo   deliciarum  pervenimus,  ut    nisi  gemma*  calcare  nolimus. 

Lucan.  x.  114 ;  Claud.  Epithal.  Hon.  90. 

Zahn  has  shewn  that  the  use  of  stone  for  mosaic  was  older  than 
that  of  glass      In  a  house  at  Pompeii  two  thousand  coloured  slips 


272  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

of  marble  were  found  on  one  square  foot;  and  in  another,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  to  the  square  inch.]  Gurlitt,  Ueber  die  Mosaik. 
Archceol.  Sehr.  159;  Minutoli  and  Klaproth,  Ueb.  antike  Glasmosaik; 
Ottfr.  Mueller,  Archceol.  438;  Steinbuech.e\,Alterthumswissensch.  24, 
give  specimens  of  antique  parqueterie  and  mosaic ;  D'Agincourt, 
Histoire  de  I Art,  v.  tab.  13  ;  Zahn,  in  his  beautiful  work,  Die 
schönsten  Ornamente  und  Gemälde  aus  Herkul.  und  Pomp. ;  Marini, 
tab.  15,  87.  The  most  important  of  all  known  antique  mosaic 
paintings,  is  that  of  the  battle  of  Alexander,  discovered  in  Pompeii, 
24th  Oct.  1831.  Mus.  Barb.  viii.  t.  36—45.  [Others  think  it  a 
battle  between  Romans  and  Celts  ;  others  the  victory  of  Attalus  I. 
at  Pergamus. 

Mosaics  were  chiefly  used  for  adorning  the  floor.  There  are 
some  pillars  in  Pompeii  inlaid  with  coloured  glass.  Several  foun- 
tains are  also  adorned  with  rich  mosaics,  but  without  figures.  It 
was  not  till  the  end  of  the  Emperors  that  the  walls  and  ceilings 
were  inlaid  with  mosaics.] 

THE   WALLS. 

The  inner  walls  of  the  rooms,  saloons,  and  colonnades  (in  ancient 
times  probably  only  [rough-cast,  trusillati,  and]  whitewashed  [deal- 
bati,  Cic.  Verr.  i.  55])  were  covered  with  marble  slabs,  or  artificial 
marble.  Mamurra  (in  the  time  of  Catullus)  was,  according  to  Pliny, 
the  first  to  set  an  example  of  such  luxury  in  his  house  (H.  N. 
xxxvii.  6,  7)  :  Primum  Romce  parietes  crusta  marmoris  operuisse  to- 
tius  domus  sucein  Ccelio  monte  Cornelius  Nepos  tradidit  Mamurram, 
[Sen.  Ep.  86,  115  ;  Isidor.  xix.  13.]  The  ancients  were  so  expe- 
rienced in  the  construction  of  imitation  marble,  that  the  tectores 
and  marmorarii  could  even  saw  slabs  of  it  out  of  the  wall  again, 
and  use  them  for  tables.  Vitr.  vii.  3.  Paintings,  however,  were 
much  more  common  as  a  decoration  for  the  walls  ;  and  even  in  the 
more  insignificant  abodes  of  Pompeii  and  Herculaneum,  we  meet 
with  this  cheerful  ornament.  This  is  not  the  place  for  inquiring 
when  the  ancients  began  to  paint  on  the  bare  walls.  The  question 
has  been  much  discussed,  but  the  criticisms  on  both  sides  afford 
ample  room  for  emendation.  The  testimony  of  Pliny  (xxxv.  10,  37) 
is  important  as  far  as  regards  private  houses.  [Pliny  does  not  fix 
the  commencement  of  Roman  fresco  painting  in  private  houses  in 
the  time  of  Augustus ;  but  only  of  landscape  painting  ;  so  that 
fresco  must  be  assumed  to  have  been  older.]  This  kind  of  paint- 
ing had  been  long  adopted  in  Greece  before  any  such  ornament 
had  been  thought  of  in  Rome.  The  subjects  of  these  wall-paint- 
ings were  very  varied,  from  grand  historical  compositions  down  to 


Scene  II.]  THE   ROMAN    HOUSE.  273 

still-life,  Xenia  and  Arabesque.  See  Yitruv.  vii.  ö.  Zahn,  Gell, 
Mazois,  Gore,  the  Mus.  2?<w&.,  give  most  interesting  evidence  upon 
the  subject.  They  painted  [partly  in  monochromatic,  Plin.  H.  X. 
xxxt.  5.  11 ;  partiv  in  various  colours]  less  frequently  on  wet  mor- 
tar, al  fresco  (itdo  illinere  colores,  Plin.  xxxv.  7,  31 :  colores  udotecto- 
rio  inducere,  Yitr.  vii.  3,  7),  than  on  a  dry  ground  in  distemper,  a 
tempera.  See  YVinkelni.  TV.  v.  197.  The  ground  itself  was  often 
al  fresco,  the  rest  a  tempera.  [Originally  they  had  four  ground  col- 
ours (Cic.  Brtit.  18  ;  Plin.  xxxv.  32),  viz..  white  (theMelian  earth 
and  prcetonium),  red  (rubrica,  from  Cappadocia  or  Sinopis,  and 
minium),  yellow  (sil,  best  from  Attica),  and  black  (atramentum). 
But  as  fresco  painting  grew  more  common  in  Italy,  more  brilliant 
and  expensive  colours  were  used.  Plin.  xxxv.  12,  colores  austert 
(i.  e.  the  four  old  ones,  autfloridi  (the  new).  Floridi  sunt  chrysocoUa 
(green  from  copper), purpurissimum  (ecreta  argentaria  cumpurpuris 
pariter  tingitur),  indicum  ( indigo),  cinnabari (cinnabar  ),ceeruleum  (an 
artificial  imitation  of  the  Alexandrian,  made  at  Puteoli),  &c.  Yitr. 
vii.  7 — 14:  Isidor.  xix.  17.  The  walls  were  divided  into  compart- 
ments of  different  sizes,  which  were  encircled  with  very  tasteful 
arabesques,  compared  by  YVinkelmann  to  the  most  beautiful  in 
Raphael's  loggias.  The  ground-colours  of  the  centre  compart- 
ments and  edgings  are  generally  red  and  black ;  red  and  yellow  ; 
and  also  blue  ;  green  and  yellow  :  brownish  black  and  green;  green 
and  red.  The  colouring  is  always  veiy  decided  (Yitruv.  vii.  5,  8)  ; 
the  contrasts  between  the  dark  and  bright  tints  very  striking. 

The  ornaments  of  the  centre  fields  varied  considerably.  Yitruv. 
vii.  5.  antiqui  imitati  sunt primumcrustc irum  marmorearum  carietates 
et  coflocationes ;  deinde  coronarum  et  süaeeorwm  emeorum  variasdis- 
tribtctiones.  So  that  wall-painting  began  with  the  imitation  of  marble 
walls.  Yitruvius  then  mentions  four  kinds  :  1.  Architectural  views, 
<edificiorumfigura&  coin mnarumque proj'ecturas.  2.  Representations  of 
theatres,  scenarvm  f routes  tragico  more  ant  comico.  3.  Landscapes, 
pinguntur  porttts,  promontoria,  Jittora,  ßumina,  fontes,  luci,  montes, 
pecora,  pastures.  The  inventor  of  this  landscape  painting  is  said  by 
Plin.  |  xxxv.  37)  to  have  been  Ludius,  in  the  time  of  Augustus.  4. 
Historical  compositions,  pictures  of  gods,  mythological  scenes,  sacri- 
fices, >!v:c.,  Hern  megalographiam  habentem  deorum  simulacra,  seufabu- 
larum  disposüiones,non  minus  Trqjanas pugnas,  st  u  Ulyssis  errationes. 
The  paintings  discovered  at  Pompeii  afford  apt  illustrations  of  all 
the  above  different  kinds.  The  composition  of  the  architectural 
paintings  is  light  and  airy.  They  are  richly  decorated  with  wreaths 
of  flowers,  birds,  &c.  :  and  evince  much  taste  and  fancy.  Yitruvius 
censures  rather  too  bitterly  this  taste  for  architectural  drawings,  to 

T 


274  THE    ROMAN    HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

the  neglect  of  nature.  Numbers  of  warm  and  animated  landscapes 
have  likewise  been  found,  suck  as  hunting  scenes,  waterfalls,  and 
gardens ;  though  they  are  not  equal  to  the  otkers,  tke  bistoric 
paintings  are  often  very  grand.  Tkus  tke  suckling  of  Telepkus  in 
tke  presence  of  Hercules  and  Ompkale  ;  tke  taking  away  of  Briseis 
at  tke  command  of  Ackilles  ;  and  in  tke  kouse  of  tke  tragic  poet, 
Ariadne  at  Naxos  ;  Perseus  and  Andromeda ;  tke  education  of  Bac- 
ckus,  and  kis  victories ;  Hercules  and  Ompkale;  and  an  Hermapkro- 
dite,  wkick,  in  colouring,  resembles  Titian.  Of  Gods,  Mars  and 
Venus  occur  oftenest.  Tke  floating  figures  in  tke  centre  of  tke 
compartments  are  replete  witk  grace  and  beauty ;  suck  as  fawns, 
bacchantes,  lute-players,  genii,  dancing  girls.  In  the  villa  of  Cicero 
at  Pompeii,  discovered  1749,  tkere  are  twelve  dancing  girls,  floating 
on  a  dark  ground  ;  fleet,  says  Winkelmann,  as  thought,  and  as  lovely 
as  if  they  had  been  drawn  by  the  hand  of  the  Graces.  Many  others 
are  conspicuous  for  the  graceful  flow  of  the  dress  and  harmonious 
colouring.  Tke  ligkt  and  grouping  is,  in  many  instances,  worthy  of 
commendation.  After  this  last  class  come  scenes  of  domestic  life, 
genre,  and  still-life  paintings  (puiroypaq ia  opposed  to  /.uyaXoypaQia); 
suck  as  tke  kousekold  occupation  in  tke  fidlonica  (see  Excurs.  II. 
Sc.  8) ;  battles  of  gladiators  (Plin.  xxxv.  33)  ;  fisk,  fruits  (called 
Xenia,  Pkilostr.  i.  31  ;  Vitruv.  vi.  7,  4),  game,  lascivious  scenes. 
Suet.  Tib.  43  ;  Ovid.  Trist,  ii.  521.  Encaustic  painting  (Plin.  xxxv. 
39)  was  not  used  to  decorate  tke  walls],  tkougk  ornaments  in  relief 
seem  to  have  been  so.  Such  at  least  is  the  interpretation  put  on 
Cic.  Att.  i.  10  :  Prceterea  typos  tibi  manch,  quos  in  tectorio  atrioli 
possini  incladere,  S.  Visconti,  Mus.  Pio-Clem.  iv.  Praf. 

Tke  common  opinion  tkat  tke  ancients  were  not  in  tke  kabit  of 
flxino-  mirrors  against  the  walls,  or  tkat  at  least  tke  custom  was  of 
a  late  date,  requires  correction.  Hand-mirrors  were  no  doubt  used 
in  a  general  way,  and  tke  costliness  of  tke  material  was  sufficient 
cause,  at  any  rate  in  more  ancient  times,  for  not  kaving  mirrors  of 
large  dimensions.  But  wkere  larger  ones  are  spoken  of,  we  must 
not  at  once  conclude  tkat  tkey  are  necessarily  wall-mirrors.  Tkus 
Seneca  {Quest.  Nat.  i.  17,)  mentions  specula  totis  corporibus  paria, 
but  be  appears  to  kave  meant  only  moveable  looking-glasses,  witk 
feet,  perkaps  to  allow  of  their  being  moved  about.  It  is  going  too 
far,  entirely  to  deny  tke  use  of  wall-mirrors,  and  tkere  are  some 
distinct  passages  wkick  can  be  adduced  in  contradiction  to  tkis 
prejudice.  Wken  Vitruvius  (vii.  3,  10,)  says,  ipsaque  tectoria  aba- 
eorum  et  speculorum  circa  se  prominentes  habent  expressiones ;  tkis 
will  not  be  allowed  as  a  proof,  because  abacus  is  understood  to  be 
tke  square,  and  speculum  tke  round  panel,  wkick  kad  a  frame-like 


Scene  IL]  THE    ROMAX   HOUSE.  275 

border,  but  yet  could  be  regular  tectorium.  It  is,  however,  evident 
from  Pliny  (xxxvi.  26,  67,)  that  these  specula  were  composed  of 
plates  of  different  kinds  of  substances,  polished  to  serve  as  mirrors. 
In  genere  vitri  et  obsidiana  numerantur,  ad  simüitudinem  lapidis, 
quem  in  -Ethiopia  invenit  Obsidius,  nigerrimi  colon'*,  aliquando  et 
transluddi,  crassiore  visu,  atque  in  speculis  parietum  pro  imagine 
umbras  reddente. 

Vitruvius  also  mentions  mirrors  actually  suspended  (ix.  0). 
Ctesibius  enimfuerat  Alexandrite  natu*  poire  tonsore;  is  ingenio  et 
industria  magna  prater  reliquos  exceUens  dictus  est  artificiosis  rebus 
se  delevtare.  Namque  cum  wluisset  in  taberna  sui patris  speculum  ita 
pendere,  at,  cam  duceretur  sursumque  reduceretur,  linea  latens  pondxis 
deduceret,  ita  coUocavit  machinationem.  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  9,  re- 
cords a  speculum  parieti  affixum.  Comp.  Isid.  Orig.  xvi.  15  ;  Salm. 
ad  Vopisc.  Firm.  694 ;  and  respecting-  the  material  used  for  the 
mirrors,  as  well  as  the  question,  whether  the  ancients  had  them  of 
glass  or  not,  see  Beckmann,  Beitr.  z.  Gesch.  d.  Erfind,  iii.  467. 

THE   CEILINGS 

were  originally  composed  only  of  boards  laid  over  the  beams,  but 
to  give  them  a  more  elegant  appearance,  a  grate,  as  it  were,  of 
rafters  was  constructed,  so  that  sunk  panels  arose,  lacus,  lacunar, 
laquear  [and  the  wood-work  was  painted,  or  overlaid  with  costly 
materials,  Sen.  Ep.  95  :  auro  tecta  perfundimus].  These  lacunaria 
afterwards  received  a  variety  of  ornament  in  stucco,  and  were  also 
inlaid  with  ivory  and  gilded,  as  in  the  temples.  [Plin.  II.  N.  xxxiii. 

3,  18 ;  Hör.  Od.  ii.  18,  1 : 

Nun  ebur  neque  aureum 
Mea  renidet  in  domo  lacunar. 
Lucan.  x.  112.     The  artists  were  called  laquearii.  Cod.Theod.  xiii. 

4,  2.]  These  panels  were  in  process  of  time  covered  over,  and  the 
ceiling  painted,  specimens  of  which  are  given  in  Zahn,  t.  27,  67. 
Ceilings  were  also  made  of  rushes,  and  called  camerce,  for  the  con- 
struction of  which  rules  are  laid  down  by  Vitruv.  viii.  3.  [Among 
the  luxuries  of  a  later  age,  was  a  sort  of  ceiling  for  the  dining- 
rooms,  which  was  raised,  or  let  down  by  secret  machinery.  Sen. 
Ep.  90  and  88:  peg  mat  a  per  se  surgentia,  et  tabulate  tacite  in  sublime 

*ia..    Suet.  Ner.  31,  tabula  Versailles. 

THE  DOORS. 

The  doors  have  already  been  discussed.  There  were  not  doors 
to  all  the  rooms,  though  the  cellae,  hibernacula,  and  dormitoria  of 
course  had  them.     Hence  at  Pompeii,  there  are  often  no  traces  of 

T  2 


276  THE   ROMAN    HOUSE.  [Excurscs  I. 

hinges.  The  place  of  the  door  was  often  supplied  by  a  hanging, 
velum,  aideea,  cento,  -xapaTrkraana  [the  iron  rings  and  pole  of  which 
are  to  be  met  with  at  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii].  Lamprid.  Alex. 
4  •  Heliog.  14 ;  veil  cubicularis,  quod  in  introüu  erat.  Sen.  Ep.  80  ; 
Plin.  Ep.  ii.  17 ;  Petron.  7.  Hence,  among  the  domestics  of  the 
domus  Augusta,  were  the  velarii  or  a  velis.  The  assertion  of  Bötti- 
ger, that  the  ancients  had  almost  all  their  chambers  in  the  interior 
of  their  houses  shut  in  with  hangings  only,  is  refuted  by  Terence, 
Eun.  iii.  5,  55  ;  Heard,  v.  1,  33  ;  Pkormio,  v.  6,  G6,  &c.  Sometimes 
curtains,  as  well  as  doors,  were  hung  over  the  entrance.  Suet. 
Claud.  10.  Sidon.  ApoU.  iv.  Ep.  24,  says  of  one  who  lived  very 
unassumingly,  tripodes  settee,  Cilicum  vela  foribus  appensa,  lectus 
n'hil  hohem  plumes.  Tacit.  Ann.  xiii.  5  ;  Poll.  x.  7,  32.  Martial 
alludes  to  such  a  door-curtain,  1,  35, 5 ;  comp.  xi.  45.  The  windows 
also  had  curtains,  besides  shutters. 

WINDOWS. 

If  we  were  to  judge  by  the  houses  in  Pompeii,  we  must  conclude 
that  the  houses  of  the  ancients  had  no  windows  at  all  looking  into 
the  street,  for  this  is  the  case  there,  and  when  an  exception  does 
occur,  the  window  is  placed  so  high,  that  it  is  quite  impossible 
either  to  look  in  or  out,  without  mounting  to  a  considerable  height. 
The  ground-floor  being  surrounded  with  tabernte,  or,  in  their  ab- 
sence, by  porticus  and  ambulationes,  it  naturally  had  no  windows.  In 
the  upper  stories  the  case  must  have  been  otherwise.  Doubtless 
there  were  windows  looking  thence  into  the  street,  just  as  well  as 
at  Athens.  See  Charicles.  Hence  they  are  often  mentioned  by 
ancient  authors.  Passages,  such  as  Tibul.  ii.  6,  39,  ab  excelsa  pree- 
ceps  delapsa  fenestra,  it  is  true,  demonstrate  nothing,  as  we  do  not 
know  in  what  sense  he  was  speaking.  But  Liv.  i.  41,  is  decisive : 
(Tanaquil)  ex  snperiore  parte  eedium  per  fenestras  poptdum  allo- 
quitur.  So  Dionys.  iv.  5,  and  Juv.  iii.  270,  of  the  dangers  that 
threatened  in  the  streets  of  Rome  : 

Respice  nunc  alia  ac  diversa  pericula  noctis : 
Quod  spatium  tectis  sublimibus,  unde  cerebrum 
Testa  ferit,  quoties  rimosa  et  curta  fenestris 
Vasa  cadant !  quanto  percussum  pondere  signent 
Et  laedant  silicem. 
Hence  are  explained  such  passages  as  Horace,  i.  25  :  Pa  reins  junctas 
quatiunt  fenestras,  and  the  beautiful  picture  in  Propertius,  iv.  7, 15 : 
Jamne  tibi  exciderunt  vigilacis  furta  Suburaj 

Et  mea  nocturnis  trita  fenestra  dobs  ? 
Per  quam  demisso  quoties  tibi  fune  pependi, 
Alterna  veniens  in  tua  colla  manu. 


Scene  II.]  THE   ROMAN   HOUSE.  2 1  I 

Martial  (i.  87)  says  :  Vicinus  mens  est,  manuque  tangi  De  nostris 
Novvus  potest  fenestris,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  we  are  to  imagine 
an  angiportus  or  the  windows  of  one  house.  More  definite  testi- 
mony to  the  custom  in  Greece,  is  found  in  Aristoph.  Seeks.  961, 
where  the  youth  says  to  the  maiden  at  the  window,  Karadpapovoa 
rav  bvpai'  ävogov.  Livy  also  says  (xxiv.  21):  pars procurritin  vias, 
pars  in  vestibidis  stat,  pars  ex  tectis  fenestrisque  prospectant,  et  quid 
rei  sit  rogitant.  In  the  Mostellaria  of  Plautus,  iv.  2,  27,  where 
slaves  wish  to  fetch  away  their  master,  and  Theuropides  asks :  quid 
oolunt  ?  quid  mtrospectant  f  nobody  would  suppose  that  he  alluded 
to  crevices  in  the  door,  or  a  key-hole.  So  also  Yitruv.  t.  6:  comicce 
autem  (sceas&)<sd^ciorumprivatorum  et  menianorum  habent  speciem, 
prospectusque  fenestris  dispositos  imitations  communium  eedifieiorum 
rationibus.  And  how  are  we  otherwise  to  explain  the  orders  of  the 
police,  (Dig.  ix.  tit.  3,)  de  his  qui  effuderint  vel  dejecerint.  But  we 
must  consider  the  windows  to  have  been  both  small  (hence  called 
rimce,  Cic.  ad  Alt.  ii.  3)  and  placed  high.  They  had  also  sometimes 
gratings,  elathri.  Plaut.  Mil.  ii.  4,  25  ;  YVinkelm.  W.  ii.  250.  Most 
of  the  smaller  apartments,  and  those  lying  around  the  eavum  tsdium, 
received  only  a  scanty  light  through  the  doors  ;  the  larger  on.es,  as 
already  mentioned,  through  openings  in  the  roof. 

In  more  ancient  times,  it  is  possible  that  the  windows  were  un- 
fastened openings,  at  the  most  secured  by  shutters  [or  vela,  Plin. 
Dp.  vii.  21.  In  some  store-rooms  with  nets.  Varro,  JR.  R.  iii.  7: 
fenestris  reticidatis.     Thus,  at  least,  is  best  explained,  Ovid.  Am. 

'i.  5. 

Pars  adaperta  mit,  pars  altera  clausa  fenestra?. 

Juv.  ix.  105  :  Claude  fenestras,  vela  tegant  rimas.  Plin.  Dp.  ix.  30 : 
Sen.  Consol.  ad  Marc.  22  ;  Appul.  Met.  ii.  p.  57.]  At  a  later  period 
the  lapis  specularis  (talc)  was  much  used,  and  is  often  alluded  to. 
Plin.  Dp.  ii.  17 :  Dgregiam  hce  (porticus)  adversum  tempestates  re- 
eeptaeulum ;  nam  specularibus  ac  multu  magia  tectis  tmminentibits 
muniuntur.  If  Seneca  (Dp.  90)  were  strictly  followed,  the  specu- 
laria  which  enclosed  this  colonnade  would  not  be  admissible  in 
reference  to  the  time  of  Gallus  ;  but  Hirt  has  shown  that  the  words 
nostra  memoria  must  not  be  taken  strictly  for  the  suspensura  baJr 
neorum,  which  are  also  included,  as  described  by  Yitruvius:  and 
Plin.  ix.  54,  79,  ascribes  their  invention  to  Sergius  Orata,  in  the 
time  of  L.  Crassus  the  orator.  Why  Hirt  calls  this  passage  a  doubt- 
ful one,  is  not  very  apparent,  as  Macrobius  (Sat.  ii.  11)  says  :  Hie 
est  Sergius  Grata,  qui  prima*  balneas  pensiles  habuit.  The  most  that 
could  be  pronounced  on  it  is  this  :  that  in  respect  of  xxvi.  3,  8, 
Plinv  has  contradicted  himself.     To  be  convinced  of  the  early  use 


27  8  THE   ROMAN   HOUSE.  [Exctkstjs  I. 

of  window-panes,  we  have  only  to  consider  the  Cyzicenian  saloon, 
which  on  three  sides  had  glass-doors  (valvee)  or  windows  reaching 
to  the  ground ;  and  it  is  not  comprehensible  how  these  can  be  sup- 
posed without  specularia.  In  that  case  it  would  have  been  a  very- 
draughty  house.  But  Yitruvius  also  describes  it.  The  question, 
whether  the  ancients  had  also  window-glass,  was  formerly  answered 
in  the  negative,  but  of  late  there  has  been  no  further  doubt  about 
the  matter,  and  the  windows  and  panes  of  glass  discovered  in  Pom- 
peii are  surer  evidence  than  all  the  testimonies  of  late  writers. 
See  Winkelm.  W.  ii.  251 ;  GelFs  Pompeiana,  i.  99 ;  Hirt,  Gesch.  der 
Batikt  iii.  66  (who  perhaps  goes  too  far).  [Transenna  is  explained 
as  fenestra  by  Non.  ii.  859  ;  and  Cic.  de  Or.  i.  35,  says:  quasi  per 
transennam  prcetereuntes  strictim  adspeximus.  But  it  is  doubtful 
whether  it  was  a  latticed  window,  or,  as  Bötticher  supposes,  an 
opening  in  the  roof  to  light  the  room. 


METHOD  OF  WARMING. 

The  ancients  resorted  to  more  than  one  expedient  for  warming 
the  rooms  in  winter,  although  they  had  no  proper  stoves.  In 
the  first  place,  the  cubicula  and  triclinia,  in  which  they  lived  in 
winter,  were  so  situated  as  to  have  plenty  of  sun,  and  this,  with  the 
mildness  of  their  climate,  partially  served  their  purpose.  Besides 
they  had  fire-grates,  though  perhaps  not  on  the  same  principle 
as  ours.  Suet.  Vit.  8,  nee  ante  in  pratorhtm  redid,  quam  flagrante 
tridinio  ex  concept»  camini;  Hor.  Sat.  i.  5,  81;  Udos  aim  foliis 
ramos  urente  camino :  Hor.  Ejrist.  i.  11,  19,  Sextile  mense  caminus. 
[Plin.  H.  N.  xvii.  11,  16 ;  Sidon.  Ap.  Ep.  ii.  2  ;  Isidor.  xix.  6. 
Caminus  est  fornax.~\  In  this  sense  we  must  also  understand  focus 
(afovendo),  (Hor.  Od.  i.  9.  5)  ligna  super  foco  large  reponcns,  and 
in  other  places.  The  rooms  were  also  warmed  by  means  of  pipes, 
conducted  to  them  from  the  hypocaustum.  See  Winkelm.  W.  ii. 
253  ;  or  there  were  near  the  apartments  in  occupation,  small  rooms, 
heated  by  a  hypocaustum,  and  by  means  of  an  opening  which  could 
be  closed  at  pleasure,  warm  air  was  introduced  into  the  room, 
Plin.  Ep.  ii.  17  :  Applicitum  est  cubicuh  hypocauston  perexiguum, 
quod,  angusta  fenestra  suppositum  calorem,  ut  ratio  exigit,  out  effttndit 
end  retinet.  Ibidem  :  Adharet  dormitorium  membrum,  transitu  in- 
terjacente,  qui  suspensus  et  tubulatus  conceptum  vaporem  salubri  tern- 
peramento  hue  ilfucque  digeritet  ministrat.  They  used  coal-tubs  and 
portable  stoves — specimens  of  which  have  been  discovered  in  Pom- 
peii, and  are  represented  in  the  following  engravings. 


Soene  IL]  THE    ROMAN   HOUSE. 


279 


Äi^^J^\^^^  ^1^2-  ^/r>^M^^5A 


[In  warming  apparatus  of  this  kind  the  fuel  used  was  charcoal, 
or  dry  wood,  as  being  least  likely  to  smoke.] 

Whether  the  ancients  had  chimneys  or  not,  is  a  disputed  point. 
The  usual  opinion,  shared  by  Beckmann,  Beitrag,  ii.  391 ;  Voss,  ad 
Virg.  Georg,  ii.  242;  Heind.  ad  Ilor.  Sat.  i.  5,  81,  is  that  the 
smoke  was  not  drawn  off  by  means  of  a  flue,  but  by  openings  in  the 
roof,  windows,  and  door;  and  such  passages  as  Vitruv.  viii.  3,  4, 
Conclawbus,  aid  vbi  ignis,  ant plura  hnnina  sunt ponenda,  purer  fieri 
debent  (coronse)  ut  eofacilius  extergeantur :  in  cestivis  et  exedriSyUbi 
minime  fumus  est  nee  fidigo  potest  nocere,  ibi  ecelatee  sunt  facienda, 
seem  to  favour  this  view  of  the  question.  But  Feaad  Wmkelm.  W. 
ii.  347,  after  Scamozzi,  deW  An/tit.  i.  lib.  3,  c.  21,  has  shown  that 
the  use  of  flues  was  not  unknown  to  the  ancients,  and  that  even  real 
"•rates  have  been  discovered  in  the  ruins  of  ancient  buildings. 
Comp.  Mus.  Horb.  v.  t.  40. 

At  Pompeii,  chimneys  are  only  to  be  met  with  in  baths  and 
bakehouses ;  but  in  Rome  and  North  Italy,  where  it  was  a  colder 
climate,  they  were  used  also  for  dwelling-houses ;  at  least  in  the 
davs  of  luxury  and  refinement.  [In  the  most  ancient  times  but 
little  was  known  of  chimneys ;  whence  the  old  atria  were  often 
disfigured  with  smoke  ;  but  the  lodging  and  working  rooms  soon 
be°-an  to  have  both  grate  and  chimney.  Ilor.  Sat.  i.  5,  80 : 
lacrimoso  non  sine  fumo, 
Udos  cum  foliis  ramos  urente  Camino, 


280  THE    ROMAN   HOUSE.  [Excursus  I. 

does  not  disprove  this;  for  with  such  precious  fuel  the  best  chimney 
would  smoke.  The  wood  smeared  with  amucra  (Hör.  Od.  iii.  17, 
13:  Mart.  xiii.  15,  acapna;  Plin.  H.  N.  xv.  8;  comp.  Mart.  xiii. 
80,  Fumoso  Decembri)  was  used  for  portable  stoves,  which  of  course 
had  no  flues  ;  besides  which,  in  some  houses,  which  were  low,  the 
chimney  was  not  high  enough  to  cause  a  good  draught.  Virg.  JEn. 
xii.  569,  fumantia  eidrmna  ;  and  Ed.  i.  62,  villarum  ctdmina  fu- 
mant,  show  nothing  one  way  or  the  other.  Duj.  viii.  5,  8,  is  more 
in  favour  of  than  against  flues. 

CONCLUDING  REMARKS. 

Here  follow  a  few  hints  on  the  characteristics  of  the  Roman 
house. 

1.  The  area  of  the  house  was  not  always  bounded  by  right 
lines  or  rectangles ;  as  is  clear  from  Plan  B.  This  arose  from  the 
irregular  course  of  the  streets  round  the  house,  upon  which  its 
shape  was  nearly  always  made  to  depend. 

2.  The  exterior  of  the  Roman  donius,  the  ornaments  of  the 
interior  notwithstanding,  was  somewhat  paltry;  partly  owing  to  its 
gxeat  lowness,  partly  owing  to  the  smallness  or  utter  absence  of  the 
windows,  and,  lastly,  to  the  irregularity  of  the  building ;  only  a 
portion  of  which  had  an  upper  story,  which  gave  the  whole  an  vn- 
symmetrical  look. 

3.  The  interior,  on  the  contrary,  was  very  magnificent ;  its 
chief  peculiarity  being  the  way  in  which  the  several  rooms  were 
arranged.  These  were  always  grouped  round  an  open  room, 
(atrium,  cavum  sedium,  peristyl) ;  which  served  as  a  common  focus. 
This  court,  with  its  surrounding  rooms,  formed  a  separate  division 
in  itself;  and  the  greater  the  house,  the  oftener  was  this  construc- 
tion repeated.  The  usual  lodging  and  sleeping  rooms  are  small : 
but  the  courts  or  halls,  destined  for  the  reception  of  visitors,  on  a 
large  scale.  It  is  through  these  courts  that  the  rooms  received 
light  and  air ;  an  arrangement  which  also  preserved  them  from 
draughts.  The  inmate  did  not  see  before  him  the  lively  throng  of 
the  streets  without,  still  the  prospect  of  the  inner  courts,  with  their 
groups  of  trees  and  lawns,  was  very  fine.  What  a  magic  effect  must 
have  been  produced  when  all  the  doors  and  curtains  were  thrown 
back,  and  the  eye  could  reach  from  the  ostium  through  the  three 
courts,  adorned  with  their  marble  columns,  splashing  fountains, 
shady  trees,  and  gleaming  walls :  all  grouped  in  the  most  charming 
perspective ;  and  overhead  the  deep  blue  of  an  Italian  heaven  P 


EXCUKSUS  II.     SCENE  II. 


THE  MANNER  OF  FASTENING  THE  DOORS. 

AMONG  the  least  intelligible  passages  in  ancient  authors,  are 
those  which  relate  to  some  mechanism  unknown  to  the  moderns. 
If  express  descriptions,  such  as  those  of  Vitruvius  and  Hero,  and  of 
the  hydraulic  machines  of  Ctesibius,  are  difficult  to  be  understood, 
■we  are  still  more  at  a  loss  to  give  a  satisfactory  explanation,  when 
casual  mention  merely  is  made  of  something  well  known  at  the 
time,  let  its  mechanism  have  been  ever  so  simple.  This  is  espe- 
cially the  case  when  the  locks  or  fastenings  of  the  door  are  men- 
tioned. Boettiger  (Kimstmyth.  i.  p.  271)  says  with  some  truth,  that 
'  the  art  of  the  locksmith  is  one  which  still  requires  much  elucida- 
tion ;  and  a  perfect  system  of  the  ancient  technology,  chiefly  after 
the  Onomasticon  of  Pollux,  remains  to  be  written,' »yet  the  system 
of  nomenclature  in  Pollux  will  least  contribute  to  clear  up  out- 
difficulties. 

Our  examination  must  not  only  begin  with  the  most  ancient 
Greek  period,  concerning  which  Homer  gives  very  important  hints, 
but  must  also  comprehend  the  East,  as  the  origin  of  keys  is  pro- 
bably to  be  sought  for  in  Phoenicia.  This  point  has  partly  been 
discussed  in  the  more  important  writings  on  this  subject,  especially 
Salmas.  Exercitt.  p.  649:  Sagittarius,  He  jam,,  vett.  9 — 15;  Molin, 
De  clambus  veterum.  in  Salleugre,  The&s.ambb.  Bum.  iii.  795 ;  Montfauc. 
Antiq.  e.vpl.  iii.  I.  t.  54,  55.  The  oldest  method  of  fastening  cannot 
be  referred  to  that  in  use  at  Rome ;  and  we  shall  here  chiefly  ex- 
plain such  terms  as  obex,  sera,  repagida,  pessuli,  claustra. 

The  method  of  fastening  varied  according  to  the  form  of  the 
doors  themselves,  whether  they  opened  inwards  or  outwards,  or 
were  folding-doors  (bifores),  or  opened  like  window-shutters  (vcdva). 
Varro  :    Vulva;  sunt,  qu<e  revolmmtw  et  se  velant. 

Folding-doors  were  (at  least  in  private  houses)  the  most  com- 
mon. When  they  opened  inwards,  the  most  simple  method  of 
fastening  them  was  by  drawing  across  a  bar  or  wooden  bolt,  sera 
[also patibvlum].  SeeNonius,  i.  p. 41 ;  [Varro,  L.L.  vii.108;]  Ovid, 
Fast.  i.  265;  and  v.  280,  Tota  patet  demta  jarvua  nostra  sera;  for 
this  bolt  was  not  fastened  to  the  door-post,  but  entirely  removed, 
when  the  door  was  unfastened.  Petron.  10.  The  usual  expression 
for  such  bolting  is  opponere,  or  apponere  seram,  i.  e.  obserare.  The 
sera  rested  on  the  door-post,  as  we  learn  from  Ovid.  Amor.  i.  6, 


282      MAXNER  OF  FASTENING  THE  DOORS.    [Excursvs  I. 

where,  by  postis,  in  connexion  with  excutere,  we  cannot  understand 
the  door.  [At  Pompeii,  hollows  are  frequently  seen  in  both  the 
door-posts,  for  the  reception  of  this  cross-bolt.]  We  cannot  dis- 
tinguish between  the  sera  and  the  obex,  further  than  that  the  latter 
word  is  a  more  general  expression  for  everything  placed  before  the 
door  [Virg.  Georg,  iv.  422,  Obice  sa.ri;  Sil.  Ital.  iv.  23],  but  must 
not  refer  it  to  any  particular  contrivance.  Hence  we  have  in  Festus, 
Obices  2)essuli,  seres.  But  the  repagula  were  something  of  another 
sort ;  see  Festus,  281,  from  whom  we  may  conclude,  by  the  words 
patefadundi  gratia,  that  it  was  a  contrivance  which  allowed  of  the 
door  being  opened  with  less  trouble  than  by  the  sera,  and  that,  as 
the  name  occurs  only  in  the  plural,  a  cross-beam  is  not  denoted  by 
it,  as  by  the  sera,  but  two  bolts  meeting  from  opposite  sides  [usually 
of  wood,  Plin.  H.N.  xvi.  42,  82],  whence  Festus  says,  e  contrario 
oppanguntur.  In  that  case  some  means  of  joining  the  two  together 
would  be  required,  and  perhaps  this  was  effected,  as  among  the 
Greeks,  with  a  ßäXavoQ  (a  pin),  which  being  sunk  into  a  hollow 
(ßaXavodöict}),  connected  the  bolt  with  the  door,  and  being  itself 
hollow,  was  drawn  out  again  when  the  door  was  to  be  opened,  by 
means  of  an  instrument  (ßaXaväypia),  that  fitted  into  it.  A  similar 
contrivance  was  requisite  also  when  the  door  opened  outwards, 
where  a  bolt  within  would  have  been  of  no  use,  unless  it  were  con- 
nected with  the  door. 

This  pin  (ßäXavoc)  is  commonly  supposed  to  be  the  same  as  that 
which  the  Romans  called  pessulus,  but  with  the  exception  of  the 
words  of  Marcellus  Empiricus,  cited  by  Sagittarius,  we  know  of  no 
other  passage  that  would  not  militate  against,  rather  than  favour, 
this  assumption.  See  Plaut.  Aul.  i.  2,  25,  occlude  sis  fores  ambobus 
pessidis ;  Ter.  Heaut.  ii.  3,  37 ;  Bun.  iii.  5, 55 ;  Appul.  Met.  i.  44,  Oud. ; 
49,  52,  Subdita  clavi  pessidos  reduco;  iii.  p.  199;  ix.  p.  631.  It  is 
evident  that  something  different  from  a  hollow  pin,  which  was  sunk 
into  the  opening  of  the  sera,  is  meant ;  we  can  neither  reconcile 
therewith  the  expression  pessidum  obderc  foribus,  and  the  oppessvlata 
janua  so  frequently  occurring  in  Appuleius,  nor  does  it  appear  why 
the  plural  pessuli  is  used.  The  nature  of  the  ancient  locks  is  not 
quite  clear  from  Appuleius,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  by 
pessuli  we  must  understand  bolts  which  could  be  moved  backwards 
and  forwards  by  a  key.  See  Salmas.  Exercitt.  ad  Sol.  p.  650,  whence 
it  appears  that  pessuli  cannot  be  confounded  with  sera  and  ßäXavoc, 
nor  clavis  with  ßaXaväypa. 

In  Terence,  by  pessulus  may  be  understood  a  single  bolt  which 
was  pushed  forwards  and  backwards  without  a  key.  In  Appuleius, 
on  the  contrary,  the  pessuli  (a  double  bolt  moved  by  a  key)  could 


Scene  IL]     MANNER  OF  FASTENING  THE  DOORS.         283 

not  be  drawn  back  without  using  the  key ;  in  the  latter  case  we 
have  therefore  to  understand  real  covered  locks ;  and  when  we  read 
ad  claustra  pessuli  recurrunt,  claustra  means  the  lock-hasp  into  which 
the  holts  shut. 

All  doors  which  were  opened  and  fastened  from  without  natural] y 
had  such  locks.  For  house-doors  they  were  not  so  necessary,  as 
somebody  always  remained  inside  to  open  them.  But  in  case  one 
wished  to  open  the  door  from  outside,  there  was  a  hole  in  the  door, 
through  which  the  hand  was  inserted,  in  order  to  draw  hack  the 
bolt  by  means  of  the  key,  as  is  the  case  in  Appul.  Met.  iv.  p.  359 ; 
Perron.  94. 

In  cupboards,  and  places  of  that  sort,  such  a  hole  would  have 
been  very  inconvenient ;  and  for  this  reason  they  were  fastened  from 
without ;  the  same  was  the  case  with  other  doors,  and  even  house- 
doors,  as  we  see  in  Plaut.  Most.  ii.  1,  57.  Tranio  wishes  to  make 
Theuropides,  on  his  return,  believe  that  the  house  was  no  longer 
inhabited ;  hence  he  fastens  the  door  outside,  having  already  or- 
dered Philolaches  to  do  the  same  within.  Both  are  done  (v.  78). 
There  must  therefore  have  been  a  double  lock  on  the  door,  or  the 
fastening  took  place  within  by  means  of  the  sera  or  repagtila,  from 
without  by  a  proper  door-lock.  A  person  standing  before  the  door 
must  have  been  able  to  perceive  whether  it  was  fastened  outside,  or 
there  would  have  been  no  necessity  for  Tranio  to  lock  it.  The 
three-toothed  key  is  considered  of  Lacedaemonian  invention,  for 
which  reason  it  was  called  chin's  Laconica.  As  far  as  its  use  among 
the  Romans  is  concerned,  the  date  of  the  invention  is  of  no  conse- 
quence, as  this  took  place  long  before  the  time  from  which  our 
accounts  of  the  domestic  life  of  the  Eomans  are  dated. 

[Avellino  first  made  us  acquainted  with  another  method  of 
fastening  the  doors,  viz..  by  two  bolts,  one  on  the  upper  part  of  the 
door  which  was  shot  into  a  hollow  in  the  lintel,  one  on  the  lower 
part,  which  shot  into  the  sill.  This  was  generally  used  for  folding- 
doors  and  shutter-doors,  the  bolt  shooting  into  a  ring  in  the  floor. 
The  last-mentioned  door  required  this  sort  of  mechanism  to  keep 
it  in  a  straight  line  when  shut.  An  instance  of  the  kind  is  to  he 
seen  iu  the  two  tabernse  of  the  house  of  the  Bronzes,  and  in  the 
tablinum  of  the  house  of  the  ornamented  capitals.  The  name  of  this 
bolt,  which  was  moved  without  a  kej .  was  pessulus.  Plaut.  Aulul. 
above:  Cist.  iii.  18,  Obchidite  cede*  perndis;  Cure.  i.  2,  60;  Ter. 
Hemd,  above:  Marcell.  Empir.  17,  Foramine  in  quo  januee  pessuli 
descendant;  Polyb.  xv.  30.  Ovpag  üiroKkttofiivac  ctrro'ig  /jox^>>1c.'] 

There  was  likewise  an  old,  though  not  very  general,  custom  of 
sometimes  sealing  the  doors  (obsignare  ceUas),  Plaut.  Cos.  iii.  1,  1. 


284     MANNER  OF  FASTENING  THE  DOORS.  [Excursus  IT. 

[Plin.  H.  N. :  At  nunc  cibi  quoque  acpotus  amdo  vindicantur  a  rapina. 
Among  the  C4reeks  only  were  the  chambers  of  the  women  sealed. 
Aristoph.  The&moph.  414 ;  Plat,  de  Leg.  xii.  p.  954.]  Cicero's  mother 
sealed  even  the  empty  bottles.  AdFam.  xvi.  26:  Lagenas  etiam 
inanes  obsignabat,  no  dicerentur  manes  aliquce  fuisse,  quce  furtim  es- 
sent  exsiccates.  [Pers.  Sat.  vi.  17 ;  Martial  ix.  88.]  In  Plaut.  Mil. 
iii.  2,  it  is  otherwise. 


EXCURSUS  TIL     SCEXE  II. 


[THE  HOUSEHOLD  UTENSILS. 

~V\J  E  shall  here  take  household  utensils  in  a  wider  signification 
'  *  than  that  conveyed  under  the  Roman  supellex ;  which  ac- 
cording to  Pomp.  Diy.  xxxiii.  10,  1,  was  understood  to  mean  do- 
mesticum  patrisfam.  instrumenbum,  quod  neque  argento  aurove  facia 
re/  vesti  adnumeratur.  So  Allen,  ib.  6,  and  Tuhero  in  Cels.  7.  §.  1, 
whence  we  see  that,  originally,  the  term  did  not  include  gold  and 
silver,  until  the  times  of  increased  luxury,  when  the  material  was 
disregarded.  Celsus.  ib.  Thus  Pauli,  enumerates  as  articles  of 
supellex,  tables,  chairs,  benches,  lecti,  lamps,  all  sorts  of  vasa, pelves, 
aqmminaria,  etc.,  whether  of  precious  metal  or  other  valuable 
material,  (crystallina,  argentea,  ritrea,  murrhina.  See  Sen.  Ep.  110, 
gemmeam supellectilem.  Pauli,  rec.  sent.  iii.  6,  67),  cupboards  and 
so  forth  ;  Dig.  ib.  8,  9,  and  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  19. 

A  distinction  was  made  by  the  Romans,  between  these  utensils, 
and  the  instrwmentum,  as  it  was  called,  i.  e.  (Pip.  Dig.  xxxiii.  7,  12), 
apparatus  rerum  diutius  mansurarum,  sine  quibus  exerceri  nequiret 
possessio;  e.  g.in  a  farm,  all  the  dead  and  live  stock  and  the  slaves  ; 
in  a  baker's  shop, every  thing  necessary  forcarrying  on  that  business  ; 
in  a  tavern,  all  the  requisite  vessels  ;  Pauli,  rec.  sent.  iii.  6,  61  :  iu  a 
house  (according  to  Pegasus  and  Cassius)  fire-engines,  cleaning 
instruments,  and  so  forth.  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiii.  7, 12.  Other  jurists, 
however,  include  under  the  instrumentum  of  a  house  the  whole  of 
the  supellex ;  as  Xeratius  and  Ulpian ;  Cic.  de  Orat.  i.  36,  in 
oratoris  instrumenta  tarn  /autam  mpeUectilem  nunquam  videram ; 
Suet.  Oct.  71,  73;  Tib.  36;  Cal.  39.  This  would  comprehend  the 
furniture,  cupboards,  chests,  vessels  for  liquids,  lighting-apparatus, 
clocks,  kitchen  and  cleansing  utensils.] 

According  to  the  ideas  of  the  moderns,  the  Roman  rooms  would 
seem  rather  bare  of  furniture.  They  had  no  writing  tables,  or 
cheffoniers,  no  mirrors  to  cover  the  painted  walls.  Lecti,  tables, 
chairs,  and  candelabra  comprised  the  whole  of  the  furniture,  with 
the  exception,  now  and  then,  of  a  water-clock,  or  a  coal-pan  in 
winter.  At  the  same  time,  the  little  they  had  was  replete  with 
elegance  and  splendour. 

LECTUS 

[Paul.  Diac.  p.  115  ;  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  166],  was  neither  exactly 
a  bed,  nor  a  sofa,  but  a  simple  frame  with  a  low  ledge  at  the 


286  THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.  [Excursus  III. 

head.  It  was  sometimes  of  wood,  [Ter.  Adelph.  iv.  2,  46  :  Sen. 
Ep.  95  ;  Hor.  Ep.  i.  5, 1,  Archiacis  lectis ;  Gell.xii.  2,  Soterici  lecti,~\ 
among  the  rich  of  cedar  or  terebinth,  Prop.  iii.  7,  49;  Pers.  i.  52; 
Plin.  Ii.  X.  xvi.  43 ;  but  frequently  of  brass,  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  26, 
lectos  ceratos  ;  Plin.  H.  N.  xxxiv.  3,  8,  triclinia  cerata :  which  does 
not  mean  wooden  frames  with  brass  legs,  (as  it  does  in  Plin.  xxxiv. 
2,  4,  and  perhaps  in  Liv.  xxxix.  6),  since  Pliny  is  enumerating 
onlv  articles  of  massive  metal.  The  wooden  lecti  were  iulaid  with 
ivory,  tortoise-shell,  and  precious  metals,  and  provided  with  ivory, 
silver  and  gold  feet.     In  Odyss.  xxiii.  199, 

8a.i8d.Wcov  XPvffV  T€   Ka^    Q-Pyvpcp  tf8'   4\e(pavTt. 

applies  to  the  bed  of  Ulysses  ;  how  much  more  to  that  of  the 
Eomans,in  comparison  with  whose  magnificence,  the  most  excessive 
luxury  of  all  ages  is  but  poor  and  insignificant ! 

[Inlaying  with  precious  materials  is  often  mentioned.  Plin. 
H.  N.  ib.  ix.  11 ;  xxxiii.  11 ;  Suet.  Cal,  32  ;  Javol.  Dig.  xxxii.  100, 
lectos  testudineos pcdibus  inargentatos ;  Pauli,  xxxiii.  10,  3;  elsewhere, 
lecti  aurei,  aurati,  eburnei,  argentei,  etc. ;  Cic.  Tusc.  v.  21  ;  Suet. 
Cces.  49  ;  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  6,  103  ;  Juv.  vi.  80 ;  Plaut.  Stich,  ii.  2,  53  ; 
Plin.  H.  N.  xxxvii.  2  ;  Sen.  Ep.  110 ;  Vop.  Firm.  3  ;  Varro,  L.  L. 
ix.  47,  lectos  alios  ex  ebore  alios  ex  testudine,  i.  e.  veneered,  not  solid  ; 
which  last  was  rare.  At  least  the  bedsteads  of  Heliogabalus  caused 
surprise,  being  solido  argento.  Lampr.  Hel.  20.  See  Spart.  vEl. 
ver.  5.] 

This  frame  was  strung  with  girths,  called  sometimes  restes,  at 
others  fascice,  and  again  institce.  This  is  the  tenia  cubilia  of  Horace, 
Epod.  xii.  12 ;  Cic.  de  Div.  ii.  65  ;  Mart.  v.  62 : 

Nulla  tegit  fractos  nee  inanis  culcita  lectos, 
Putris  et  abrupt  a  fascia  reste  jacet. 
Petr.  c.  97.     [Cato,  R.  R.  10,  lectos  loris  subttntos.~]  The  stupid  wit 
in  Aristoph.  alludes  to  this,  Av.  812. 

On  the  o-irths  lay  the  mattress  or  bed,  fo/ws,'called,  later,  culcita. 
[See  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  167 ;  Isid.  xx.  1  ;  Serv.  ad  Virg.  JEn.  ii.  27.] 
The  usual  and  genuine  tomentum,  with  which  beds  and  cushions 
were  stuffed,  was  locks  of  wool.  [Tac.  Ann,  vi.  23 ;  Suet.  Tib.  54.] 
Plinv,  (viii.  48,  73) ,  derives  this  usage  of  wool  from  Gaul,  but  with- 
out being  able  to  fix  the  date  of  its  introduction.  In  olden  times 
thev  had  nothing  but  straw-mattresses,  and  in  later  also  the  poorer 
classes  stuffed  their  beds  with  chopped  sedge  (ulva)  or  hay.     Mart. 

xiv.  100  : 

Tomentum  concisa  palus  Circense  vocatur : 
H?ee  pro  Leuconico  stramina  pauper  emit. 
[Ov.  Md.  viii.  655:    Fad.  v.  519 ;  Mart.  xiv.  162 ;  Sen.  de  vita 


Scene  IL]         THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.  287 

bcata,  c.  25  ;  [Pliil.  xxvii.  10.  Cukita  does  not  always  denote  the 
bed  on  which  one  lay,  but  a  cushion.  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  107,  derives 
it  ab  vnculcando,  quod  in  eas  (culcitas)  acus  aid  foment  urn  aliudve 
quid  cakabant.  Isid.  xix.  26]  ;  Plaut.  Mil.  iv.  4,  42  ;  Petr.  c.  38. 
At  a  later  period,  the  voluptuous  Roman  became  dissatisfied  with 
wool,  and  not  only  the  cervicalea,  but  also  the  torus,  began  to  be 
stuffed  with  feathers.  The  feathers  and  down  of  white  geese  were 
used ;  but  above  all,  as  among  us,  the  eider-down  ;  those  of  the 
small  white  German  geese,  ijantce,  were  highly  valued,  so  that  pre- 
fects would  send  out  whole  cohorts  to  hunt  them  ;  and  their  feathers 
were  sold  at  five  denarii  the  pound.  Plin.  Epist.  x.  22,  27  ;  Cicero, 
Tuscui.  iii.  19,  speaks  of  a  eideita  plumea.     [Juv.  vi.  88  : 

Sed  quamquam  in  magnis  opibus  plumaque  paterna 
.  Et  segmentals  dormisset  parvula  cunis.] 

Swan's-down  also  was  used,  Mart.  xiv.  161.  [Heliogabalus  even 
used  the  plumas  percUcum  subalares,  Lamprid.  Heliog.  19.]  The 
torus  was  also  stuffed  with  feathers,  Mart.  xiv.  159 : 

Oppressse  nimium  vieina  est  fascia  plum»  ? 
Vellera  Leueonicis  aecipe  rasa  sagis, 

[and  xii.  17  ;  see  below.]  And  no  doubt  the  pensiles  plumce  of  the 
litter,  Juv.  i.  159,  are  to  be  understood  in  this  sense.  How  different 
was  a  Roman  bed  of  this  description  from  the  softest  couch  of  the 
Greeks,  as  described  by  Homer,  who  mentions  no  bolster  or  cushion 
even  in  the  most  wealthy  abode !  At  the  head  lay  one  or  more 
small  pillows  of  a  round  shape,  pulvini,  on  which  they  rested  the 
elbow,  Sen.  de  Ira,  iii.  37,  also  called  cervicaUa,  i.  e.  cushious  for  the 
head,  Isid.  xix.  26. 

Over  the  bed,  coverlets,  vestes  straguke,  stragvla  [a  sternendo, 
Yarro  L.L.  v.  167 ;  also  pallia,  operimenta  and  operetda,  \  arro,  ib. ; 
peristromata  tapeba,  Ulp.  Big.  xxxiv.  2,  25],  were  spread,  and  among 
the  more  wealthy  purple  coverlets,  conchyliata,  conchyUo  tincta, 
which  were  adorned  with  interwoven  and  embroidered  figures,  Ba- 
bylonha  and  Alexandrina.  See  Heind.  ad  Ihn-.  Sat.  ii.  3, 118.  We 
may  infer  from  Cicero,  Yen:  iv.  26,  how  great  was  the  number  of 
such  coverlets  in  many  a  supellex.  Compare  Philipp,  ii.  27.  [See 
Yitruv.  vi.  10  :  Macrub.  ii.  9;  Lamprid.  Heliog.  19 ;  Suet.  Oct.  7:1; 
Ovid.  Metam.  viii.  656.]  Martial,  ii.  16,  makes  an  excellent  joke  on 
the  vanity  of  Zoilus,  who  pretended  to  be  ill,  that  he  might  show 
his  visitors  the  coccina  stragula  of  his  bed,  which  he  probably  had 
just  received  from  Alexandria.  [Appul.  Met.  x.  p.  248,  and  256  : 
Leetus  Indiea  testudine  perlucidus,  plumea  congerie  tumidus,  veste 
serica  ßoridus.      These  coverk-t-  were  often  so  voluminous  that 


288  THE    HOUSEHOLD   UTENSILS.  [Excursus  III. 

nothing  was  to  be  seen  of  the  cushions  and  bedstead.]  The  pulvini 
were  covered  with  silk,  Mart.  iii.  82,  7  : 

Effultus  ostro  sericisque  pulvinis. 

Hor.  Epod.  8,  15  :  Libelli  Stoici  inter  sericos  jacere  pulvillos  amant. 
But  in  Cic.  p.  Mur.  36  :  LeciuU  Punicani  hcedinis  peUibus  strati. 
See  Sen.  Ep.  95.  Effeminacy  arrived  at  such  a  pitch  that  the  cer- 
vicalia  were  covered  with  feather-tapestry,  the  work  of  the  plumarii. 

The  meaning  of  the  term  plumarius  is  very  obscure  ;  the  expla- 
nation of  Salmasius  ad  Vopisc.  Carin,  has  been  generally  adopted. 
Plumas  vocarunt  veteres  notas  ex  auro  vel purpura  rotundas  et  in  mo- 
dum  plumarum  facias  (?),  quibus  vestes  intertexebantur  ac  variabantur. 
Again,  clavos  intextos  aureos,  quce  ir\ovfiia  Greed  reeentiores  vocabant 
— a  plumis  igitur  Ulis,  hoc  est  davis,  quibus  vestes  intertexebantur,  plu- 
mariitexiores  dieti,  non  solum  qui  clavos  vestibus  insuerent  et  intcxerent, 
sed  qui  quocunque  genere  pictures,  quibuscunque  coloribus  et  figuris 
variolas  vestes  pingerent.  The  latter  assertion,  however,  wants  proof, 
but  was  indispensable  to  his  explanation. 

Plumatcs  vestes  are  garments,  the  ground  of  which  was  figured 
with  gold  embroidery.  Why  the  notce  embroidered  on  them  came 
to  be  called  plumae,  is  still  a  question  ;  but  the  proofs  that  this  was 
the  case  are  unequivocal.  Publ.  Syrus,  Petr.  55 ;  Lucan,  x.  125. 
The  ornament  is  always  designated  as  golden,  but  the  embroidery 
is  never  mentioned  as  being  executed  in  divers  colours ;  and  when 
the  Glossaries  translate  plumarius  by  -oiKi\r//e,  it  does  not  convey 
that  idea.  The  toga  picta  is  also  embroidered  with  gold,  Appian, 
Pun.  and  variare  auro  is  a  common  expression — therefore  it  would 
be  wrong  to  infer  from  the  Scliolion  ad  Lycoph.  that  Tt\ov\.uipiKo\  is, 
embroidered  in  various  colours,  particularly  as  in  that  case  it  would 
not  be  mentioned,  besides  the  TmroiKiX^h'oi.  Salmasius  misquotes 
Firmicus  Maternus,  iii.  13,  10,  and  from  this  decides  upon  the  work 
of  the  plumarii :  but  that  Firmicus,  by  plumarii,  did  not  mean 
fabricators  of  gold-embroidered  garments,  is  plain,  from  his  always 
denoting  these  by  periphrasis,  iii.  36 — 12.  Of  whatever  form  the 
plunife  were,  whether,  as  Salmasius  supposes,  clavi  or  orbiculi,  the 
plumatte  vestes  were  in  every  case  gold-embroidered.  Varro,  in 
Nonius,  ii.  p.  616,  expressly  distinguishes  the  plumarius  from  the 
textor.  Moreover,  if  his  business  consisted  merely  in  sewing  on 
notce  rotundce,  clavi  (and  TrXov/Aia  can  only  be  explained  tobe  some- 
thing of  this  sort),  then  the  art  required  was  not  very  great ;  and 
what  need  was  there  didicisse  pingere  in  order  to  understand  it  ? 
And  how  unsuitable  would  gold  embroidery  have  been  for  pulvi- 
nares  plagce,  for  which  the  softest  stuffs  possible  were  used.     Mar- 


Scene  II.]  THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.  289 

tial,  iii.  82,  7.  Still  less  can  we  reconcile  with  the  above  expla- 
nation the  passage  of  Vitravius  (B.  vi.  7),  where  the  workshops  of 
the  plumarii  are  called  te.vtriiur.  Their  business  then  was  not  to 
adorn  with  embroidery  garments  already  made,  but  to  weave  in  some 
peculiar  manner;  and  there  is  nothing  about  gold,  but  about  colours, 
which  must  be  kept  from  the  sun  that  they  may  not  fade. 

The  expression  seems  to  require  some  other  explanation,  and 
however  near  the  connexion  may  seem  to  be  between  plumarius  and 
plumata  vestis,  still  Varro  and  Vitravius  probably  allude  to  an  en- 
tirely different  kind  of  work.  In  the  Glossaries  plumarius  is  trans- 
lated by  7TTi\oßä  pot;  (feather-dyer),  which  Salmasius  changes  into 
iptXoßatpoc,  in  which  ßä-irruv  is  to  denote  variare  generally,  as  well 
as  to  embroider !  If  printing  in  colours  had  been  alluded  to,  then 
this  would  have  been  possible.  But  ßdirrav  cannot  have  this  signi- 
fication, any  more  than  the  Romans  would  have  said  tint/ere  vestes, 
instead  of  acupingere.  On  the  contrary  TrTiXoßÜTrri)^  appears  very 
correct.  When  Martial,  xii.  17,  says  of  a  fever  that  will  not  leave 
Lentulus,  because  he  takes  too  good  care  of  it,  dormit  ct  in  pluma 
purpureoque  toro,  this  may  no  doubt  be  understood  of  the  feathers 
with  which  in  later  times  the  cushions  were  stuffed.  But  the 
same  explanation  will  hardly  suit  Epi<j.  xiv.  14G,  Lemma  Cervical: 
Tinge  caput  nardi  folio  ;  cervical  olebit : 
Perdidit  unguentum  cum  coma,  pluma  tenet, 
for  the  ointment  could  only  be  communicated  to  the  pillow-case. 
Still  less  could  it  be  admissible,  with  Böttiger,  Sabina,  to  under- 
stand what  Propertius  says  of  Pretus,  EffuUum  pluma  versieolore 
caput,  iii.  7,  50,  as  alluding  to  cushions  which  were  stuffed  with 
feathers  of  divers  colours.  On  these  grounds  I  am  inclined  to 
believe  that  the  plumarii  prepared  real  feather-tapestry,  with  which 
the  pulvini  and  cervicalia  were  covered ;  and  the  same  is  probably 
meant  by  TTTtpufä  kcü  tttiXwtu  irpooicsfyakaia.  Poll.  x.  1,  10.  If  in 
modern  days  we  have  succeeded  in  constructing  from  coloured 
feathers  tapestry  of  a  very  durable  nature,  covered  with  all  sorts 
of  emblems,  why  should  not  the  ancients,  who  certainly  in  many 
things  showed  greater  cunning  of  hand  than  we  do,  obtain  credit 
for  equal  ingenuity  ?  Seneca,  Ep.  90,  also  speaks  of  garments 
even,  made  of  feathers ;  and  plumarius  and  irriXoßnfoc.  (ivova.  pluma  ; 
if  from  plumare,  it  would  be  plumator),  is  he  who  works  in  feathers, 
as  lanarius,  he  who  works  in  wool,  argentarius  in  silver,  &c. 

[Though  Becker  has  proved  beyond  a  doubt,  that  plumatae 
vestes  denote  stuffs  of  feather-embroidery,  and  plumarii  the  manu- 
facturers of  the  same  ;  yet  it  is  uncertain  whether  these  stuffs  were 
used  for  pillow-cases.  For,  without  dwelling  on  the  fact,  that  such 

U 


290  THE    HOUSEHOLD   UTENSILS.    [Excursus  III. 

coverings  would  be  ill-adapted  for  cushions,  either  for  sitting  or 
lying  upon  ;  nothing  of  the  kind  can  be  gathered  from  the  passages 
cited.  In  Martial,  xiv.  149,  phtma  tenet  refers  to  the  feathers  inside 
the  pillow,  which,  from  the  thinness  of  the  case,  become  easily 
tainted  by  the  ointment,  and  smell  of  it.  The  words  of  Propertius, 
versicolore  pluma,  may  either  be  considered  a  metonymy,  and  would 
then  denote  the  party-coloured  cover  of  a  feather  cushion,  (as  tori 
picti.  Virg.  JEn.  i.  708,  and  toro  purpureo,  Ovid.  Heroid.  v.  88, 
refer,  not  to  the  colour  of  the  torus,  but  only  to  that  of  the  case 
or  coverlet),  or  it  may  mean  actual  coloured  feathers,  with  which 
the  cushion  is  stuffed,  and  which  shine  through  the  thin  case  ;  an 
explanation  approved  by  Herzberg,  who  quotes  Cic.  Verr.  v.  11  : 
Pidvinus  perlucidus  Melitensis,  rosa  fart us. .] 

We  must  draw  a  distinction  between  the  coverlets  (stragnlai) 
and  the  toralia ;  and  we  do  not  understand  how  Heindorf  on  Horace 
(Sat.  ii.  4,  84,  referring  at  the  same  time  to  Epist.  i.  5,  21),  could 
say,  '  In  both  cases  toral,  toralia,  is  evidently  a  case  or  covering  of 
the  purple  stuff  cushions  (ton)  of  the  sofas.'  [This  was  originally 
the  general  idea  :  see  Turneb.  Adv.  i.  24  ;  Ciaccon.  detriclin.  p.  16.] 
Petronius  (40)  is  sufficient  to  controvert  this.  The  chief  dish, 
the  boar,  was  going  to  be  served  up,  and  Trimalchio  caused  the 
triclinium  suddenly  to  receive  an  exterior  covering,  referring  to  the 
chase  ;  and  the  hounds  were  at  the  same  time  admitted  into  the 
apartment.  We  need  only  reflect,  that  the  whole  of  the  guests  lay 
upon  the  lecti,  when  the  slaves  toralia  proponunt,  to  be  convinced 
that  the  word  cannot  mean  covers  spread  over  the  couches.  On 
the  contrary,  it  signifies  hangings,  with  which  the  lectus  was  draped 
from  the  tortis  to  the  floor ;  hence  Horace  says  circum  Tyrias  vestes 
(purpureum  torum)  dare  illota  toralia.  See  Casaubon  on  Lamprid. 
Heliog.  19  ;  Pauli.  Dig.  xxxiii.  10,  5.  [This  explanation  is  entirely 
corroborated  by  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  167,  contra  Latinum  toral,  quod 
ante  torum.  In  Non.  however  (i.  35)  it  may  mean  the  hangings  of 
the  lectica.] 

The  bed  of  the  ancients,  lectus  cubicularis,  was  higher  than  the 
lectus  tricliniaris  [see  Excursus  on  the  Triclinium] ;  Lamprid.  llel. 
20  ;  Varro,  L.  L.  viii.  32.  Hence  scandere,  aseendere,  descendere,  are 
always  said  of  it.  See  Broukh,  on  Tibull.  i.  2, 19 ;  Ov.  Fast.  ii.  349 ; 
Serv.  ad  Virg.  sEn.  iv.  685,  lecti  antiquorum  alti  erant  et  gradibus 
aseendebantur.  Lucan.  ii.  356,  gradibusque  aeclivis  eburnis  Stat  torus. 
[Varro,  L.  L.  v.  168.]  These  gradus  seem  to  be  the  fulcra  (i.  e. 
pedum)  so  often  mentioned.  [Or  rather  fulcra  denote  the  stout 
props,  adorned  with  sphinxes,  griffins,  and  other  beasts,  serving  as 
feet,  in  contradistinction  to  the  round  and  more  eleganteres. 


Scene  II.]         THE    HOUSEHOLD   UTENSILS.  291 

Hygin.  Fab.  274 ;  Isid.  xix.  26.  Plin.  H.  N.  xxxiv.  2,  speaks  of  both, 
tricliniorum,  pedibw  fidcrisqM.~\     See  Propert.  ii.  10,  21  : 

Nee  mihi  tunc  fulcro  sternatur  lectus  eburno. 
iv.  7,  3 ;  Juv.  vi.  22  ;  xi.  95  : 

Qualis  in  Oeeani  fluetu  testudo  nataret, 
Clarum  Trojugenis  factura  et  nobile  fulcrum. 

Comp.  Virg,  Mn.  vi.  G03  ;  Suet.  Claud,  32. 

The  lectus  cubicularis  had  (especially  when  it  was  intended  for 
two  persons),  an  elevated  ledge  on  one  side  of  it,  pltdeus,  which 
word  is  used  to  denote  the  whole  side,  while  the  side  by  which  they 
got  into  the  bed  was  called  sponda.  Isidor.  xx.  11.  The  same  is 
meant  by  the  prior  interiorque  torus,  Ovid.  Amor.  iii.  14,  32.  See 
Salinas,  ad  Mart.  iii.  91, 9  ;  Suet.  Cces.  49  ;  Scip.  Afr.  in  Gellius,  vii. 
12.  As  regards  sofas  for  studying,  Büttiger,  Sab.  i.  p.  35,  has  re- 
marked, writing-desks,  with  stools  to  sit  on  and  study,  were  un- 
known to  the  ancients  ;  but  they  used  to  meditate,  read,  or  write, 
reclining  on  the  lectus,  or  lectulus,  or  lectulus  lucubratorius,  or 
lectica  lue.  Suet.  Aug.  78  :  Ovid.  Trist,  i.  11,  37  ;  Seneca,  Epist.  72. 
The  habitus  studentis,  as  Pliny  calls  it,  was  such  that  a  person, 
almost  as  in  the  triclinium,  rested  on  the  left  arm,  drawing  up  at 
the  same  time  the  right  leg,  in  order  to  lay  the  book  on  it,  or  to 
write,  but  they  may  also  have  had  contrivances  for  the  convenience 
of  writing,  on  the  edge  of  the  lectulus.     Persius,  i.  106  : 

Nee  pluteum  esedit,  nee  demorsos  sapit  ungues. 
Juven.  ii.  7.  [Sidon.  Ap.  ii.  9,  grammaticales  plutei.  Scimpodium, 
and  yrabatus,  two  names  borrowed  from  the  Greeks,  most  likely 
denoted  the  same  thing  in  Greece,  a  low  small  couch.  See  Becker's 
(liaricles,  Eng.  Trans. p.  117,  note.  Scimpodium  comes  from  tncj^irw. 
But  in  Rome  grabati  were  applied  to  the  lecti  of  the  poor,  which 
were  lower  than  those  of  the  rich  ;  whilst  the  low  new-fashioned 
couch  of  the  higher  classes  was  called  scimpodium.  The  poverty- 
stricken  appearance  of  the  grabati  is  clear  from  Cic.  de  Div.,  non 
modo  lectos,  verum  etiam  grabatos.  Sen.  Up.  18,  mentions  them 
along  with  modicas  comas,  pauperum  cellas,  Ep.  20.  They  were 
used  for  travellers  in  inns,  Petron.  52.  The  scimpodia,  on  the  con- 
trary, are  only  mentioned  of  the  rich,  and  are  generally  used  in  cases 
of  sickness,  e.g.  Gell.  xix.  10.  Dio  Cass,  lxxvi.  13,  relates  that  Sept. 
Severus,  when  ill,  was  carried  in  a  scimpodium.  Augustus  and  Ti- 
berius had  done  the  same.  Later,  the  difference  was  done  away 
with,  and  the  costly  scimpodia  were  likewise  called  grabatus.  Scsev. 
Dig.  xxxiii.  7,  20,  grabatus  argento  in  aurato  tectus.  The  Punicani 
lecti,  as  they  were  called,  were  also  very  low.     Isid.  xx.  11.] 

ü  2 


202  THE    HOUSEHOLD   UTENSILS.    [Excursus  III. 


THE   CHAIES. 

Chairs  were  not  so  much  used  by  the  Romans  as  by  us,  and 
only  required  for  visitors  [Gell.  ii.  2  ;  Sen.  de  Clem.  i.  9],  although 
they  also  had  exedrce.  A  distinction  is  made  between  sella  and 
cathedra,  and  the  latter  is  assigned  particularly  to  the  women.  But 
it  cannot  be  said  that  the  sella  was  formed  like  our  chairs,  only  with 
the  back  a  little  more  inclined  ;  or  that  the  cathedra  meant  an  arm- 
chair :  for  the  seilte  gestatorice  were  arm-chairs,  and  on  the  other 
hand,  we  often  meet  with  women  sitting  on  the  simple  chairs.  Sella 
denotes  every  kind  of  chair  from  the  sella  qitotidiani  queestus  of  the 
artisan  (Cic.  in  Cat.  iv.  8 ;  Mus.  Borb.  iv.  6,  50),  to  the  sella  curulis. 
The  cathedra  is  also  included  herein ;  and  the  reason  why  this 
word,  so  common  in  the  poets,  refers  oftenest  to  women,  is  that 
they  generally  sat,  and  did  not  recline.  [At  least  sella  and  sedile 
(with  the  diminutives  sedieulum  and  sedecida,  Cic.  ad  Att.  iv.  10), 
were  the  most  general  terms  for  every  kind  of  chair,  although  sedile 
originally  denotes  merely  the  seat  itself  or  the  cushion  thereon. 
Seliquastrum  was  an  antique  expression.  Fest.  p.  340 ;  Varro,  L.  L. 
v.  128.  The  general  meaning  of  sella  is  clear  from  its  being  used 
in  the  tabernae  of  the  artisans  and  tonsores,  Dig.  ix.  2,  11;  and  at 
the  house-doors  of  the  courtesans  (Plaut.  Peen.  i.  2,  56 ;  Sen.  de 
Benef.  i.  9)  ;  in  the  baths  (see  Excursus  on  the  Baths)  ;  in  the  lec- 
ture-rooms (Cic.  ad  Fam.  ix.  18),  and  on  the  tribunal  of  the  magis- 
trate (like  the  sella  curulis  and  the  sella  imperatoria,  Spart.  Sev.  1  ; 
Cic.  Phil  ii.  34;  Suet.  Cces.  76;  Cic.  Verr.  ii.  38 ;  v.  39;  Suet.  Claud. 
23  ;  Plin.  Ep.  ii.  11,  sellis  consilium)  ;  also  in  the  camp  for  the  gene- 
ral, Suet.  Galb.  18,  castrensem  seUam ;  not  to  mention  that  sella 
also  means  a  sedan,  as  well  as  another  unsesthetic  article  of  house- 
hold furniture,  called  sella  familiarica.  Cod.  Th.  xv.  13,  de  usu  sel- 
larum  in  their  most  general  sense.  Sedile,  although  rarely  met  with, 
has  a  very  general  meaning.  Suet.  Oct.,  sedile  regium  :  Spart.  Hadr. 
23  ;  Comp.  Cels.  viii.  10.  It  is  said  of  a  marble  bench  in  Pliny, 
Ep.  v.  6,  40 ;  and  often  in  the  poets. 

The  solium  was  the  term  for  a  lofty  throne-like  seat  of  honour. 
Such  a  one  was  occupied  by  the  father  of  the  family,  when  he  gave 
advice  to  his  clients,  as  their  patronus.  Cic.  de  Leg.  i.  3,  more 
patrio  sedens  in  solio  considentibus  responderem.  de  Or.  ii.  55.  Such 
solia  were  consecrated  to  the  gods  in  their  temples.  So  Solium 
Jovis.  Suet.  Cat  57;  Oct.  70;  Or.  de  Har.Resp.  27.  The  kingly 
throne  is  often  so  called.  Serv.  ad  Virg.  JEn.i.  510;  vii.  169. 
In  this  sense  it  often  occurs  in  Virgil  and  Ovid.  Cic.  de  fin.  ii.  21  : 
ortiatu  regali,  in  solio  sedens.     See  Isid.  xx.  11,  and  Festus.     The 


Scene  II.]         THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.  293 

splendid  gilded  thrones  of  Mars  and  Venus,  Bacchus  and  Ceres, 
which  occur  in  the  Pompeian  frescoes,  were  most  likely  Roman 
solia,  or  at  least,  like  them.  Mus.  Borb.  viii.  20  ;  vi.  53,  34.  The 
hacks  and  sides  are  perpendicular,  as  well  as  the  legs,  which  are  of 
the  most  elegant  shape,  with  small  foot-hoards  attached.  They 
have  also  cushions  of  various  hues,  and  hangings  on  each  side  of 
the  hack.     Chimentell.  de  Honore  Bisell.  c.  18. 

The  cathedra,  on  the  other  hand,  was  designed  more  for  comfort 
than  show  ;  its  hack  and  sides  are  therefore  not  upright,  like  in  the 
solium,  hut  more  easy  and  adapted  to  the  form  of  the  person,  with 
sloping  hack,  and  broader  above,  for  the  head  to  rest  on  in  either 
direction.  Ant.  allere,  iv.  97 ;  Mus.  Borb.  iv.  t.  18 ;  hut  it  is  always 
without  arms.     See  Juv.  vi.  90 : 

.  .  .  famam  contemserat  olim, 
Cujus  apud  molles  minima  est  jactura  cathedras. 
Martial,  iii.  63,  says  of  the  effeminate  Cotilus, 

Inter  femineas  tota  qui  luce  cathedras 

Desidet. 
xii.  38,  femineis  cathedris ;  Juv.  ix.  52,  strata  positus  longaque  cathe- 
dra ;  which  shows  that  it  had  soft  cushions  and  was  long.    It  was 
covered  with  a  strar/idum,  as  we  see  from  Martial,  xii.  18  : 

Ignota  est  toga,  sed  datur  petenti 

Eupta  proxima  vestis  e  cathedra. 

From  the  easiness  of  the  cathedra  it  is  often  mentioned  in  con- 
nexion with  the  fair  sex.  Mart.  ix.  99 ;  Phaedr.  iii.  8,  4  ;  Hor.  Sat. 
i.  10,  90.  Ladies  used  to  rest  on  it  and  write,  Prop.  iv.  5,  37. 
But  the  use  of  these  chairs  was  not  confined  to  them,  as  they 
were  offered  to  men  also,  when  paying  visits.  Thus,  in  Sen.  de 
Chin.  i.  9,  Augustus  has  a  cathsdra  set  for  Cinna.  Plin.  Ep.  ii.  17  : 
viii.  21.  The  teacher's  chair  was  also  called  cathedra,  not  however 
on  account  of  its  being  easy.  Juv.  vii.  203 ;  Mart.  i.  77 ;  Sidon,  Ep. 
vii.  9.  Pliny  (xvi.  37,  08)  mentions  a  particular  sort  of  cathedra 
interwoven  with  osiers.  Comp.  Lipsii  Elect,  i.  19;  Dittrich,  de 
C'ath.  feminarum  Rom. 

Besides  the  solium  (or  chair  of  state  with  back  and  arms),  and 
the  cathedra  (or  easy  chair  with  stuffed  back,  gently  sloping,  but 
without  arms),  there  were  none  others,  as  far  as  we  know,  bearing 
any  particular  designation  ;  but  they  all  went  by  the  general  name 
of  sella.  They  were  very  various,  and  often  remarkably  like  our 
modern  chairs,  as  is  seen  by  the  paintings  at  Pompeii.  The  feet 
were  most  elegantly  turned,  and  either  straight  or  gracefully 
curved ;  sometimes  placed  cro3S-wise,  as  in  Mus.  Borb.  vii.  t.  3. 
The  backs  displayed  an  even   greater  variety.     Sometimes  there 


294  THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.    [Excdrsus  ILL 

were  none  ;  as  in  the  modern  stool.  Mus.  Borb.  vii.  t.  53  ;  ix.  18. 
(Even  those  of  the  emperors  are  often  without  them.  Mus.  Borb. 
iv.  t.  37.)  Sometimes  they  are  very  low,  Mus.  Borb.  viii.  5  ;  others 
a°-ain  are  very  tall,  and  incline  forwards  or  backwards.  But  gene- 
rally the  hack  is  semicircular,  (hence  called  arcus,  Tac.  Ann.  xv- 
57,)  and  broad,  Mus.  Borb.  xiii.  21,  36 ;  rarely  trellised,  as  in  Mus. 
Borb.  xii.  13.  On  the  seats  are  cushions,  apparently  moveable,  and 
therefore  fastened  with  broad  or  narrow  bands.  The  frames  of 
chairs  were  of  wood,  (often  veneered  with  ivory  or  other  costly 
materials),  or  of  metal,  like  the  lecti.  See  Chimentell.  Marmor. 
Pisanum  de  Hon.  Bisett. 

Benches  (scamna  and  subsellia,  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  108 ;  Isid.  xx. 
11)  were  not  used  in  the  houses  of  the  wealthy  Romans,  except  in 
the  baths,  or  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating-  the  ascent  into  the 
lectus.  Isidorus  and  Varro.  The  subsellia  cathedraria  were  a  more 
convenient  kind,  with  backs,  (Pauli.  Dig.  xxxiii.  10,  5),  and  tapetce 
to  cover  the  cushion ;  called  tegumenta  subsellionon  in  Ulp.  Dig. 
xxxiv.  2,  25.  They  were  to  be  found  in  the  public  baths.  Well- 
preserved  specimens  were  discovered  in  Pompeii.  See  Excurs.  I. 
Sc.  7.  It  will  be  needless  to  say  how  common  benches  were  in 
public  life,  as  in  courts  of  justice  and  theatres.  Scabella  were  small 
foot-stools,  (Isid.  ib.),  also  called  hypodia.     Pauli,  iii.  6,  05.] 

THE  TABLES. 

In  no  article  of  furniture  was  greater  expense  incurred  than  in 
the  tables  ;  indeed  the  extravagance  in  this  particular  would  be 
scarcely  credible,  did  not  the  most  trustworthy  writers  give  us  ex- 
press information  about  it.  The  monopodia,  especially,  cost  im- 
mense sums  of  money ;  also  called  orbes  and  abaci.  These  mono- 
podia, which,  according  to  Livy,  xxxix.  0,  and  Pliny,  H.  N.  xxxiv. 
3  8  came  with  other  articles  of  luxury  from  Asia,  were  called 
orbes  not  from  being  round,  but  because  they  were  massive  plates  of 
wood,  cut  off  the  stem  in  its  whole  diameter.  For  this  purpose,  the 
wood  of  the  citrus  was  preferred  above  all  others  [mensa  citrea,  Cic. 
Verr.  iv.  17  ;  Petron.  119]  ;  by  which  we  must  not  understand  the 
citron-tree,  but  the  thuja  cypressoides,  Qvia,  Qvov,  as  is  evident  from 
Pliny,  xiii.  10,  who  expressly  distinguishes  it  from  the  regular  citrus. 
This  tree  was  found  especially  in  Mauretania,  (hence,  secti  Atkintide 
silva  orbes,  Luc.  x.  144  ;  Mart.  xiv.  89),  and  was  of  such  magnitude, 
as  the  citron-tree  never  attained  to.  Pliny  (c.  xv.)  mentions  plates 
nearly  four  feet  in  diameter,  which  were  cut  off  the  trunk,  of  the 
thickness  nearly  of  half  a  foot.    Unlike  other  tables,  they  were  not 


Scene  IL]         THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.  295 

provided  with  several  feet,  but  rested  on  an  ivory  column,  and  were 
thence  termed  monopodia.  Liv.  xxxix.  6  ;  [Juv.  xi.  122  : 
.  .  .  latos  nisi  sustinet  orbes 
Grande  ebur  et  magno  sublimis  pardus  hiatu.] 
Mart.  ii.  43,  9.  The  price  of  such  tables  was  enormous.  [Sen.  de 
Ben.  vii.  9,  memos  et  (estimation  lignum  senatoris  censu.  Juv.  i.  137  : 
Tertull.  de  Patt,  5.]  Pliny  relates  that  Cicero  himself  had  paid  for 
one,  that  was  then  still  extant,  1,000,000  sesterces,  and  he  mentions 
even  more  extraordinary  cases.  The  most  costly  specimens  were 
those  cut  oft'  near  the  root,  not  only  because  the  tree  was  broadest 
there,  but  on  account  of  the  wood  being  dappled  and  speckled. 
Pliny  mentions  tii/rina,  pantherinee,  undatim  crisp«,  pavonum  caudce 
ocidos  imitantes,  opiates  menses.  These  tables  however  were  too  dear 
and  not  large  enough  to  use  at  meals,  although  they  did  sometimes 
serve  for  this  purpose.  Martial,  ix.  60,  9.  Hence  larger  ones  of 
common  wood  were  made,  and  veneered  with  the  wood  of  the 
citrus,  and  according  to  Pliny,  even  Tiberius  used  only  such  a  one. 
xvi.  42,  84. 

The  costly  citrcre,  in  order  to  protect  them  from  injury,  were 
covered  with  cloths  of  thick  coarse  linen,  yuasape.  Mart.  xiv.  138  : 
Nobilius  villosa  tegant  tibi  lintea  citrum  ; 
Orbibus  in  nostris  cireulus  esse  potest. 
They  stood  also  thus  in  the  shops  of  the  dealers,  Mart.  ix.  60,  7. 
This  gausape  was  frequently  purple-covered,  Heindorf,  ad  Hor. 
Sat.  ii.  8,  11;  it  served  also  for  dusters,  [Horace,  ib.;  Lucil.  in 
Priscian.  ix.  p.  870.] 

The  small  tables  used  at  meals,  or  to  display  costly  plate  upon, 
exponere  argentum,  were  called  abaci.  This  word,  in  Greek,  denotes 
a  plate  or  table,  but  generally  one  with  a  raised  rim  round  it.  [Co- 
rona- mensarum,  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  19;  Faber,  Semestr.  iii.  25.] 
Hence  the  counting-table  and  dice-board  were  called  abacus,  as  like- 
wise the  smooth  square  panels  between  the  stucco  ornaments,  tecto- 
ritnn,  on  the  wall-.  Vitr.  vii.  '■>.  10.  Their  use  as  side-boards  is  quite 
clear,  from  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  l<i:  Plin.  xxxvii.  2,6;  comp.  Petron.  73; 
[Sidon.  Apoll,  xvii.  7.]  The  plates  of  such  tables  were  generally 
of  marble,  or  imitations  of  it,  sometimes  of  silver  (Petr.  70),  gold 
or  other  costly  material,  and  generally  square.  To  the  abaci  be- 
long also  the  menses  Delphicce  ex  marmore.  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  59,  aud 
Mart.  xii.  <>7  : 

Aurum  atque  argentum  non  simplex  Delphica  portat. 
[Schol.  ad  Juv.  iii.  204  ;  Schol.  Acr.  ad  Hur.  Sat.  i.  6,  1 IV, ;  Poll.  x. 
81.]    So  the  SeK^ivIq  rpa-tCa  in  Lucian,  Le.viph.,  though  it  is  doubt- 
ful whether  the  name  refers  to  the  material  or  the  form. 


296  THE    HOUSEHOLD   UTENSILS.    [Excursus  III. 

The  trapezophorce,  which  are  mentioned  occasionally,  and  by- 
Cicero,  ad  Att.  vii.  23,  (comp.  Paul.  Dig.  xxxiii.  10,  3 ;  Jung-,  ad 
Poll.  x.  69),  do  not  appear  to  have  been  so  much  tables,  as  table- 
frames,  chiefly  of  marble,  upon  which  an  abacus  was  placed  accord- ' 
ing  to  taste.  Some  persons  profess,  and  with  some  appearance  of 
truth,  to  recognize  them  in  the  numerous  bases,  which  are  to  be 
met  with,  and  four  of  which  are  given  in  the  Mm.  Borb.  iii.  tab. 
59,  vii.  tab.  28.  On  all  of  them  are  two  griffins,  turned  from  each 
other,  and  the  intervening  space  is  decked  with  flowers,  tendrils, 
dolphins,  and  similar  objects  in  relief.  They  are  of  Lunesian  mar- 
ble ;  the  slabs  which  were  upon  them  were  probably  of  higher 
value  [of  costly  wood  or  gilded,  Paul.  Bit/,  xxxiii.  10.    Mart.  iii.  31 : 

Sustentatque  tuas  aurea  mensa  dapes. 
But  they  had  also  small  costly  tables  to  eat  at :  thus  Seneca  had 

five  hundred  rp'nruCai;  KiCpii'ov  $v\nv  iXtöavrÖTroSac.  Of  course 
those  of  more  moderate  means  had  less  pretending  tables,  which 
generally  rested  on  three  or  four  feet,  Hor.  Sat.  i.  3,  13  (mensa 
tripes),  and  had  a  square  plate ;  this  being  originally  the  regular, 
and  indeed  the  only  form  used.  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  118.  The  material 
was  beech-wood,  Mart.  ii.  43,9,  or  maple,  acer,  a  wood  also  highly 
prized  by  the  Greeks  (vrpivcapvoc).     See  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  10: 

.   .  .   puer  alte  cinctus  acernam 
Gausape  purpureo  mensam  pertersit. 

Mart.  xiv.  90.  Pliny,  II.  N.  xvi.  26,  calls  it  citro  secundus.  There 
were  also  tables  of  marble,  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6,  116,  lapis  albus.  In  the 
tabernae,  the  tables  were  often  of  brick-work,  so  the  mensce  lani- 
arice,  Suet.  Claud.  15.     See  Ciaccon.  de  Triclin. 

THE  MIRRORS. 

Bestdes  those  fixed  in  the  walls  (see  above),  there  were  also 
portable  looking-glasses  of  various  sizes  and  manifold  form,  used  at 
the  toilet  of  the  ladies.  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  19.  They  were  mostly 
oval  or  round,  and  were  held  before  the  mistress  by  the  female 
slaves  (tenere,  porrigcre),  Prop.  iv.  7,  76 ;  Ovid.  Am.  ii.  215 ;  Juv. 
ii.  99.] 

The  mirrors  were  generally  of  metal ;  in  the  earlier  periods  a 
composition  of  tin  and  copper  was  used,  but  as  luxury  increased, 
those  made  of  silver  became  more  common,  Pliu.  xxxiii.  9.  The 
silver  however,  which  was  at  first  used  pure,  was  often  adulterated 
with  a  quantity  of  some  other  metal.  The  excellence  of  the  mirror 
did  not  depend  only  upon  the  purity  of  the  metal,  but  also  on  the 


Scene  IL]         THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.  297 

strength  of  the  plate,  which  caused  the  image  to  be  reflected  more 
strongly.  Vitr.  vii.  •"..  9.  [The  hack  part  was  also  of  metal,  which 
was  usually  embossed.  Many  have  been  preserved,  most  of  which 
are  of  Greek  or  Etruscan  workmanship.     Mus.  Borh.  ix.  14.] 

TRIPODS 

may  also  be  reckoned  among  the  household  utensils,  so  far  as  they 
served  to  ornament  the  palaces  of  the  great :  with  their  use  in  the 
temples  we  have  nothing  to  do.  Respecting  the  tripods  in  the 
kitchen,  see  the  kitchen  utensils.] 

Among  the  paintings  from  Pompeii  in  the  Mus.  Barb,  there  are 
two,  which  represent  costly  tripods.  Each  is  adorned  with  seven 
statues,  the  one  with  the  sons,  the  other  with  the  daughters  of 
Niobe.  In  each,  three  figures  are  standing  or  kneeling  at  the  feet 
of  the  tripod,  while  the  remaining  four  are  in  a  kneeling  posture 
on  the  rim  which  unites  the  feet.  Tom.  vi.  t.  13,  iL  [Comp. 
Mus.  Borb.  ix.  33.] 

CUPBOARDS   AND   CHESTS. 

Cupboards  [armaria,  Isid.  xv.  5),  and  chests  (caps<z,  arcce, 
YaiTO,  L.  L.  v.  128)  served  to  guard  money  and  other  valuables, 
as  well  as  clothes,  books,  eatables,  &c.  Pauli.  Dig.  xxxiii.  10,  3. 
On  those  for  the  books  see  Excurs.  I.  Sc.  3.  Cicero,  ja.  Ccel.  21, 
mentions  cupboards  for  valuables.  Petron.  29 ;  Plaut.  Epid.  ii. 
3.  3.  See  Cato,  R.  R.  11,  armarium  promptuarium.  Plaut.  Cap. 
iv.  4,  10.  On  the  cupboards  for  the  imagines  see  above.  They 
were  mostly  made  of  beech-wood.     Plin.  II.  X.  xvi.  84. 

The  chests  also  served  for  all  manner  of  uses,  (area  vestiaria, 
Cato,  R.  II.  11:  comp.  Suet.  Col.  59);  but  mostly  for  keeping 
money  in,  and  they  stood  in  the  atrium.  These  were  either  entirely 
of  metal  (arrb  vßripov,  App.  iv.  44),  or  of  wood,  ornamented  and 
secured  with  metal ;  bence  /errata  area  in  Juv.  xi.  26  :  L  lp.  Dig. 
xxxii.  1,  52.  We  may  form  a  conjecture  of  their  size  from  the  fact 
that  the  proscribed  Junius  or  Vinius  lay  hidden  for  several  days  in 
the  money-chest  of  his  freedman,  and  thus  escaped  death ;  App. 
ib.  :  Din  Cass,  xlvii.  7;  Suet.  Oct.  27.  Several  such  have  : 
found  at  Pompeii,  or,  at  all  events,  their  orr.aments.  cntstee,  Avhich 
were  embossed.  See  Mus.  Borb.  v.  p.  7,  an  account  of  the  two 
chests,  found  in  the  house  of  the  Dioscuri. 

So  common  were  these  money-chests,  that  the  term  for  paying 
money  was  ex  area  solvere.  Donat.  ad  Irr.  Ad.  ii.  4,  13,  and 
Pharm,  v.  8,  29.     They  were  in  charge  of  the  atriensis,  and  perhaps 


298  THE    HOUSEHOLD   UTENSILS.    [Excursus  TIL 

in  great  houses,  in  that  of  special  arcarii ;  Scsev.  Dif/.  xl.  5,  41  ; 
called  by  Plautus,  Aid.  iii.  5,  45,  areularii.  Orell.  2890.  The  arete 
and  armaria  were  sometimes  sealed,  as  has  been  already  mentioned. 
Smaller  chests  (eistellce,  loculi)  and  baskets  (canistra,  Varro, 
L.  L.  v.  120)  are  often  mentioned.  Isid.  xx.  9.  The  baskets  were 
round  or  square,  of  divers  materials,  and  often  very  costly.  Cic.  ad 
Att.  vi.  1 ;  splendidissimis  canistris.     Mus.  Borb.  viii.  18. 

COOKING-  UTENSILS  (coquinatorium  instrumentum,  Ulp.  Dig. 
xxxiv.  2,  19.) 

1.  Regular  cooking  vessels  were  called  cocula,  Paul.  Diac.  p. 
39 ;  Isid.  xx.  8 :  vasa  ad  coquendum. 

a.  Of  peculiar  shape.  As  the  miliarium  (so  called  from  its  re- 
semblance to  mill-stones  ;  Pallad.  v.  8 ;  allum  et  angustum,  Colum. 
ix.  4)  a  tall  narrow  metal  vessel,  for  boiling  water  quickly.  Ath. 
iii.  p.  98 ;  Sen.  Nat.  Quast,  iii.  24.  Ulp.  Big.  xxxiv.  2, 19,  mentions 
silver  ones.  Anthepsa  was  a  Greek  cooking  machine  with  a  recep- 
tacle below,  probably  for  charcoal,  and  often  cost  large  sums.  Cic. 
p.  Hose.  Am.  46  ;  Lamprid.  Hel.  18. 

b.  Kettle-shaped  was  the  ahenum ;  (diniin.  ahemdum,  so  called 
from  the  material ;)  it  was  broad  and  rotund.  Paul  Dig.  xxxiii.  7, 
18 ;  Serv.  ad  Virg.  Mn.  vi.  218.  It  was  hung  over  the  fire,  and 
used  for  boiling  water,  also  for  cooking  victuals ;  Titinn.  in  Nonius, 
i.  68;  Petron.  74;  Juv.  xi.  81;  and  by  dyers,  Ov.  Fast.  iii.  822. 
Avellino  thinks  ahenum  was  a  small  stew-pan,  with  a  long  handle, 
which  is  improbable.  The  lebes,  though  properly  a  basin,  when  it 
was  used  for  cooking,  must  have  been  kettle-shaped,  but  not  very 
deep  ;  Isid.  xx.  8  ;  Poll.  x.  85.  The  cortina,  a  semicircular  kettle 
(hence  cortina  theatri,  Forcellinus)  was  in  general  use  among  the 
dyers.  Plin.  H.  N.  xxxv.  6,  25 ;  Cato,  E.  R.  W  ;  Plin.  xv.  6,  6  ; 
Plaut.  Pan.  v.  5,  11. 

c.  Regular  seething-pots.  Cacabus  (of  metal,  and  of  earthen- 
ware, Col.  xii.  41,  46,  sometimes  of  silver,  Ulp.  ib. ;  Lamprid.  Heliog. 
19)  was  a  pot  for  cooking  food.  Varro,  vas  tibi  coquebant  cihim. 
Pauli.  Dig.  xxxiii.  7,  18.  It  was  also  called  olla,  formerly  aula, 
Isid.  xx.  8.  Nonius,  xv.  1,  calls  it  capacissimum  vas.  See  Forcel- 
linus concerning  its  other  uses.  Cucuma,  a  larger  pot,  Petron.  135  ; 
Macr.  Dig.  xlviii.  8.  Lasanum,  in  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6,  109,  is  also  a 
cooking  vessel,  which  the  sardidus  prcetor  carries  with  him,  that 
he  may  not  have  to  stop  at  an  inn.  A  bronze  pot,  with  cover  and 
handsome  handle,  is  copied  in  Mus.  Borb.  ix.  56  ;  see  xii.  58. 
d.  Those  shaped  like  our  pans.     Sartago  (Isid.  ib.,  a  strepitu 


Scene  IT.]         THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.  299 

soni  vocata,  quando  in  ea  ardet  oleum),  was  an  open  pan  of  silver, 
Plin.  //.  N.  xvi.  11,  22  ;  ülp.  ib.  The  patina  (properly  a  dish), 
also  used  for  cooking,  was  flat.     Plaut,  Pseud,  iii.  2,  51: 

Ubi  omnes  patinse  fervent,  omnes  aperio. 
Apie.  iii.  2  :  iv.  2.     Covers  (test  ion  and  fesfe«)  were  commonly  used. 
Ov.  Fast.  vi.  509  : 

Stant  caliees,  minor  inde  fabas,  olus  alter  habebant, 
Et  fumant  testu  pressus  uterque  suo. 
Cato,  R.  R.  74,  75,  84 ;  Plin.  xxxiii.  7, 26 ;  see  Mus.  Borb.  iii.  Co  ; 
v.  44;  xii.  59. 

2.  Other  utensils  were  tripods,  tripedes,  as  stands  for  the  pots  ; 
(  Ussing  wronglv  supposes  that  lasana  were  also  used  for  this  pur- 
pose) ;  spits  (vent,  Varro.  L.  L.  v.  127)  ;  gridirons  (cratici/la,  Mart, 
xiv.  221 )  ;  strainers  (colum,  Mus.  Borb. ;  some  were  made  of  osiers, 
Colum.  xii.  19)  ;  funnels  {infundibula  and  injidibtda,  Cat.  R.  R.  10, 

II,  13;  Col.  iii.  16,  angusto  ore)  also  of  glass,  Mtts.  Borb.  v.  10)  ; 
sieves  (cribmm;  especially  for  flour,  Pers.  iii.  112,  cribro  decussa 
farina-,  Plin.  H.  N.  xviii.  11,  28;  see  Forcellinus)  :  spoons  and 
ladles  (the  larger  were  called  trace,  Pauli.  Iliac,  v.  antroare,  quo 
permovent  coquentes  exta;  Titinn.  in  Nonius,  xix.  18;  the  smaller 
were  called  tridlce,  Paul.  Diac.  p.  31.  Cato,  R.  R.  13,  mentions 
tridlas  aheneas  and  ligneas.  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  118,  seems  to  use  trua 
in  a  wider  sense.     On  the  use  of  trulla,  as  a  wine-vessel,  see  Excurs. 

III.  Sc.  9.)  Mortars  of  stone  and  metal  (püa,  for  pounding  in  with 
the  heavy  pestle,  pilum  mortarium,  for  lighter  work,  Isid.  iv.  11  ; 
Non.  xv.  3 ;  often  in  the  Scriptores  ret  rusticce,  and  in  Pliny.  See 
Forcell.)  ;  coal-scoops  (Ilor.  Sat.  i.  5,  36,  pruneeque  bat  dun».  ;  see 
Heindorf,  and  Casaubon  ad  Script.  JIi<t.  Aug.  p.  224.  In  Mus. 
Borb.  x.  104,  is  a  copy  of  an  elegant  coal-scoop,  resting  on  Ave 
small  feet ;  and  also  two  small  andirons  of  bronze,  prettily  orna- 
mented. On  pruna  and  carbo,  see  Isid.  xix.  0).  Several  beautiful 
steel-yards  of  bronze  have  been  found.  See  Mus.  Borb.  i.  56  :  viii. 
16.  The  moveable  weight  attached  to  them  is  generally  ornamented 
with  a  small  bust  of  some  deity.     The  scale-plate  hung  by  chains. 

3.  "Water-vessels.  The  most  indispensable  was  the  urna  (hy- 
dria),  like  our  bucket,  adapted  both  for  fetching  water  (Varro,  L.  L. 
v.  126),  and  also  for  keeping  it  in.  For  the  former  purpose  it  was 
provided  with  two  moveable  handles,  which  fell  when  the  vessel  was 
set  down.  When  used  for  keeping  water  in,  they  had  no  handles  ; 
others  again,  for  carrying  water,  besides  the  two  large  handles  had 
two  smaller  ones  fixed  on  below.  Mus.  Borb.  vii.  31  ;  comp.  vi.  31, 
viii.  15  iii.  14.  They  were  made  of  earthenware,  wood,  and  metal. 
One  of  bronze  with  a  verv  elegant  handle  is  given  in  Mus.  Borb.  xi. 


300  THE   HOUSEHOLD   UTENSILS.    [Excursus  III. 

44;  and  Cicero,  Verr.ii.  19,  mentions  hydrias  argenteas.  Some- 
times the  name  of  the  owner  was  inscribed  on  them.  Plaut.  Rud. 
ii.  5,  21. 

They  were  carried  on  the  head.     Prop.  iv.  4,  16 : 
Urgebat  medium  fictilis  urua  caput, 
or  on  the  shoulder,  iv.  11,  27  : 

Infelix  humeros  urgeat  urna  meos. 
Something  was  usually  placed  on  the  head  underneath  the  vessel. 
Paul.  Diac.  p.  6,  and  p.  45  :  CcesticiUus  appellatur  circulus,  quern 
super ponit  capiti,  qui  aliquid  laturus  est  in  capite.  They  poured  the 
water  straight  out  of  the  bucket  into  the  kettle.  Plaut.  Pseud,  i.  2, 
24.  Hence  urna  is  used  of  the  vessels  of  the  Danaides,  though  these 
ought  properly  to  be  called  urnulce.  Varro  in  Nonius,  xv.  8.  The 
water-buckets  were  placed  in  the  kitchen  on  the  urnarium,  as  it  was 
called,  a  kind  of  square  table  for  the  purpose.  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  126  ; 
and  in  Non.  xv.  10.  Other  vessels  for  drawing  and  ladling  water 
were  urceus  (somewhat  less  than  an  urna),  and  ureeolus.  Paid.  Dig. 
quibus  aqua  in  aJicnum  infunditur.  Cato,  R.  R.  10,  13 ;  Mart.  xiv. 
106,  urceus  fictilis : 

Hie  tibi  douatur  panda  ruber  urceus  ansa. 
Cato,  13 :  urceus  ahenus.     These  served  also  for  mixing  drinks. 
Mart.  xiv.  105.     Another  was  called  nanus.     Paul.  Diac.  p.  176 : 
Nanum  Greed  vas  aquarium  dicunt  humile  et  concavum,  quod  vulgo 
vacant  situlum  barbatum.     So  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  119. 

Situlus  or  sitida  may  also  be  compared  to  our  bucket.  Plaut. 
Amph.  ii.  2,  39 ;  Epigram  in  Anth.  Lat.  i.  p.  493 ;  Paul.  Dig.  xviii. 
1,  40;  Cato,  R.  R.  11.  Vitruv.  x.  9:  Fcrrea  catena  habens  situlos 
pendentes  eereos.  Non.  xv.  36.  Lastly,  matetta  and  matellio  were 
used  in  the  kitchen  for  drawing  water,  as  well  as  for  mixing  wine  at 
table.  Plautus  in  Non.  xv.  2  ;  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  119  ;  Cato,  R.  R.  10. 
Of  J litis  Varro  says  (ib.~) :  Vas  aquarium,  quod  in  tricliuio  allatam 
aquam  infundebant, 

VESSELS   FOR  HOLDING  LIQUIDS. 

These  went  by  the  general  name  vasa  (Paul.  rec.  sent.  iii.  6,  86), 
which  word  is  also  used  in  a  wider  sense.  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2, 19  ; 
Plant.  Aid.  i.  2,  17.  They  varied  so  much  in  form,  size,  use,  ma- 
terial and  workmanship,  that  it  would  be  useless  to  attempt  to  give 
specific  names  to  the  many  that  have  been  preserved ;  a  few  general 
observations  must  therefore  suffice.  Varro,  Festus,  Macrobius,  (Sat. 
v.  21),  Nonius  Marcellas,  xiv.,  Isidorus,  xx.  4,  Poll.  x.  aicevri  rä 
/car'  oiieiav  \pi\aina),  Athen,  xi.  are  our  authorities  on  the  subject. 


Scene  II.]         THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.  301 

Some  of  the  chief  modern  works  are,  Panofka.  Hecherch.es  sur  les 
veritable*  noms  des  oases  grecs;  Letronne,  Observat.  philol.  et  arehcol. 
sur  hx  noms  des  Bases  grecs  :  and  Ussing,  de  nommibus  vasorum  Greee. 
Most  of  these  refer  to  Greek  vessels,  but  in  fact  the  majority  of 
the  Eonian  ones,  except  the  commoner  sorts,  were  derived  from 
Greece.  The  Greek  names  of  several  of  these,  and  the  Greek 
subjects  pourtrayed  on  them,  long  continued  to  show  their  first 
origin,  e.  g.  the  scyphi  Somerici  of  Xero.     Suet.  Ner.  47. 

The  vasa  were  made  (1)  of  earthenware,  fictüia,  Isid.  xx.  4  ;  Plin. 
II.  X.  xxxv.  46,  either  of  very  simple  construction  (cumano  rubi- 
cunda  pulvere  testa,  Mart.  xiv.  114  ;  xi.  27,  5  ;  Ilor.  Sat.  i.  G.  118),  or 
valuable  from  their  size  and  skilful  workmanship  (propter  tenuita- 
tvm.  Pliny).  See  Buperti  on  Juvenal,  iv.  131  :  Pliny,  ib. :  eo  perve- 
nit  luxuria,  >d  etiam fictüia  pluris  constent  quam  murrhina.  The  art 
of  the  potter  and  modeller  bloomed  early  in  Italy,  especially  in 
Etruria  ( Mart.  xiv.  98)  and  lower  Italy  ( Mart.  xiv.  102,  114)  ;  but 
even  in  Numa's  time  there  was  a  guild  of  potters  at  Eome.  Pliny, 
ib.  All  sorts  of  utensils  and  vessels  were  worked  either  after  G  reek 
patterns  or  from  orig:nal  designs.  The  numerous  terra  cottas  still 
existing  are  conspicuous  alike  for  their  durability,  colouring  and 
finish,  as  well  as  for  the  tasteful  elegance  of  their  shapes  ;  the  inge- 
nuity displaved  in  ornamenting  the  handles  and  rims  is  truly  won- 
derful. Ovens  for  baking  them  have  often  been  discovered,  and  at 
Oria  in  Campania,  a  potters  workshop  entire,  with  a  number  of 
vessels.  See  Hausmann,  de  confectione  vasorum  antiq.  fiet ilium. 
On  the  terra  cotta  lamps,  see  the  following  Excursus,  on  the 
Manner  of  Lighting. 

(2)  The  metal  vasa  were  very  numerous.]  The  silver  and  golden 
utensils  were  either  pura  I  sine  uUo  opere  artificis.  Plin.  Ep.  iii.  1  ; 
Juv.  ix.  141 ;  Mart.  iv.  38 ;  also  levia,  Juv.  xiv.  62)  :  or  ceelata,  aspt  ra, 
toreumata.  The  latter  were  doubtless  not  always  from  the  hand  of 
the  artist  whose  name  they  bore ;  but  it  was  the  name  more  than  the 
workmanship  that  enhanced  their  value.  [The  Greek  ropevTucii  cor- 
responds exactly  with  the  Eoman  cahdura  :  and  is  only  used  of 
work  in  relief  in  metal :  as  Quinctilian  expressly  states,  ii.  21  :  Plin. 
H.  X.  xxxiii.  Isid.  xx.  4  :  Ceelata  vasa  signis  eminentibus  vntu 
trave  expressis  a  ccdo,  quod  bst  genus  ferramenti,  quod  vulgo  cüio 
meant.  Anciently,  such  vessels  were  termed  anccesa.  Paul.  Diac. 
p.  20:  quod  cireumcasdendo  fiunt.  See  (Taratoni  on  Cic.  Terr.  iv. 
23.  This  ornament  was  either  constructed  in  a  piece  with  the 
vessel  itself  (being  either  hammered  out,  or  cast  and  then  chased  i, 
like  the  dishes  and  cups  ornamented  with  wreaths  (lances  pampi- 
nedee,  patina  hederatce,  discus  corymbiatus,  Treb.  Poll.  Claud.  17,: 


302  THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.    [Exccrsds  III. 

or  the  embossing  was  done  on  a  separate  piece  of  metal,  which 
was  afterwards  fixed  on  to  the  vessel.  Lead  was  used  for  soldering 
them  together.  Alp.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  19  ;  Paul.  Dig.  vi.  1,  23.  Such 
plates  in  relief  were  named  sigilla,  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  22  ;  and  these  were 
further  called  emblemata  or  crustce.  Verr.  iv.  23.  The  first  were 
massive  pieces,  stuck  firmly  into  the  vessel.  (Hence  the  term  em- 
blema vermictdatum  applied  to  designs  in  mosaic.)  So  Ulpian,  Dig. 
xxxiv.  2,  19 :  emblemata  aurea  (in  argento),  and  §  6 ;  so  Paul.  ib. 
32,  and  Rec.  sent.  iii.  6,  89 :  Vasis  argenteis  emblemata  ex  aurofixa. 
Sen.  Ep.  5.  Pliny,  H.  N.  xxxiii.  55,  mentions,  as  a  phialce  emblema, 
Ulysses  and  Diomed  stealing  the  Palladium.  Comp.  Treb.  Poll.  Tit. 
in  xxx.  Tyr.  32.  Crust<e.,  on  the  other  hand  (according  to  its  true 
meaning,  of  thin  covering  generally,  for  instance,  the  plates  of 
marble  covering  the  walls,  fishes'  scales,  &£.),  denote  thin  plates  or 
strips,  with  or  without  embossed  work,  which  were  not  so  much 
fixed  in,  as  on  and  around  the  vessels.  Thus  a  chaplet  of  embossed 
work  placed  round  a  vessel  would  be  called  only  crusta,  not  emblema. 
The  crusta  was  thin  like  veneering,  the  emblema  compact  and  mas- 
sive. Paul.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  32  :  eymbia  argentea  crustis  aureis  illi- 
gata,  whereas  infixa  is  used  of  the  emblemata.  Cic.  Verr.  ii.  24  : 
it  a  scite  in  aureis  poculis  iUigabat  (i.e.  crustas),  ita  apte  in  scyjmis 
aureis  includebat  (i.  e.  emblemata).  See  Salinas,  ad  Solin.  p.  73G. 
Ernesti  Clavis,  v.  emsta.  Tiberius  forbade  the  expression  emblema, 
as  being  bad  Latin,  Suet.  Tib.  71 ;  Dio  Cass.  lvii.  51,  but  of  course 
it  continued  to  be  used.  Vasa  aurea  are  also  mentioned  (LTlp.  Dig. 
xxxiv.  2,  27),  but  the  argentea  were  naturally  more  common.  One 
hundred  such  have  been  discovered  at  Pompeii,  most  of  them  mag- 
nificently embossed.  See  Mus.  Horb.  x.  14 ;  xi.  45  ;  xiii.  49.  A 
rich  discovery  of  them  was  made  in  Normandy,  from  the  temple  of 
Mercury  at  Canetum.] 

The  chrysendeta,  so  often  mentioned  by  Martial,  are  incorrectly 
explained  to  be  drinking-vessels ;  on  the  contrary,  they  were  fiat 
vessels  for  serving  up  the  food :  at  least  this  is  the  only  use  to 
which  they  are  applied  by  Martial,  ii.  43,  11;  and  xiv.  97;  comp, 
vi.  94.  The  name  itself,  and  the  designation^/fara,  gave  rise  to  the 
supposition  that  they  were  silver  vessels  with  a  golden  rim,  perhaps 
also  with  inlaid  gold-work. 

The  vasa  of  Corinthian  brass  were  highly  prized.  See  above. 
[Bronze  vessels  were  naturally  most  frequent,  numbers  are  to  be 
seen  in  the  Museum  Borbonicum ;  which,  notwithstanding  the  cheap- 
ness of  the  material,  are  always  gracefully  formed,  the  handles  par- 
ticularly so,  with  very  fine  embossing.] 

(3)  Vessels  adorned  with  gems.     We  must  not  believe  thta  in 


Scenk  IL]         THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.  303 

every  case  where  vessels  of  amethyst,  etc.  are  mentioned,  real  pre- 
cious stones  are  meant,  though  there  were  such  also.  We  have  only 
to  call  to  mind  the  Mantuan  vase,  as  it  is  called.  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  27. 
[Prop.  iii.  3,  26:  Nee  bibit  e gemma  (licit c  nostra  suis.  Virg.  Georg,  ii. 
506 ;  Mart.  xiv.  110.  See  a  cup  of  onyx,  3Ius.  Borb.  xii.  47.  Little 
vessels  of  onyx  were  often  used  for  anointing-,  and  hence  onyx  came 
to  denote  an  ointment  vessel.  Hör.  Od.  iv.  12,  17  :  Nardi  parvus 
onyx.     Prop.  iii.  8,  22  ;  ii.  10,  13 ;  Mart.  vii.  94  ;  xi.  50.] 

Vessels  ornamented  with  precious  stones  were  much  more  fre- 
quent, gemmis  distineta,  or  composed  of  a  quantity  of  cameos  set  in 
gold,  Appian,  Mithr.  115,  which  are  often  mentioned  by  the  later 
poets.  [Plin.  xxxiii  2  :  turba  gemmarum  potamus  et  smaragdis 
teximus  calices.  xxxvii.  6;  Mart.  xiv.  109:  Juv.  x.  26;  v.  43;  Auson. 
epigr.  8  ;  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  19. 

(4)  Vessels  of  amber  were  only  of  small  dimensions,  Mart.  iv. 
32 :  De  ape  electro  inchisa.  Metal  vessels  were  also  ornamented 
with  amber.     Paul.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  32  ;  Mart.  viii.  51 : 

Vera  minus  flavo  radiant  electra  metallo. 
Juv.  v.  37 ;  xiv.  307.     Ivory  seems  to  have  been  rarely  used  for 
vessels,  or  their  ornaments.     Mart.  xiv.  78 ;  Orell.  3838 :  pyxidem 
eborcam.~\ 

(5)  Vessels  of  glass.  The  ingeniously-wrought  objects  in  glass 
for  which  Alexandria  particularly  was  famed,  appear  to  throw  all 
the  skill  of  the  English  and  Bohemian  glass-polishers  [yitriarii, 
Orell.  4229]  completely  into  the  shade.  [Mart,  xii.  74  :  Cum  tibi 
Niliacus  portet  crystalla  cataplus.  Cic.  p.  Hab.  14;  Tieb.  Poll. 
Claud.  17:  calices  ALgyptios.  Vop.  Tac.  ii.]  They  knew  as  well  as 
we  how  to  impart  to  the  glass  any  colour  they  pleased,  and  make 
skilful  imitations  of  precious  stones.  Plin.  xxxvi.  26,  67 ;  comp, 
xxxvii.  7,  26,  6,  22  ;  [Isid.  xvi.  15  ;  Strab,  xvi.  p.  758]  ;  and  this  kind 
of  coloured  glass  is  no  doubt  often  meant  under  the  word  gemma  ; 
e.g.  the  ameihystini  trientes.  Mart.  x.  49.  To  them  belong  also 
the  variously-shaded  alassontes,  [from  Egypt,]  (Vopisc.  Saturn.  8,) 
perhaps  opal-glass,  or  something  similar.  The  most  valued  howe'ver 
were  the  crystallina,  of  quite  pure,  white,  and  transparent  glass. 
Plin.  [Isid.  xvi.  15.]  We  must  always  therefore  understand  it  of 
crystal  glass,  when  crystallina  or  crystalla  (Mart.  ix.  23,  [xiv.  Ill ;] 
xii.  74)  are  mentioned  ;  and  when  we  read  (ix.  60,  13)  of  turbata 
brevi  crystallina  vitro,  this  must  be  supposed  to  be  an  impure, 
perhaps  greenish,  piece,  or  place,  as  i.  54,6,  A  retina;  violant  crystal- 
Una  testa:  They  had  also  the  secret  of  making  glass  of  differently- 
coloured  layers  joined  together,  which  they  then  cut  into  cameos 
like  the  onyx.     Plin.  xxxvi.  26,  66.     The  renowned  liarberini  or 


304  THE    HOUSEHOLD   UTENSILS.    [Excmsus  III. 

Portland  Vase,  [from  the  tomb  of  Severus  Alexander,]  which  was 
long  considered  a  genuine  sardonyx,  is  of  this  description.  Hence 
the  frequent  mention  of  sardotiyches  veri,  Mart.  iv.  61,  6 ;  ix.  60, 19. 

[Still  finer  than  the  Portland  vase  is  the  embossed  glass  vase, 
with  blue  and  white  bas-reliefs,  discovered  in  1837,  in  a  tomb  at 
Pompeii.     See  Mus.  Borb.  xi.  28,  29.] 

The  opal  bowl,  described  in  Scene  IL,  was  discovered  about  the 
year  1725,  hi  Navarre,  and  at  the  time  Fea  translated  Winkelmann's 
Hist,  of  the  A/is,  was  to  be  found  in  the  collection  of  D.  Carlo  de' 
Marchesi  Trivulsi.  Such  vessels  were  named  diatreta,  Mart.  xii.  70, 
9  ;  Ulp.  Dig.  ix.  2,  27.  On  the  other  hand,  toreuma  (Mart.  xi.  11, 
tepidi  toreumata  Nili,  [xiv.  94,]  et  passim)  has  a  more  extended 
signification,  and  may  be  referred  particularly  to  the  calata.  Comp. 
Martial,  xiv.  115.  [Paul.  Diac.  p.  115  :  Lesbium  genus  vasis  ccslati 
a  Lesbiis  invention,  and  these  were  of  purple-  coloured  glass.  Ath.  xi. 
p.  486.  According  to  Quinct.  i.  21,  the  term  ccelare  cannot  properly 
be  used  of  glass  ;  scidptura  is  the  word  to  be  used  of  wood,  ivory, 
glass,  and  marble.     See  the  Excursus  on  The  Baths. 

(6)  Vasa  murrhina.  It  is  plain  from  the  vagueness  with  which 
the  ancients  express  themselves  about  the  vasa  murrhina,  that  they 
were  not  quite  clear  about  its  substance.  For  with  the  exception  of 
the  much-quoted  passage  of  Prop.  iv.  5,  26, 

Seu  quae  palmiferse  mittunt  venalia  Thebse, 
Murrheaque  in  Parthis  pocula  cocta  focis, 
there  is  no  other  which  would  not  admit  of  a  negative  rather  than 
of  a  positive  use.  Hence  there  has  been  a  great  variety  of  opinion 
about  the  material  from  which  they  were  composed.  Many  have 
declared  the  murrha  to  be  natural  stone;  [e.g.  agate,  onyx,  sardonyx, 
etc.]  On  the  other  hand,  the  opinion,  chiefly  based  on  Propertius, 
that  it  was  Chinese  porcelain,  has  met  with  numerous  defenders  [as 
the  Scaligers  and  Salmasius].  And  this  view  of  the  subject  seems 
to  be  the  only  admissible  one,  and  agrees  best  with  the  majority  of 
passages  on  the  subject ;  besides  which,  it  receives  considerable  sup- 
port from  the  assertion  (if  true)  of  Gell,  that  porcelain  went  by  the 
name  of  Mirrha  di  Smyrna,  down  to  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  [The  most  important  passage  is  in  Pliny,  H.  N.  xxxvii.  2, 
8  :  Oriens  murrhina  mittit.  Inveniuntur  enim  ibi  in  pluribus  nee  in- 
signibus  locis  Parthici  regni,pra-cip>ie  in  Carmania.  Humorem  putant 
sub  terra  colore  densari.  Amplitttdine  nusquam  parvus  excedunt 
abacus,  crassitudine  raro  quanta  dictum  est  vasipotorio,  etc.  "Whence 
it  appears  that  Pliny  did  not  consider  it  an  artificial  product.  The 
mineral  which  suits  Pliny's  description  best,  is  the  Fluor  or  Derby- 
shire spar,  from  which  exactly  similar  vessels  are  made  in  England. 


Scene  IL]         THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.  305 

It  is  soft,  and  fragile,  arid  of  a  faint  brilliancy,  &c,  just  as  Pliny  says. 
This  opinion  is  the  one  now  most  generally  adopted  among  the 
learned.  The  Roman  jurists  declared  that  murrhina  (although  of 
great  value,  Plin.  xxxvii.  2,  7)  were  not  to  he  counted  as  gems.] 
There  were  genuine  and  false  murrhina,  the  latter  probably  an  imi- 
tation in  glass,  as  Plin.  xxxvi.  26,  67,  in  enumerating  the  different 
glasses  manufactured,  any s,  Jit  et  album  et  murrhinum.  [The  passage 
of  Propertius  cited  above  probably  refers  to  this  imitation.  In  re- 
ference to  the  uses  of  the  vessels  we  shall  class  them  as  follows. 

1.  Vasa  for  preserving  liquids,  in  cellars,  chambers,  tabernse, 
and  partly  for  transporting  them  in 

(a)  larger  sorts :  doli,  cadi,  amphorce,  lagence,  which,  as  they  were 
chiefly  for  wine  (though  also  for  oil,  Cato,  Ii.  JR.  13 ;  and  honey, 
Cic.  Verr.  ii.  74),  are  mentioned  in  the  Excursus  on  The  Drinks. 
(b)  Smaller  sorts  for  keeping  articles  in  though  only  for  a  short 
time,  the  contents  being  destined  for  speedy  consumption.  Ampulla 
(ßöpßvXoQ,  At/Kun'oc,  Xj)ic('i9ior),  short  and  thickset  in  shape,  with  a 
narrow  neck.  Plin.  Ep.  iv.  30.  If  designed  for  hanging  up,  it  was 
provided  with  a  handle.  Oil  was  kept  in  them  for  bathing.  (Appul. 
Flor.  ii.  9 ;  Mart.  iii.  82,  26  ;  Cic.  de  Fin.  iv.  12.)  Also  vinegar 
(Plin.  H.  N.  xx.  14,  54),  and  wine.  They  were  also  used  for 
drinking  out  of,  Mart.  vi.  35  : 

.  .  .  vitreisque  tepentem 
Ampullis  potas  serpisupimis  aquam. 

Suet.  Dom.  21.  This  often  happened  on  a  journey.  Plaut.  Merc. 
v.  2,  86 ;  comp.  Pers.  i.  3,  43.  Leathern  bottles  were  also  used  for 
this  purpose,  scoHece  ampulleB.     Col.  viii.  2. 

Alabastrum  was  used  only  for  ointment  and  oil ;  it  was  cylin- 
drical in  shape,  decreasing  upward,  and  always  without  handles. 
Plin.  II.  N.  ix.  35,  56 ;  xxi.  4,  10.  It  was  made  of  onyx  (hence 
called  onyx),  alabaster,  and  other  sorts  of  stone,  as  well  as  glass. 
Many  derive  it  from  n  and  Ao/J»),  referring  to  the  absence  of  han- 
dles. Others  think  that  it  received  its  name  from  the  material  of 
which  it  was  usually  made.  Müller  and  Welcher,  on  the  contrary, 
that  the  stone  took  its  name  from  the  vessel.  Its  use  is  evident 
from  Cicero  in  Non.  xv.  17,  plenus  unguentl.  Mart.  xi.  8;  Plin.  H.  N. 
xiii.  2,  3,  unguenta  optime  servantur  in  alabastris  ;  xxxvi.  5, 12.  The 
alabastra  were  carried  in  thongs,  and  there  were  regular  stands  for 
them,  akaßaäTpoQi]Kif. 

2.  Vasa  for  drawing,  pouring  out,  and  distributing. 

Those  for  water,  urna,  urceus,  nanus,  &c,  have  been  already 
discussed  ;  those  for  wine  were  called  guttus,  simpulum,  epichysis, 
cyathus.  Varro,  L.L.  v.  124.    Most  probably  guttus,  and  the  Greek 

X 


306  THE    HOUSEHOLD   UTENSILS.    [Excuksus  III. 

epichysis  (Plaut.  Rud.  v.  2, 32),  were  small  cans  with  narrow  necks 
(Hor.  Sat.  i.  6,  118,  cum  patera  guttus,  i.e.  the  can  with  the  saucer 
under  it.  See  Heindorf,  ad  he. ;  guttus  faginus  in  Pliny,  H.  N.  xvi. 
73) ;  simpuvmm  and  cyathus,  a  special  kind  of  wine  ladles ;  see 
the  Excursus  on  the  Tahle  Utensils.  Gutti  were  not  used  as  ladles, 
but  more  as  oil  or  ointment  cruets,  Gell.  xvii.  18.  They  are  men- 
tioned in  the  baths,  Juv.  iii.  263 ;  xi.  158.  Guttumium  was  likewise 
a  can  with  a  narrow  neck,  Paul.  p.  98  ;  also  called  euturnium,  Paul, 
p.  51.  The  simpuvium  was  used  at  sacrifices,  called  by  Varro,  in 
Non.  xv.  12,  modus  matida ;  it  was  of  wood  or  earthenware.  A 
similar  can  for  pouring  out  water  over  the  washing-basin  was  called 
manalis,  Varro  in  Non.  xv.  32.  All  these  cans  have  a  handle  and 
mouth,  but  they  vary  much.  Sometimes  the  handle  rises  high 
above  the  vessel ;  sometimes  it  is  small ;  the  narrow  neck  is  some- 
times long,  sometimes  short,  &c.  See  some  cans  of  wonderful 
workmanship  in  Mus.  Borb.  ii.  47;  xii.  59;  xiii.  43.  Compare  iv.  43; 
v.  15  ;  vi.  29  ;  xii.  55  ;  xiii.  46 ;  xiii.  27. 

3.  Drinking-vessels.     See  the  Excursus  on  the  Table  Utensils. 

4.  Uooking-vessels.     See  p.  298. 

5.  Table  utensils,  as  dishes,  saucers,  &c.  See  the  Excursus  on 
the  Table  Utensils. 

6.  Washing- vessels.  One  of  the  largest  was  called  nassiterna. 
Fest.  p.  169,  vasansatum  et  patens.  Varro,  R.  R.  i.  22,  ex  cere.  Plaut. 
Stich,  ii.  2, 27.  Labrum  was  large,  but  it  denotes  in  a  wider  sense 
every  sort  of  large  tub  used  for  wine  and  oil,  &c.  Cato,  R.  R.  13. 
It  was  made  of  marble,  clay,  and  metal.  Col.  xii.  15, 50.  It  is  a 
bathing-tub  in  Plin.  Up.  v.  6;  Ovid.  Fast.  iv.  76;  Cic.  ad  Fam.  xiv. 
20.  Pelvis  was,  according  to  Nonius,  xv.  4,  sinus  aquarius  in  quo 
varia  perlumitur,  i.  e.  a  rinsing-tub.  Juv.  iii.  277,  patulas  effundere 
pelves.  It  also  served  as  a  foot-bath,  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  119.  Prceferi- 
culum  was  a  pelvis  for  religious  uses.     Festus  and  Paul.  p.  248. 

Aquiminarium  resembled  it,  being  a  sort  of  rinsing-tub.  Pomp. 
Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  21,  where  a  silver  one  is  mentioned ;  or  perhaps  it 
was  used  for  washing  the  hands  in.  Pauli.  Big.  xxxiii.  10.  Polu- 
brum  and  tndleum  were  washing-basins.  Nonius,  xv.  11,  makes  both 
words  identical.  See  Paul.  Diac.  p.  247,  Non.  xv.  32,  trulleum,  quo 
manus  perluuntur.  Malluvium  is  also  explained  to  be  a  basin  for 
washing  the  hands,  Paul,  and  Fest.  p.  160.  Lebes  is  reckoned  among 
the  same  sort  by  Servius,  ad  Virg.  sEn.  iii.  466 ;  Mus.  Borb.  x.  35. 

CURTAFNS. 

Thetk  use  in  the  theatre,  in  atria  and  arcades,  and  before  door- 
ways, has  already  been  discussed.    Such  hangings  seem  to  have  also 


Scene  IL]         THE    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS.  307 

been  used  as  tapestry  to  cover  the  walls  and  ceilings.  See  above. 
Wustemann'a  explanation  of  the  suspenso  aulcea  of  Horace.  Porphyr, 
on  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  54;  Serv.  on  Virg.  Mn.  i.  701,  in  domibus  tende- 
bantur  aulcea  ut  invitatio  tentoriorum  fieret :  uncle  et  in  thalamis  hoc 
fieri  hodieque  conspicimus.  Such  hangings  are  seen,  tastefully  draped, 
in  several  frescos ;  and  on  the  lamp,  in  Passer,  hießet,  iii.  37. 

Conopium  was  a  kind  of  veil-like  hanging,  properly  mosquito-net, 
used  only  by  effeminate  persons.  Hor.  Epod.  ix.  16 ;  Juv.  vi.  80 ; 
and  Schol.  ctdicare  conopium,  Prop.  iii.  11,  45.] 

IMPLEMENTS  FOR   CLEAXIXG. 

The  implements  used  for  cleaning  the  walls,  floor,  ceilings,  and 
furniture,  were  scopes,  besoms  made  of  the  branches  of  the  wild 
myrtle,  oxymyrsine  (ruscus  aculeata,  Linn.),  or  the  tamarisk,  Tama- 
rix  Gcdliea,  Plin.  xxiii.  9, 83  ;  xvi.  26, 45,  [Mart.  xiv.  82 ;  Cato,  R.  R. 
152,  scopes  vin/e<?~\;  and  sponges,  spongice.  [Mart.  xiv.  144.]  Amongst 
sponges,  the  Punic  or  African,  and  the  Ehodian,  were  much  prized ; 
but  the  softest  came  from  the  Lycian  town  Antiphellos,  Plin.  H.  N. 
ix.  45,  69 ;  xxxi.  11.  They  were  sometimes  fastened  to  a  long,  and 
at  others  to  a  short,  statt';  in  which  case  they  were  called peni< tdif 
which  signifies  sponges,  and  not  brushes  or  hair  brooms.  Terence, 
Eun.  iv.  7,  7.  [Paul.  Diac.  p.  208,  penieuli  spongice  longa  propter 
similitudinem  caudarum  appeUatce.~]  This  is  the  infelix  damnatee 
spongia  virgce,  Mart.  xii.  48  ;  and  the  arundo.  Plaut.  Stich,  ii.  2,  23, 
They  were  also  used  for  cleaning  shoes.  Plaut.  Menachm.  ii.  3, 40;  ii. 
2, 12.  [Fest.  v.  penem.  p.  230.]  It  appears  doubtful  whether  they 
had  not  also  similar  contrivances  made  of  bristles.  We  at  least 
might  infer  this  from  the  second  diminutive  penicillus,  as  they 
manufactured  plasterers'  brushes  of  bristles,  Plin.  xxviii.  17,  71. 
"Why  not  also  brooms  ?  Plin.  ix.  45,  66.  [Long  poles  were  used  for 
clearing  away  the  cobwebs,  and  ladders  in  cleaning  the  ceilings. 
Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiii.  7,  12,  peHicce  quibus  aranece  detergantur,  scake 
qua  ad  lacunaria  admoveantur.  The  besoms  have  been  already 
mentioned.     See  note  17,  page  122.] 

The  passages  from  which  we  have  borrowed  this  description  of 
the  busy  manner  of  cleaning  the  house,  are  Plaut.  Asm.  ii.  4,  18 ; 
Stich,  ii.  2,  23  ;  Juv.  xiv.  63  : 

Yerre  pavimentum  ;  nitidus  ostende  columnas  : 

Arida  cum  toto  deseendat  aranea  tela  : 

Hie  leve  argentum,  vasa  aspera  tergeat  alter. 


x  2 


EXCUESUS  IV.     SCENE   IL 


THE    MANNEE    OF    LIGHTING. 

ONE  of  the  imperfections  in  the  domestic  economy  of  the  ancients 
■was  the  universal  use  of  oil-lamps.  Had  they  provided 
against  the  uncleanliness  by  Laving  glass  cylinders  to  consume  the 
smoke  (fuligo),  we  should  not  he  so  much  surprised  at  the  pre- 
ference given  to  oil  over  tallow  and  wax.  But  they  had  no  in- 
vention of  the  sort,  and  in  spite  of  all  the  elegance  and  ingenuity 
displayed  in  their  lamps  of  bronze  and  precious  metals,  the  ancients 
could  not  prevent  their  ornamented  ceilings  from  being  blackened, 
and  their  breathing  oppressed,  by  smoke.  The  nature  of  the 
country  doubtless  led  them  to  use  oil,  but  its  cheapness  does  not 
appear  a  sufficient  reason  for  their  having  continued  to  bear  its 
discomforts,  and  we  must  therefore  rather  suppose  that  at  that 
time  wax  and  tallow  candles  were  not  made  skilfully  enough  to 
afford  a  good  light :  hence  we  find  that  the  lucema  was  used  by 
the  poor,  whilst  the  smoky  oil-lamp  was  burned  in  the  palaces  of 
the  wealthy. 

The  whole  apparatus  for  lighting  is  mentioned  by  Appul.  Met. 
iv.  :  Tcedis,  lucernis,  cereis,  sebaeeis,  et  ceeteris  nocturni  luminis  instru- 
mentis  clarescunt  tenebree.  The  tcedce,  properly  slips  of  pine,  were 
not  intended  for  the  usual  house-lighting,  so  that  only  the  lucernae 
and  candelce,  which  latter  are  partly  eerce,  and  partly  sebacece,  re- 
main to  be  noticed.  We  learn  that  these  only  were  in  use  at  a  more 
ancient  period,  [no  mention  is  ever  made  of  them  among  the  Greeks; 
see  Becker's  Charicles,  Eng.  Trans,  p.  130,]  the  lamp  being  of  later 
invention.  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  34 ;  also  De  vita  Pop.  Pom. ;  in  £>e?-v.  ad 
Virg.  JEn.  i.  727 ;  [Val.  Max.  iii.  6,  4 ;  comp.  Cic.  de  Sen.  13] ; 
Mart.  xiv.  43,  Candelabrum  Corinthium : 

Nomina  candehe  nobis  antiqua  dederunt : 
Non  norat  parcos  uncta  lucerna  patres. 

Athen,  xv.  700.  Instead  of  our  wick,  they  used  for  the  candelae, 
the  pith  of  a  kind  of  rush,  the  indigenous  papyrus,  scirpus.  Plin. 
xvi.  37,  70;  Anthol.  Pal.  vi.  249.  Perhaps  the  same  thing  may  also 
be  understood  by  the  funiculus  of  Varro.  These  rushes  were 
smeared  over  with  wax  or  tallow,  although  tallow-candles,  sebacece 
(in  Amm.  Marc,  xviii.  Q,  fax  sebalis),  were  only  employed  for  the 


Scene  II.]        THE    MANNER   OF    LIGHTING.  309 

commonest  purposes.  We  learn  from  Varro  that  there  were  other 
candeke,  in  earlier  times,  besides  the  cerese.  Martial  has,  among 
his  Apophoreta,  two  different  epigrams  (candela,  40, 

Ancillam  tibi  sors  dedit  lucernse 
Tutas  quae  vigil  exigit  tenebras. 

and  cereus,  42). 

Hie  tibi  noctumos  prsestabit  cereus  ignes, 
Subducta  est  puero  namque  lucerua  tuo. 

in  both  of  which  he  appears  to  mean  that  the  candela  and  cereus 
were  considered  commoner  than  the  lucerna.  This  is  more  plain 
from  Juv.  iii.  287,  where  Umbricius  says  of  himself  in  distinction 
to  the  cenea  lampas  of  the  rich  : 

.  .  .  Quern  luna  solet  deducere  vel  breve  lumen 
Caudelse,  cujus  dispenso  et  temporo  filum ; 

and  from  Pliny,  xxxiv.  3,  6,  where  he  speaks  of  the  extravagant 
prices  of  the  candelabra,  which  nevertheless  took  their  name  from 
so  insignificant  a  thing.  "Wax  candles  are,  however,  mentioned 
with  lamps  in  descriptions  of  splendour  and  profusion  ;  and  Virgil 
{/En.  i.  727)  says  of  the  Palace  of  Dido : 

.  .  .  dependent  lychni  laquearibus  aureis 
Incensi  et  noctem  flammis  funalia  vincunt. 

Boettiger  was  therefore  wrong  in  supposing  that  the  ancients  were 
unacquainted  with  the  use  of  wax  lights.  The  cerei,  the  use  of 
which  at  the  nocturnal  comissatio  is  mentioned  by  Seneca,  Epist. 
22,  and  the  candelse  generally,  were^not  torches,  and  the  candelabra 
were  formed  to  hold  them.  Serv.  ad  Viry.  supra ;  [Paul.  Diac.  p. 
46,  42  ;  Isidor.  xx.  10] ;  Donat.  ad  Ter.  Andr.  i.  1,  88.  [The  can- 
delabra for  candles  were  also  called  funalia,  in  a  wider  sense. 
Isid.  xx.  10  :  funalia  candelabra  exstantcs  stimulus  habuerunt,  quibus 
funiculi fiyebantur.     In  Ov.  Met.  xii.  246, 

Lampadibus  densum  rapuit  funale  coruscis. 

the  word  funalia  seems  used  as  a  lamp-holder.]  The  hand-cande- 
labra mentioned  by  Servius  are  probably  like  the  lychnuchi  used  at 
the  Lampadedromice,  in  which  the  plate  under  the  candle  served 
the  double  purpose  of  protecting  the  hand  from  the  dripping  of 
the  hot  wax,  and  the  flame  from  the  draught  of  air. 

Lamps,  lucernes,  are  still  extant  in  great  numbers,  and  from  the 
elegance  of  their  forms,  and  the  emblematic  ornaments  upon  them, 
they,  with  the  candelabra,  are  among  the  most  interesting  of  anti- 
quities. The  most  important  works  on  this  subject  are  [Liceti,  de 
lue.  antiq.  reconditis] ;   Bellori,  Lucernes  sepulcrales ;  Passeri,  Luc. 


310  THE   MANNER   OF   LIGHTING.    [Excursus  IV. 

fictiles;  Antichitä  aVUrcolano,  viii.  ;Mus.  Borb. ;  Millin.  Monum.  ined. 
ii.  160. 

The  difference  frequently  made  between  lucernes  cubieulares, 
balneares,  triclinia  res,  sepulcrales,  can  only  refer  to  tlie  different  uses, 
and  the  most  we  can  assume  is  that  the  tricliniares  were  more 
elegant  than  the  balneares,  and  had  more  wicks  than  the  cubieu- 
lares, which  last,  although  the  proper  night  lamps,  served  for  light- 
ing the  sitting-rooms  generally.  Mart.  x.  38,  7,  and  xiv.  39.  The 
sepulcrales,  so  called  from  having  been  frequently  found  in  tombs, 
were  not  made  for  that  purpose,  but  only  given  to  the  deceased  as 
usual  lamps.  [This  remark  requires  correction ;  for  there  were 
special  lamps,  the  ornaments  and  inscriptions  of  which  show  that 
they  were  exclusively  used  in  tombs,  e.  g.  sit  tibi  terra  levis  anima 
duleis ;  and  Diis  Manibus,  Passer,  iii.  49,  46,  51 ;  Bellor.  ii.  16. 
These  lucernse  were  placed  by  the  relatives  on  the  tomb  or  in  the 
vault,  either  voluntarily  or  in  compliance  with  the  last  will  of  the 
deceased.  In  Modest.  Dig.  xl.  4,  44,  Masvia  wills  id  monumento 
meo  alternis  mensibus  lucernam  accendant  et  sollennia  mortis  per agant. 
See  Petron.  3.] 

Most  of  the  lamps  we  possess  are  of  terra  eolta  [hence  called 
testa,  Virg.  Georg,  i.  391],  or  bronze,  but  lucernes  aurece,  argentece, 
vitrece  [Passer,  ii.  t.  83],  and  even  of  marble,  are  mentioned.  Those 
of  terra  cotta  are  usually  of  a  long  round  form,  flat  and  without 
feet:  on  the  upper  part,  where  the  orifice  for  pouring  in  the  oil  is, 
there  are  often  designs  in  relief,  chiefly  mythological  [often  beasts, 
as  elephants,  lions,  eagles,  peacocks,  apes,  horses,  she-wolves  with 
Romulus  and  Renius,  hares,  dolphins,  or  battles  of  gladiators, 
trophies,  flowers,  chaplets,  masks ;  see  Passer,  iii.  20],  and  far 
better  than  could  be  expected  on  utensils  of  every-day  use.  [The 
models  were  made  by  particular ßgidi  siyillatores,  Orell.  4191,  who 
sold  them  to  the  potter.  The  name  of  the  maker,  or  a  mark  of 
the  workshop,  often  stands  at  the  bottom,  e.  g.  a  garland,  a  half- 
moon,  etc. ;  sometimes  the  name  of  the  patron  or  emperor.  Passer, 
i.  p.  x.  See  3Ius.  Borb.  vi.  30.]  Sometimes  they  have  only  one 
wick,  monomyxos,  monolychnis;  [dilychnis,  Petron.  30];  at  others, 
several,  dimyxi,  trimyxi,  polymyxi ;  [lue.  bilyehnes,  Orell.  3678  ; 
Poll.  ii.  72;  x.  115;  Anthol.  Pal.  xii.  199];  Mart.  xiv.  41, 
Lucema  polymixos : 

Illustrem  cum  tota  meis  convivia  flammis 
Totque  geram  myxas,  una  lucerna  vocor. 

They  seem  to  have  been  used  chiefly  in  the  triclinia,  or  the  larger 
rooms.     In  the  Antich.  d'Ercol.  are  wreath-shaped  lamps  for  nine 


Scene  IL]         THE    MANNER   OF    LIGHTING. 


311 


and  twelve  wicks,  and  one  in  the  form  of  a  skiff  for  fourteen  wicks. 
See  Juven.  vi.  305  : 

Quum  bibitur  concha  quum  jam  vertigine  tectum 
Ambulat  et  geminis  exsurgit  mensa  lucernis. 

Petron.  64. 

The  bronze  lamps  were  still  more  elegant.  Among  the  most 
tasteful  are  the  dimyxos,  on  which  a  winged  boy  is  grouped  with  a 
goose  ;  a  copy  of  which  is  here  given  from  the  Mus.  Borb.  iv.  14 ; 


one  with  three  lights,  on  which  is  a  dancer  with  the  Phrygian  cap 
(Antich.  (TErcol.  t.  29),  and  one  with  a  Silenus.    Mus.  Borb.  i.  1. 10. 


312  THE   MANNER    OF    LIGHTING.    [Excursus  IV. 

Hemp,  cannabis,  and  flax,  or  the  tow  taken  from  it,  were  used 
as  wicks  (Plin.  xix.  1,  3),  and  the  leaves  of  a  kind  of  verbascum, 
thence  called  (p\6fjiog  XvxvItiq.  Diosc.  iv.  106;  Plin  xxv.  10,  74.  A 
lamp  is  said  to  have  been  found  at  Stabise  with  the  wick  still  pre- 
served. 

As  the  orifice  for  pouring  in  the  oil  was  small,  special  boat-like 
vessels,  infundibula,  having  in  front  a  small  hole  only,  through 
which  the  oil  was  poured,  were  used.  Instruments  were  also  used 
for  raising  and  snuffing  the  wicks,  and  were  fastened  by  a  chain  to 
the  lamp.    Small  pincers  for  raising  the  wicks  have  also  been  foimd 


at  Pompeii  in  great  numbers.  When  a  figure  stood  upon  the  lamp, 
it  sometimes  held  this  instrument  by  a  chain  in  its  hand.  Antich. 
etc.  t.  28,  69 ;  M us.  Borb.  iv.  t.  58,  vii.  t.  15. 

The  lamps  were  either  placed  on  a  candelabrum,  or  were  sus- 
pended by  chains  from  the  roof.  Virg.  JEn.  i.  727,  dependent  lychni 
laquearibus  aureis.  Petron.  30.  There  were  also  candelabra,  with  a 
number  of  branches,  on  which  lamps  could  be  hung.  Those  found 
in  the  buried  towns  are  of  very  different  heights  ;  from  one  Neapo- 
litan palm  to  upwards  of  six,  or  even  seven,  palms.  They  stood 
upon  the  ground,  but  were,  in  comparison  with  the  tables  and  sofas, 
of  a  considerable  height.  Lucerna  de  spccida  candelabri.  Appul. 
Met.  ii. 

The  poorer  classes  used  those  made  of  wood.  Cic.  ad  Quint,  jr. 
iii.  7  ;  Mart.  xiv.  44,  Candelabrum  ligneum : 

Esse  vides  lignum :  serves  nisi  lumina,  fiet 
De  eandelabro  magna  luceraa  tibi. 

Petron.  95 ;  [Csecil.  in  Non.  iii.  74]  ;  comp.  Athen,  xv.  700.  In  the 
temples  and  palaces,  and  places  where  they  remained  fixtures,  they 
were  made  of  marble,  and  ornamented  with  reliefs  (Mus.  Pio-Clem. 
iv.  1, 5,  v.  i.  3),  [vii.  37 ;  Mus.  Borb.  i.  54] ;  and  when  intended  as 
offerings  to  the  gods,  of  valuable  metals,  or  even  of  precious  stones, 
like  that  which  Antiochus  designed  for  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capi- 
tolinus.  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  28.  But  they  were  usually  of  bronze  [Cic. 
Verr.  iv.  26],  and  the  labour  spent  on  getting  them  up  made  this 
an  important  branch  of  ancient  bronze  manufacture. 


Scene  IL]        THE    MANNER    OF    LIGHTING- 


I -I  o 


The  proper  candelabra  (also  lychnuchi) — for  the  lampadaria,  in 
the  form  of  statues  and  trees, 
were  the  inventions  of  a  later 
age — consisted  of  three  and 
sometimes  four  pieces — the  foot, 
the  shaft,  and  the  discus  or  plate. 
The  slender  shaft  was  usually 
_  fluted,  and  rested  on  three  feet 
of  animals,  above  which  was 
some  leaf-ornament — it  termi- 
nated in  a  capital,  on  which  was 
a  kind  of  vase,  covered  by  the 
plate  bearing  the  lamp.  Some- 
times a  head  or  figure  was  above 
the  capital,  and  supported  the 
plate,  as  is  the  case  in  the  Mus. 
Borb.  iv.  t.  57,  and  in  the  ac- 
companying engraving. 

The  candelabra  produced  at 
iEgina and  Tarentum  were  espe- 
cially remarkable  for  the  beauty 
of  their  workmanship,  and  each 
place  signalised  itself  in  the  con- 
struction of  certain  parts.  Plin. 
xxxiv.  3,  6;  comp.  Mueller, 
JEgmet.  p.  80.  Some  have  a 
second  plate  immediately  above 
the  foot,  and  are  beautifully 
ornamented.  There  were  also 
Corinthian  ones,  as  they  were 
called,  which  sold  at  high  prices 
( Mart.  adv.  43),  but  Pliny  de- 
nies that  they  were  genuine. 

There  were  also  candelabra  so 
constructed  that  the  lamps  could 
be  raised  or  lowered ;  in  these 
the  shaft  was  hollow,  and  into  it 
a  staff  was  fitted ;  this  bore  the 
plate,  and  had  several  holes, into 
which  a  pin  could  be  inserted.  One  of  these  is  copied  in  the 
Antich.  t.  70,  and  a  still  more  ingenious  one  in  t.  71,  and  Mus.  Borb. 
vi.  61 :  in  the  latter  the  animals'  feet  could  be  laid  together  by  a 
hinge  attached,  and  it  seems  to  have  been  thus  made  for  use  on 


314  THE   MAXNER   OF    LIGHTING.    [Excursus  IV. 

a  journey:  it  was  only  three  palms  five  inches  high,  but  could  he 
lengthened  if  necessary. 

There  were  also  four  other  sorts  of  candelabra,  in  which  the 
simple  shaft  became  either  a  statue  holding  a  torch,  from  which  the 
lamp  burned  {Mus,  Borb.  vii.  t.  15),  or  above  which  two  arms  were 
raised,  holding  the  plate  (iv.  t.  59,  vii.  t.  30),  [in  xiii.  14,  the  statue 
forms  the  lower  part  of  the  shaft,]  or  the  shaft  was  changed  into  a 
column,  whereon  a  Moor's  head  served  as  a  lamp  (vii.  1. 15).  But , 
still  more  numerous  are  those  called  lampadaria  :  they  are  stems  of 
trees,  or  pillars  standing  on  a  base,  from  the  capital  of  which  the 
lamps  were  suspended.  Mus.  Borh.  ii.  t.13,  viii.  t.  31 ;  Antich.  t. 
65, 8.  But  these  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  lychnuchi,  men- 
tioned by  Pliny,  xxxiv.  3,  8,  Pkwuere  et  lychnuchi  pensiles  in  delubris 
aut  arborum  modo  mala  ferentium  lucentes,  qualis  est  in  templo  Apol- 
linis  Palatini,  as  he  was  describing  something  unusual,  and  the 
lychnuchi  pensiles  may  perhaps  be  compared  to  our  chandeliers. 
That  in  the  temple  of  Apollo,  however,  was  of  the  time  of  Alexander. 
Something  similar  is  possibly  intended  by  Athen,  xv.  700.  The 
lamps  often  stood  also  on  tripods.     Mus.  Borh.  ix.  13,  vi.  30. 

They  could  scarcely  have  held  sufficient  oil  to  have  kept  burning 
continually,  when  the  revels  lasted  late,  and  fresh  oil  was  therefore 
supplied.  Petron.  22  ;  in  c.  70,  we  find  sweet-smelling  oil  added ; 
an  act  of  extravagance  also  mentioned  in  Martial,  x.  38,  9,  where 
the  lucerna  which  lighted  the  bridal  of  Catinus  is  said  to  be  nimbi» 
ebria  Nicerotianis. 

[THE  LATERNE,  LANTHORNS. 

Isid.  xx.  10  :  Later •na  dicta,  quod  lucent  interim  habeat  clamant. 
Etenim  ex  vitro,  intus  recluso  lumine,  ut  venti flatus  non  adire  possit, 
et  ad  prcebendum  lumen  facile  ubique  circtimfercdur.  Mart.  xiv.  61. 
Plaut.  Aul.  iii.  6,  30,  laterna  Punica.  The  frame  was  mostly  of 
bronze,  the  other  part  of  glass  (Isid.)  or  thin  plates  of  horn.  Plaut. 
Amph.  i.  1,  185. 

Volcanum  in  cornu  conclusum  geris. 
Ath.  xv.  p.  699  ;  Mart.  xiv.  6,  cornea ;  or  of  oiled  linen,  Plaut.  Bacch. 
iii.  3,  42 : 

It  magister  quasi  lucerna  uneto  exspretus  linteo. 

Cic.  ad  Att.  iv.  3,  linea  laterna,  though  the  reading  is  doubtful. 
Mtis.  Borb.  ii.] 


EXCUESUS  V.  SCENE  IL 


THE  CLOCKS. 


NOTWITHSTANDING  the  magnificence  of  the  domestic  ar- 
rangements of  the  ancients,  and  the  refined  care  bestowed  on 
every  thing  that  could  make  life  agreeable,  they  still  were  without 
many  ordinary  conveniences.  For  instance,  a  clock,  to  regulate  the 
business  of  the  day,  according  to  a  fixed  measure  of  time,  to  us  an 
indispensable  piece  of  furniture,  which  the  man  of  moderate  means 
can  command  with  facility,  and  even  the  poorest  does  not  like  to 
be  without, — was,  for  nearly  five  hundred  years,  a  thing  quite  un- 
known in  Rome,  and  even  in  latter  times  only  in  a  very  imperfect 
state.  Originally  they  did  not  divide  the  day  into  hours  at  all,  but 
guessed  at  the  time  from  the  position  of  the  sun.  Varro,  L.  L.  vi. 
89 ;  vi.  4,  5 ;  Plin.  IL  N.  vii.  GO.  Afterwards  the  division  which 
followed  was  very  inconvenient. 

It  is  true,  they  reckoned  twenty-four  hours  from  midnight  to 
midnight,  but  they  divided  the  regular  duration  of  the  day,  between 
the  rising  and  setting  of  the  sun,  into  twelve  hours,  and  allotted 
the  remainder  of  the  time  to  the  night.  After  the  Romans  became 
acquainted  with  the  use  of  sun-dials,  the  natural  day  was  divided 
into  twelve  equal  hours.  Not  so  the  night,  in  which  the  position  of 
the  stars  and  the  increasing  or  decreasing  darkness  were  the  only 
means  of  distinguishing  single  portions  of  time  :  hence  there  was 
no  division  of  it  into  hours  at  first.  Afterwards  the  use  of  water- 
clocks  became  more  general,  but  even  then  the  former  custom  de- 
rived from  the  camp,  by  which  the  night  was  divided  into  four 
watches,  still  remained  much  in  use.  In  civil  life  it  became  more 
subdivided:  eight  divisions  were  adopted,  named  by  Macrobius,  Sat.i. 
3,  and  found  essentially  the  same  in  Censorinus,  de  die  not.  24. 
According  to  the  former  they  were  called,  beginning  with  sunset, 
vespera  (crepusculum),  prima  fax  (luminibus  accensis),  coneubia  (nox), 
i/dtmpesta  {nox)  :  and  from  midnight  to  sunrise,  media;  noctis  incli- 
ncrtio,  (jallicinium,  conticiniam,  diluculum.  [See  also  Varro,  L.  L.  vi. 
6  7 ;  Isidor.  v.  31.]  Still  even  in  Cicero's  time  the  night  was 
divided  into  twelve  hours.  P.  Rose.  A.  7.  On  this  account  a  faulty 
state  of  things  naturally  arose,  for  the  hours  of  night  and  day  being 
of  variable  length  throughout  the  year,  and  only  equal  at  the 
equinoxes,  their  eleventh  hour,  for  instance,  began  at  fifty-eight 


116 


THE    CLOCKS. 


[Excursus  V. 


minutes  past  two,  according  to  our  mode  of  reckoning,  in  the  win- 
ter solstice,  and  at  two  minutes  past  five  in  the  summer  solstice. 
Thus  any  comparison  of  the  Roman  hours  with  ours,  is  attended 
with  this  difficulty,  that  we  must  always  know  the  natural  length  of 
the  day  for  the  latitude  of  Rome,  in  order  that  our  calculation 
may  be  correct.  Still  for  a  tolerably  near  computation,  the  table 
given  in  Ideler's  Lehrbuch  d.  Chronologie,  and  in  the  Handbuch, 
Part  ii.,  is  sufficient ;  '  it  gives  the  length  of  the  Roman  day  in  our 
equi-form  hours  for  the  eight  principal  points  of  the  ecliptic,  in 
the  year  45  b.c.,  being  the  first  year  of  Julius  Oassar's  regulation  of 
the  calendar.' 

Day  of  the  Year.  Length  of  the  Day. 

23  December 
6  February 
23  March 
9  May    . 
25  June  . 
10  August 
25  September 
9  November 

In  order  to  give  a  more  clear  and  comprehensive  view  of  the 
matter,  a  Table  is  added,  comparing  the  Roman  hours  witb  ours, 
at  both  the  solstices,  where  the  difference  is  greatest,  while  at  the 
equinoxes  alone  our  hours  coincide  with  those  of  the  Roman. 

In  Summer.  In  Winter. 

hour.     ., hours,  min."  sec.  hours,  min.  sec. 


hours. 

min 

8 

54 

9 

50 

12 

14 

10 

15 

6 

14 

10 

12 

9 

50 

1 

4 

27 

2 

5 

42 

3 

6 

58 

4 

8 

13 

5 

9 

29 

6 

80 

44 

7 

12 

8 

1 

15 

9 

2 

31 

10 

3 

46 

11 

5 

2 

12 

6 

17 

End  of  the  dav  7 

33 

30 


30 


30 


30 


30 


30 


7 

33 

8 

17 

9 

2 

9 

46 

10 

31 

11 

15 

12 

12 

44 

1 

29 

2 

13 

2 

58 

3 

42 

4 

27 

30 


30 


30 


30 


20 


10 


This  division  of  the  hours  lasted  a  long  time,  and  it  is  only  in 
calendars  of  the  latest  period  that  we  find  the  length  of  the  night 
and  day,  through  the  different  months,  given  according  to  equi- 


Scene  II.]  THE    CLOCKS.  317 

noctial  hours.  Of  this  kind  is  the  Calcndarium  rusticum  Farnesia- 
nuni,  which  is  to  he  found  in  Gnev.  Tkes.  antiq.  Horn,  riii.,  with 
Orsini's  explanations ;  and  in  31as.  Borb.  ii.  t.  44.  Still  it  contains 
as  yet  no  indication  of  a  Christian  fera,  as  in  the  case  of  the  "\  iennese 
one,  which  is  referred  to  the  age  of  Constantine.  In  Grtev.  97 ;  Ideler, 
Handbuch  d.  Chron.  ii.  139.  A  question  difficult  of  solution  offers 
itself,  whether  in  giving  the  hour,  as  hora  se.rta,  nana,  decima,  the 
current,  or  already  elapsed  hour  is  meant,  (S.  Saliuas.  on  Vojnsc.  Flo- 
rian. 0,  634 :  Exerc.  ad  Solin.  636)  ;  whether,  for  instance,  hora  nona 
denoted  the  equinoctial  hour  from  two  to  three,  or  was  equivalent  to 
saying,  at  three  o'clock.  It  is  true  that  on  ancient  sun-dials  the 
hours  are  only  divided  by  means  of  eleven  lines,  which  have  no 
numbers  placed  against  them.  [See  below.  Sometimes,  however, 
numbers  were  engraved.  Varro,  L.  L.  vi.  4  :  meridies  ab  eo,  quod 
medius  dies,  D  antiqui,  rum  R  in  hoc  ddcebant,  id  Preeneste  incisum  in 
solario  vidi.]  If  the  shadow  of  the  ringer  (gnomon)  fell  upon  the  first 
line,  the  first  hour  would  be  already  elapsed,  and  hora  prima  would 
be  the  commencement  of  the  second.  [So  in  Pers.  iii.  4.  quint  a 
dum  linea  tangitur  umbra  denotes  the  end  of  the  fifth  hour,  or  eleven 
o'clock.]     When,  on  the  other  hand,  Martial,  iv.  8,  says, 

Prima  salutantes  atque  altera  continet  hora, 
Exereet  raucos  tertia  causidicos. 

In  quintam  varios  extendit  Roma  labores ; 
Sexta  quies  lassis,  septima  finis  erit. 

Sufficit  in  nonam  nitidis  octava  palustris ; 
Imperat  exstructos  frangere  nona  toros. 

it  is  evident  that  in  each  case  the  current  hour  is  meant ;  and  a3 
nona  is  the  usual  hour  for  the  ccena,  hora  nona  ccenare  can,  to  agree 
with  the  passage,  denote  only,  at  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  hour. 
The  same  seems  also  to  follow  from  the  epigram  which  has  already 
been  quoted  by  others.     Anthol  Pal.  x.  43  : 

*E£  Zpai  fjL6x&ois  iKavc&TaTcu,  a!  Se  fxei'  auras 
Tpdfi/iaffi  SeiKfu.uerai  ZH0I  \i-yovai  ß'rOTots. 

For  the  letters  a' — -'  would  fall  to  the  first  six  hours,  and  i"  denote 
the  whole  of  the  seventh. 

According  to  Pliny,  (vii.  60),  there  was  no  sun-dial  in  Eome 
until  eleven  years  before  the  war  with  Pyrrhus,  (about  4G0  a.  r.  c), 
although  their  use  had  already  been  made  known  in  Greece  by 
Anaximander,  or  his  scholar,  Anaximenes,  about  500  years  before 
Christ.  See  Ideler,  Lehrb.  97.  L.  Papirius  Cursor  placed  the  first 
on  the  temple  of  Quirinus,  as  Pliny,  after  Fabius  Vestalis,  relates. 
Varro,  on  the  other  hand,  [as  well  as  Censorin.  de  d.  not.  23,]  dates 
the  introduction  of  this  time-measure  about  twenty  years  later,  and 


318  THE    CLOCKS.  [Excursus  Y. 

makes  M.  Valerius  Messala  bring  to  Rome  the  first  sun-dial,  cap- 
tured at  the  conquest  of  Carina,  a.  u.  c.  491.  Meierotto  was  in 
error  in  concluding  from  the  fragment  of  the  Bceotia,  or  Bis  com- 
pressa  of  Plautus,  where  the  parasite  says, 

Ut  ilium  dii  perdant,  primus  qui  horas  reperit, 
Quique  adeo  primus  statuit  hie  solarium. — 
Nam  me  puero  vetus  hie  erat  solarium,  etc. 

(he  means  his  stomach),  that  the  first  solarium  came  to  Rome  in  the 
time  of  Plautus.  This  would  have  been  about  the  time  of  the 
second  Punic  war ;  but  was  it  actually  necessary  that  Plautus  should 
allude  to  his  youth  in  order  to  make  this  joke  ?  [The  sun-dials,  thus 
brought  from  Sicily  to  Rome,  had  one  great  and  natural  inconve- 
nience, as  Pliny  says  :  nee  congruebant  ad  horas  ejus  Knees  ;  paru- 
erunt  tarnen  eis  amiis  iindecentum ;  donee  Q.  Marcius  Philippus, 
diligentim  ordinatum  juxta  posuit.  Censorin.  23.]  These  earliest 
sun-dials  were  evidently  of  the  kind  called  by  the  Greeks  tt6\oc. 
The  old  sort,  or  yvwjiw,  was  not  introduced,  as  the  Romans  adopted 
the  latest  improvements  of  the  Greeks,  (see  Becker's  Charicles,  Eng. 
Trans,  p.  173,  note  3).  Still  there  was  one  such  gnomon  at  Rome, 
viz.  the  obelisk,  one  hundred  and  ten  feet  high,  erected  by  Au- 
gustus in  the  Campus  Martius,  with  the  inscription,  Soli  donum 
dedit ;  now  on  Monte  Citorio.  Pliny  describes  it  accurately,  H.  N. 
xxxvi.  10.  The  sun-dials,  horologia  solaria,  or  sciotherica  [solaria 
alone,  Varro,  L.  L.  vi.  4,]  were  at  a  later  period  in  very  general 
use,  and  made  of  various  forms.  Comp.  Vitr.  ix.  9 ;  [Isid.  xx.  13  j] 
Emesti,  de  solariis,  and  Clavis  Ciceron. ;  Pitture  cFErcol.  iii.  337 ; 
Martini,  Abh.  v.  d.  Sonnenuhren  d.  Alten. ;  Van  Beeck  Calkoen,  Diss. 
Math.  ant.  dehorologiis  vett.  sciotherieis ;  Mus. Borb.  tu.  Frontisp.  As 
the  shadow  of  the  finger  (gnomon)  placed  perpendicularly  upon  the 
horizontal  surface,  had  to  give  the  twelve  hours  of  the  natural  day, 
which  were  at  one  time  short,  at  another  long,  a  threefold  division 
was  made.  Vitr.  ix.  8 :  Omnium  autemfigurarum  descriptionumque 
earum  efectus  unus,  uti  dies  csquinoctialis  brumalisque  itemque  solsti- 
tialis  in  duodecim  partes  a-qualiter  sit  divisus.  [Of  the  numerous 
kinds  of  sun-dials  two,  at  least  have  been  preserved,  the  hollow 
hemispherical,  and  the  flat  one  ;  which  are  made  of  marble,  com- 
mon stone,  or  bronze ;  while  the  lines  upon  them  often  bear  traces  of 
having  been  coloured  red.  The  first  was  found  at  Tusculum,  in 
1741.  Soon  after,  several  were  discovered  near  Castel  Nuovo  and 
Tibur,  more  at  Pompeii.  Avellino  {descr.  di  una  casa,  pp.  29, 32, 60) 
gives  copies  of  two  sun-dials,  found  in  the  house  of  the  ornamented 
capitals.  The  hour-lines  are,  in  almost  every  instance,  engraved  in 
the  same  manner,  and  mostly  bounded  by  the  segments  of  two 


Scene  IL] 


THE    CLOCKS. 


319 


circles.    The  mid-day  line  m,  which  is  sometimes  longer,  sometimes 
shorter,  is  cut  by  another  line  running  from  East  to  West,  upon  the 

Midday. 


Midnight. 

intersections  of  which  with  the  hour  lines  the  shadow  of  the  gno- 
mon g  must  fall  at  fixed  times.  On  these  intersecting  points  the 
hours  are  here  marked  in  the  modern  fashion,  the  corresponding 
Eoman  hours  being  given  at  the  end  of  each  line.  In  the  first,  and 
in  the  twelfth  hour,  (between  6  and  7,  and  5  and  6),  the  shadow 
falls  between  the  circle  and  point  7  or  o.] 

On  dull  days  there  was  still  as  much  uncertainty  as  ever  about 
the  time  of  day  until  clepsydra  became  known ;  they,  in  some 
degree,  amended  this  deficiency.  They  were  similar  to  our  sand- 
glasses, since  the  water  contained  in  a  vessel  was  allowed  gradually 
to  escape.  On  their  form,  KwSeia  (ab\6e}  ififj-ög),  see  Becker's 
Charicles,  Eng.  Trans,  p.  174,  note  4.  But  they  are  also  called  sola- 
ria. Cic.  de  rial.  d.  ii.  34 :  Solarium  vel  description  vel  ex  aqua. 
[Censorin.  23  :  P.  C.  Nasica  censor  ex  aqua  fecit  horarium,  quod  et 
ipsum  ex  consuetudine  noscendi  a  sole  haras  solarium  cceptum  vocari.~\ 
So  the  clepsydra  was  also  called  yvu/xuiv  by  the  Greeks.     Ath.  ii. 


320  THE    CLOCKS.  [Excursus  V. 

p.  42.  The  clepsydrae  mentioned  by  Aristotle  were  not  transpa- 
rent, the  use  of  glass  being  then  very  restricted.  Later,  this  the 
most  fitting  material,  "was  adopted.  The  first  clepsydra  was,  accord- 
ing to  Pliny,  (vii.  69),  publicly  set  up  by  Scipio  Nasica,  in  the  year 
595  A.u.c;  but  lately,  doubts  have  been  raised  (Ideler,  Lehrb.  258) 
as  to  whether  this  water-clock  was  a  mere  clepsydra,  as  it  is  named 
horologium  by  Pliny,  and  horarium  by  Censorin.  de  die  nat.  24.  It 
has  on  the  contrary  been  taken  for  an  actual  clock  of  the  invention 
of  Ctesibios.  From  this  it  would  further  follow  that  that  ingenious 
mechanician  did  not  (as  Athenasus,  iv.  174,  relates)  live  under  Pto- 
lemseus  Evergetes  IL,  but  perhaps  under  the  first,  which  would 
place  his  date  almost  one  hundred  years  earlier,  since  the  second 
did  not  succeed  to  the  throne  till  608  A.u.c.  The  latter  suppo- 
sition, derived  perhaps  from  a  similar,  but  probably  erroneous 
account,  given  by  Beckmann,  (Beitr.  z.  Gesch.  d.  Erfind,  i.  284,) 
appears  quite  unnecessary ;  for  Ptolemy  VII.  had  reigned  in  Cy- 
renaica  since  583  A.u.c,  though  he  did  not  mount  the  throne  of 
Egypt  till  later,  and  even  then  Ctesibios  could  very  easily  belong 
to  his  age,  and  his  water-clock  still  be  known  as  early  as  595. 

It  does  not  seem,  indeed,  that  so  much  must  be  inferred  from 
the  words  horologium  and  horarium,  which  after  all  only  signify 
hour-measures.  Pliny  evidently  means  to  say,  that  until  this 
period  they  had  been  confined  entirely  to  sun-dials,  and  possessed 
no  sort  of  water-clock.  His  words  are,  Etiam  tum  tarnen  nubilo  in- 
certce  fuere  horce  usque  ad  proximum  lustrum.  Tunc  Scipio  Nasica 
collet/a  Lcenat is  primus  aqua  di visit  haras  eeaue  noctium  ac  dierumf 
idque  horologium  sub  tecto  dicavit  anno  urbis  DXCV.  Now  it  cer- 
tainly was  not  a  single  clepsydra  which  marked  perhaps  the  lapse 
of  one  hour ;  but  why  could  it  not  be  a  junction  of  several  of  various 
size,  or  a  larger  vessel,  on  which  there  were  certain  marks  by  which 
the  lapse  of  the  several  hours  could  be  perceived?  This  last 
appears  to  be  what  Sidon.  Apoll,  means  in  the  passage  quoted  by 
Ideler,  Ep.  ii.  9,  nuntius  per  spatia  clepsydra  horarum  incrcmenta 
servans.  Ideler1  s  remark  after  Beckmann,  that  clepsydrce  were  not 
known  to  the  Romans  till  under  Pompey,  is  not  supported  by  the 
slightest  hint  or  trace  of  any  such  thing  in  the  dialogue  de  causis 
corruptee  eloquentice ;  they  are  not  even  once  mentioned,  and  it  is 
only  said  that  the  orators  were  stinted  by  bim  (Pompey)  to  a  fixed 
time  (28).  Primus  tertio  consulatu  Cn.  Pompeius  adstrinxit,  impo- 
suitque  vehcti  frenos  eloquential.  On  this  account,  clepsydra  were  no 
doubt  given  them,  of  which  frequent  mention  is  made  at  a  later 
period.  Plin.  Ep.  ii.  11,  says,  dixi  horis  pcene  quinque,  nam  duo- 
decim  clcpsydris,  quas  spatiosissimas  acceperam  (they  were  different 


Scene  II.]  THE   CLOCKS.  321 

ones  then)  stmt  addita  quatuor.  Others  read,  nam  clepsydra  vigmti, 
and  this  certainly  accords  better  with  the  horts  quinque ;  for  in  that 
case  to  each  clepsydra  would  he  assigned  the  fifth  part  of  an  hour, 
so  that  quatuor  viginti  clepsydrce  made  up,  doubtless,  pcene  horas 
quinque.  Compare  Mart.  vi.  35,  viii.  7.  [Lyd.  de  mag.  ii.  16 ;  Bur- 
chardi,  de  ratione  temporis  ad  perorandum  injud.  publ.  apud  Roma- 
nos."] These  clepsydrce  were  naturally  placed  in  private  houses 
also.  [Cic.  ad  Fam.  xvi.  18,  writes  to  Tiro  at  Tusculum,  horolo- 
gium  et  libros  mittam.  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiii.  7, 12.  But  in  temples,  basi- 
likas,  public  squares,  or  at  monuments,  sun-dials  only  were  placed. 
Orell.  2032,  3298 ;  Censorin.  23 ;  Varro,  L.  L.  vi.  4 ;  Lyd.  de  mag. 
iii.  35.]  The  hydraulic  clocks  of  Ctesibios,  also,  were  probably  to 
be  fouud  here  and  there,  although  they  would  scarcely  do  for  the 
Roman  division  of  the  day.  Nevertheless,  Weinbrenner  has  in- 
vented a  piece  of  mechanism  by  means  of  which,  he  says,  it  was 
possible  to  denote  the  various  hours,  Vitr.  ix.  9,  2 ;  but  all  these 
contrivances  were  less  to  be  depended  on  than  a  modern  wooden- 
clock. 

Iu  order  to  know  the  hour  without  giving  themselves  any  trouble, 
slaves  were  kept  on  purpose  to  watch  the  solarium  and  clepsydra, 
and  report  each  time  that  an  hour  expired.     Mart.  viii.  67  : 

Horas  quinque  puer  nondum  tibi  nunciat,  et  tu 
Jam  con  viva  mihi,  Caeciliane,  venis. 

Juven.  x.  216 : 

.     .     .     clamore  opus  est,  ut  sentiat  auris, 
Quem  dicat  venisse  puer,  quot  nunciet  horas. 

The  stupid  Trimalchio  had  in  his  triclinium  a  horologium,  and  a 
buccinator  by  it,  to  tell  each  time  the  hour  was  elapsed.     Petr.  26. 


EXCUESUS   I.     SCENE  III. 


THE   LIBEAEY. 

rflHAT  an  extensive  library  should  be  found  in  the  house  of  a 
-"-  learned  and  celebrated  Roman  poet,  appears  quite  natural,  and 
we  should  miss  it,  if  it  were  not  there  ;  but  it  would  be  incorrect 
to  argue  from  the  presence  of  a  costly  library,  the  literary  tastes 
of  its  owner.  What  in  the  earlier  periods  of  Roman  history  was 
the  want  merely  of  a  few  individuals,  who  cultivated  or  patronized 
literature,  became  by  degrees  an  article  of  luxury  and  fashion. 
The  more  ignorant  a  man  really  was,  the  more  learned  he  wished 
to  appear,  and  it  was  considered  ton  to  possess  a  rich  library,  even 
though  its  owner  never  took  up  a  Greek  poet  or  philosopher, 
perhaps  never  advanced  so  far  as  to  read  over  the  titles  on  the  rolls, 
contenting  himself,  at  the  utmost,  with  enjoying  the  neatness  of 
their  exterior.  Seneca,  de  Tranq.  An.  9,  earnestly  rebukes  this 
rage  of  heaping  together  a  quantity  of  books  in  a  library  :  quorum 
dominus  vix  tola  vita  sua  indices  per  legit.  He  ridicules  those  quibus 
voluminum  «worum  f routes  maxime  placent  titulique  ;  and  concludes  : 
jam  enim  inter  balnearia  et  thermos  bibliotheca  quoque  ut  necessarium 
domus  ornamentum  expolitur.  Ignoscerem  plane,  si  c  studiorum  nimia 
cupidine  oriretur ;  nunc  ista  exquisita  et  cum  imaginibus  suis  descripta 
sacrorum  opera  ingeniorum  in  speciem  et  cultum  parietum  compa- 
rantur.  Lucian  also  found  himself  called  upon  to  scourge  sharply 
this  folly,  in  a  particular  treatise,  Upbg  airaiSsvrov  kcii  ttoXXu  ßtßMa 
üi'oifievof ;  and  very  justly  addresses  to  the  object  of  his  satire  the 
proverbs  :  jt«0jjkoc  b  TrivrjKut;  kciv  xpvaect  (\y  cvjißoXa,  and,  ovoq  Xvpag 

clkovuc  Kivöüv  tu  wra.  Comp.  Mart.  v.  61.  Cicero,  Atticus,  Horace 
(Epist.  i.  18,  109),  the  elder  and  younger  Pliny,  naturally  made  a 
very  different  use  of  their  libraries  ;  .and  the  same  may  be  presumed 
of  Gallus.  That  a  library  was  in  his  time  a  necessary  article  of 
furniture,  may  be  inferred  from  Vitruvius,  who  describes  it  in  the 
same  manner  as  other  parts  of  the  house.  And  Trimalchio  in 
Petronius  boasts  of  having  three  libraries.  According  to  him  a 
library  should  look  towards  the  east,  for  a  two-fold  reason  (vi.  7)  : 
Cubicula  et  Bibliothecce  ad  orientem  spectare  debent;  usus  enimmatu- 
tinum  postulat  lumen:  item  in  bibliothecis  libri  non putrescent.  We 
are  enabled  to  form  a  better  judgment  on  its  further  arrangements 
by  the  excavations  in  Herculaneum,  which  have  led  to  the  dis- 
covery of  an  ancient  library  with  its  rolls.     Around  the  walls  of 


Scene  III.]  THE    LIBRARY.  323 

this  room  were  cupboards,  not  much  above  the  height  of  a  man,  iu 
which  the  rolls  were  kept.  A  row  of  cupboards  stood  in  the  centre 
of  the  room,  dividing-  it  into  two  parts,  so  that  passages  for  walking 
only  remained  on  the  sides.  It  served,  therefore,  solely  for  the  pre- 
servation of  books,  and  not  for  using  them  on  the  spot;  and  as  a 
small  room  could  contain  a  considerable  number  of  rolls,  the 
ancient  libraries  do  not  appear  to  have  been  in  general  very  spa- 
cious. That  discovered  in  Herculaneum  was  so  small,  that  a  man 
could,  by  extending  his  arms,  almost  touch  the  walls  on  either  side. 
See  Winkelm.  Amn.  z.  Gesch.  der  Batik.  W.  i.  401 ;  Martorelli,  de 
regia  theca  calamaria,  i.  xl.  ^Philosophical  Transactions,  1752, 
p.  71 ;  1754,  p.  634.] 

The  occasional  observations  of  ancient  writers  correspond  very 
well  with  the  results  of  the  discovery  thus  made.  Yitruvius  (vii. 
Prcef.  7)  says  of  Aristophanes,  who  wished  to  detect  plagiarisms ; 
e  certis  armariis  infinita  volumina  eduxit.  Vopisc.  Tacit.  8,  habet 
bibliotheca  Ulpia  in  armaria  sexto  librum  elephantinum,  etc. ;  and 
also  in  Pliny,  ii.  17:  Parieti  (cubiculi)  in,  bibliotheca >  speciem  arma- 
rium insertion  est,  quod  non  legendos  libros,  sed  lectitandos  capit. 
Here  then  it  was  a  wall-cupboard.  [Sidon.  Apoll.  JEp.  ii.  9, 
armor,  biblioth. ;  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxii.  1,  52.]  Whether  these  cupboards 
were  provided  with  doors,  and  could  be  locked,  like  those  in  which 
money  and  so  on  was  deposited,  we  cannot  determine.  Seneca 
(Tranq.  ix.)  speaks  generally  not  of  armaria,  but  of  tecto  tenus 
exstructa  loculanwnta,  which  can  also  be  understood  of  mere  open 
repositories.  The  assertion  that  these  armaria  were  also  called 
scrinia,  is,  however,  erroneous.  Respecting  the  scrinia,  see  the 
following  Excursus.  On  the  other  hand,  Juven.  iii.  219,  uses  for 
them  the  expression  foruli,  which  may  however  mean  simply 
movable  depositories.  Martial  very  significantly  calls  them  nidi 
(i.  118,  15;  vii.  17,  5);  and  the  comparison  with  a  columbarium 
was  certainly  very  obvious. 

After  Asinius  Pollio  had  placed  in  the  public  library  which  he 
founded,  the  pictures  or  busts  of  illustrious  men,  the  example  began 
to  be  followed  in  private  libraries.  Plin.  xxxv.  2 ;  Suet.  Tib.  70. 
An  interesting  proof  of  this  is  to  be  found  in  Martial  (ix.),  where, 
in  the  first  epigram,  the  poet  sends  the  inscription  for  his  portrait 
to  Avitus,  who  was  desirous  of  placing  it  in  his  library.  Then,  in 
an  epistle  to  Turanius,  we  read :  Epigramma,  quod  extra  ordinem 
paginarum  est,  ad  Stertinium,  clarissimum  virnm,  scripsimus,  qui 
imagmem  meam  pottere  in  bibliotheca  sua  voluit.  So  also  in  the 
library  which  Hadrian  founded  at  Athens.  Paus.  i.  18,  19.  (oIki'i- 
para)  äyaKfiaai  KiKoajXTifxtva  Kai  -/paQaiQ'    KaraKttrai  6'  tQ  avru  ßtßXia. 

Y  2 


324  THE    LIBRARY.  [Excursus  I. 

They  not  only  desired  to  exhibit  the  portraits  of  contemporaries, 
hut  as  Pliny  says,  quin  immo  etiam,  qucs  non  su'nt,  finguntur  pari- 
untque  desideria  non  traditos  wdtus,  sicut  in  Homero  evenit.  Statues 
also,  of  the  Muses,  for  instance,  were  placed  there  (Cic.  Fam.  vii. 
23),  or  the  lofty  goddess  of  wisdom  and  creative  intellect  presided ; 
her  statue  or  bust,  media  Minerva  (Juven.  iii.  219),  giving  to  the 
spot  a  higher  sanctity. 

For  the  purposes  of  the  library,  not  only  to  superintend  it,  but 

also  to  increase  its  stores,  and  attend  to  the  neatness  of  its  exterior, 

special  slaves  were  kept,  who  belonged  to  the  larger  class  of  the 

librarii.     The  name  denotes  generally  all  those  who  were  used  for 

writing  purposes  ;  whence  they  are  called  also  simply  scribes.     As 

such,  however,  they  are  to  be  distinguished ;  first,  from  tbe  scribes 

publica,  who  were  liberi,  and  formed  an  order  of  their  own ;  and 

next,  from  the  bibliopoles,  who  were  also  called  librarii.     Comp. 

Eschenbach,  de  scribis  vett.  in  Polen,  thes.  torn,  iii.;   Ernesti,  Clav. 

Cic.  s.  v.  scriba.     Among  the  scribes  kept  by  a  private  individual, 

a  distinction  is  made  between  the  librarii  a  studiis,  ab  epistolis,  and 

a  bibliotheca ;  but  whether  the  connexion  of  the  two  words,  libra- 

rius  a  bibliotheca,  can  be  found,  appears  doubtful.     In  inscriptions 

it  generally  runs,  librarius  et  ei  bibliotheca]  and  the  latter  would 

then  have  been  the  one  who  held  the  superintendence  over  the 

whole,  for  which  purpose  a  librarius  would  naturally  be  used.    The 

librarii,  who  transcribed  for  the  libraries,  were  at  a  later  period 

called  antiquarii  also.     Cod.  Theod.  iv.  8,  2.     Still  the  explanation 

given  by  Isid.  Orig.  vi.  14,  Librarii  iielcm  et  antiquarii  vocantur: 

sed  librarii  sunt,  qui  et  nova  et  Vetera  scribunt,  antiquarii,  qui  tantum- 

modo  Vetera,  unde  et  nomen  sumserunt,  can  hardly  be  deemed  the 

true  one.     It  appears  more  correct  to  suppose,  that  when  the  old 

Roman  text  began  to  pass  into  the  running  hand,  those  who  adhered 

to  the  old,  respectable  uncial  character,  were  named  antiquarii, 

with  the  same  right  as  those  authors  who  purposely  used  antiqua 

ct  recondita  verba  (Suet.  Aug.  8G),  were  called  by  this  name.     And 

hence  the  glossaries  explain  the  word  by  äpxaioypärpoc  and  KaXXi- 

ypa<j>0Q. 

The  librarii  were  not  mere  transcribers,  but  at  the  same  time 
book-binders,  if  we  may  apply  this  term  to  the  rolls. 

On  this  subject,  see  Lipsius,  de  bibliothecis  syntagma,  iii.;  Lo- 
meier  de  bibliothecis  (in  an  antiquarian  point  of  view  very  unim- 
portant). [Geraud,  Stir  les  livres  dans  Vantiquite,  particidierement 
chez  les  Romains.~\ 


EXCURSUS  IL     SCEXE  III 


THE  BOOKS. 


^?  CIIWARZ,  in  his  learned  dissertation,  De  ornamentis  librorum 
^  apud  rctcres  usitatis,  has  treated  in  detail  about  the  external 
form  of  the  books  of  the  ancients ;  mixing  up,  it  is  true,  much  that 
could  be  dispensed  with.  Still  much  remains,  even  after  his  labo- 
rious enquiry,  to  be  corrected  and  explained  ;  and  the  rolls  that 
have  been  discovered  in  Ilerculaneum  will  afford  a  partial  enlight- 
enment. Some  points  have  been  touched  on  by  Becker,  ad  TibuU. 
iii.  1,  and  Elegeia  Humana,  242.  [Boot,  Notice  sur  les  3Iamtscnpts 
trouveS  a  Ilercid._ 

The  material  on  which  the  books  were  generally  written,  was 
the  fine  bark  (liber,  the  single  layers,  phih/rce)  of  the  ^Egyptian 
Papyrus,  which,  at  the  time  of  Augustus,  had  been  brought  into 
such  a  state  of  perfection,  by  preparation  and  bleaching  (ablatio), 
that  the  quality  formerly  considered  the  best  (hieratica),  was  now 
only  ranked  as  third  rate,  while  that  named  after  Augustus  took 
the  first  place,  and  the  next  to  it  bore  the  name  of  Livia.  There 
were  various  manufactories  of  it  at  Rome  :  Plin.  xiii.  12,  23,  says, 
after  speaking  of  the  kinds  above  mentioned,  Proximum  (nomen) 
amphitheatricce  datum  fuerat  a  confecturce  loco.  Excepit  hanc  Ro- 
mce  Fannii  sagax  offieina,  tenuatamque  citriosa  interpolatione  prm* 
cipalem  fecit  eplebeia  et  nomen  ei  dedit.  Quce  nan  esset  ita  recurata, 
in  sua  mansit  amphitJieatrica.  He  mentions  eight  sorts  in  all,  the 
commonest  of  which,  the  emporetica,  was  unfit  for  writing  on,  and 
only  used  for  packing  with,  whence  its  name  (a  mercatoribus  cogno- 
minata.  [On  the  passage  in  Pliny  see  Salmas.  ad  Vopise.  Firm. 
5,  and  Boot,  ib.,  who  asserts  that  paper  was  made  in  Egypt,  and 
then  dressed,  only,  in  Rome  ;  though  papyrus  was  certainly  ex- 
ported raw  to  Italy.  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxii.  1 .  52  :  papyrum  ad  chartas 
paratum.  See  Cassiodor.  Var.  xi.  38 ;  Isidor.  vi.  10,  where  seven 
sorts  of  paper  are  enumerated.  The  chief  excellencies  of  paper 
were  considered  to  be  tenuitas,  densitas,  candor,  Icevor ;  the  chief 
faults,  which  were  removed  by  dressing,  scabritia,  humor,  lentigo, 
ta-nia.~\ 

The  narrow  strips  of  this  paper  —  in  the  Herculanean  rolls 
only  six  fingers  broad — glued  together,  became  pagina,  scheder, 
which,  in  Mart.  iv.  90,  does  not  signify  a  single  leaf,  as  in  Cic. 
Attic,  i.  20,  but  the  last  strip  of  the  roll.  The  width,  and  of  course 
the  length,  of  the  rolls  varied.     Those  found  at  Ilerculaneum  are 


326  THE   BOOKS.  [Excursus  II. 

generally  a  Neapolitan  palm  wide,  but  some  are  narrower.  [Pliny 
gives  the  breadth  at  from  six  to  thirteen  inches.  The  best  sorts 
were  thirteen  ;  the  hieratic  eleven ;  the  Fannian  paper  ten ;  the 
amphitheatric  nine  ;  the  emporetic  six  inches.  The  roll  of  Egyp- 
tian papyrus,  containing  a  fragment  of  the  Iliad,  is  eight  feet 
long,  and  ten  inches  broad.  By  ä-X«  is  meant  single  strips  of 
papyrus,  or  books  consisting  of  one  leaf.  See  Hitachi's  Die  Alex- 
andrin.  Bibliothek,  an  excellent  work.  Guilandini,  Comm.  in  Plin. 
de  Pap.  p.  180.] 

Next  to  Papyrus,  parchment,  membrana  {Pergamena),  the  inven- 
tion of  Eumenes  of  Pergarnus,  was  the  most  practical  material. 
Plin.  xiii.  11,  21.  [These  sheets  of  parchment  were  folded  and 
sewn  in  different  sizes,  like  modern  books ;  hence  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxii. 
52,  membranes  nondum  con&utceJ]  The  use  of  it,  however,  was  much 
more  confined,  as  it  was  probably  much  higher  in  price.  Although 
we  read  besides  of  writings  on  leather  (Ulp.  Dig.  xxxii.  1,  52),  or 
on  linen  (Salm.  ad  Vopisc.  Aurel.  viii.  439.  Comp.  Marc.  Capell. 
ii.  35),  or  even  on  silk  (Symmach  iv.  Dp.  34),  they  must  be  consi- 
dered as  belonging  to  the  imperfections  of  the  more  ancient,  or  to 
the  eccentricities  of  later  times,  or  perhaps  nothing  of  the  nature 
of  books  is  alluded  to.     [Isid.  vi.  12.] 

The  ink  with  which  they  wrote,  atramentum  librarium,  was  a 
kind  of  pigment,  or  Chinese  ink,  prepared  from  lamp-black  [and 
gum].  Plin.  xxxv.  6,  25 :  Fit  enim  et  fuligine pluribm  modis,  resina 
vel  pice  exustis.  Propter  quod  officinas  etiam  cedificavere}fumum  mm 
non  emittentes  ;  laudatissimum  eodem  modo  Jit  e  tcedis.  Adulteratur 
fornacum  balinearumque  fuligine,  quo  ad  Volumina  scribenda  utuntur. 
Stmt  qui  et  vini  feecem  siccatam  excoquant,  etc.  Id.  xxvii.  7,  28 : 
Atramentum  librarium  ex  diluto  ejus  (absinthii)  temperatum  literas  a 
musculis  tuetur.  [Vitr.  vii.  10.]  Winkelmann's  account  of  the 
Ilerculanean  MSS.  agrees  very  well  with  this.  "  The  Herculanean 
MSS.  are  written  with  a  kind  of  black  pigment  very  much  like 
the  Chinese  ink,  which  has  more  body  than  the  common  ink.  If 
the  writing  be  held  towards  the  light,  it  appears  to  be  in  slight 
relief,  and  the  ink  which  was  found  still  remaining  in  an  inkstand, 
is  a  sure  proof  that  this  was  the  case."  We  must  conclude,  how- 
ever, from  Pers.  iii.  12,  that  the  juice  of  the  sepia  was  used  for  this 
purpose,  although  the  Scholiast  denies  it.     He  says, 

Tunc  querimur,  crassus  calamo  quod  pendeat  humor, 
Nigra  quod  infusa  vanescat  sepia  lympha : 
Dilutas  querimur  geminet  quod  fistula  guttas. 

Ausonius,  also  (iv.  76),  calls  the  letters  notas  furvce  sepif?,  so 
that  it  would  appear  that  Persius  used  the  word  in  its  proper  signi- 


Scene  III.]  THE    BOOKS.  327 

fication.  [So  Auson.  Ep.  vii.  54.  Comp.  Davy,  Philos.  Transactions, 
1821,  pp.  191,  205.]  The  ancients  do  not  appear  to  have  been  ac- 
quainted with  any  artificial  sympathetic  ink,  requiring  a  particular 
manipulation  to  become  visible,  and  intended  only  for  those 
initiated  into  the  secret.  But  on  the  other  hand,  the  use  of  some 
natural  substances,  such  as  milk,  or  the  juice  of  a  flax-stalk,  for 
such  a  purpose,  were  not  unknown  to  them.    Hence,  Ovid,  Art.  iii. 

627,  advises, 

Tuta  quoque  est,  fallitque  oculos  e  lacte  recent! 

Litera :  carbonis  pulvere  range :  leges. 
Fallet  et  humiduli  quse  fiet  acumine  lini, 
Et  feret  oceultas  pura  tabella  notas. 
For  more  on  this  subject  see  Beckmann's  Beitr.  z.  Gesch.  d.  Er- 
find, ii.  295.     [Avellino  describes  two,  very  beautifully  wrought, 
antique  inkstands,  of  bronze,  with  rich  silver  mounting.     They  are 
round,  and  attached  to  each  other,  one  being  for  black,  the  other 
for  red  ink.] 

They  used,  instead  of  the  pens  now  employed,  a  reed  cut  like 

ours  with  the  scalprum  Kbrarium  (Tac.  Ann.  v.  8 ;  Suet.  Vit.  2). 

The  best  sort  came  from  .Egypt,  Gnidus,  and  the  Anaitic  Lake. 

Plin.  xvi.  30,  64 ;  [Appul.  Met.  i.]  ;  Mart.  xiv.  38,  Fasces  calamurum : 

Dat  chartis  habiles  calamos  Mernphitica  tellns  : 

Texantur  reliqua  tecta  palude  tibi. 

[Auson.  Ep.  vii.  48  :  Grassetur  Gnidice  sulcus  arundinis.  Cic.  ad  Qu. 
Fr.  ii.  15.] 

In  a  fresco-painting  discovered  at  Herculaneum,  there  is  such  a 
calamus  lying  across  an  inkstand.  See  Mus.  Bc»-b.  i.  tab.  12  ;  Win- 
kelm.  W.  ii.  tab.  iii. ;  Gell,  Pompeiana,  ii.  187.  Some  petrifactions  of 
them  have  also  been  discovered.  [PhUos.  Transact,  1758,  p.  620.] 
See  Winkelm.  as  above,  and  Martorelli,  de  regia  theca  calamaria. 

The  writing  was,  frequently,  divided  into  columns,  [four  to  six 
inches  broad,]  and  lines,  probably  of  red  colour,  minium,  were 
ruled  between  them.  In  the  Herculanean  rolls  these  lines  appear 
white,  which  is  easily  accounted  for.  See  AVinkelm.  233.  The  title 
of  the  book  was  placed  both  at  the  beginning  and  the  end. 

In  o-erieral,  only  one  side  of  the  charta,  or  membrana,  was 
written  on,  and  therefore  Juven.  i.  5,  says  of  an  inordinately  long 

tragedy, 

.     .     .     summi  plena  jam  margine  libri 
Seriptus.  et  in  tcrgo,  necdum  finitus  Orestes. 
Perhaps,  however,  this  was  caused  by  an  excess  of  economy,  of 
which  Mart.  viii.  62,  may  be  taken  as  an  instance : 
Seribit  in  aversa  Picens  epigrammata  charta, 
Et  dolet,  averso  quod  facit  ilia  deo. 


328  THE   BOOKS.  [Excursus  II. 

For  trivial  writing,  as  for  instance  the  exercises  of  children, 
they  used  material  which  had  already  writing  on  one  side.  The 
passage  in  Hor.  Epist.  i.  20,  17,  referred  by  Porphyrio  to  this, 
may  evidently  he  understood  in  another  sense,  though  the  words 
of  Martial,  iv.  86,  on  directing  his  book  to  Apollinaris,  cannot  be 

misunderstood : 

Si  damnaverit,  ad  Salariorum 
Curras  scrinia  protinus  licebit, 
In  versa  pueris  arande  chart  a. 
Such    Opisthocjrapha    (Plin.  Epist.   iii.  5),  generally  contained 
merely  notes,  memoranda,  compilations,  or  even  pieces  of  compo- 
sition, of  which  a  fair  copy  was  afterwards  to  be  written.     If  the 
contents  of  the  book  were,  however,  of  no  value,  they  would  rub 
out  all  the  writing,  and  write  again  on  the  same  paper,  which  was 
then  called palimpsestus.     Cic.  Fam.  vii.  18.  Comp.  Catull.  xxii.  4. 
Hence  Mart.  iv.  10,  wished  to  append  a  sponge  to  his  book ;  for 
Non  possunt  nostras  multse,  Faustine,  liturse 
Emendare  jocos  ;  una  litura  potest. 

The  back  of  the  book  was  generally  dyed,  with  cedrus  or  saffron. 
Luc.  »pög  cnraic.  iii.  113:  Kai  aXtitptig  ti(J  icpÖKttü  Kai  ry  iceSpy.  This 
is,  in  Persius,  iii.  10,  the  positis  bicolor  membrana  capillis,  and  in 
Juven.  vii.  23,  crocea  membrana  tabellce.  Whatever  is  to  be  under- 
stood under  the  term  cedrus  (Plin.  xiii.  13,  86,  libri  citrati.  Comp. 
Billerb.  Flora  Class.  199),  it  is  at  least  certain,  that  the  book  was 
protected  against  worms,  and  its  back  dyed  yellow  by  this  means. 
[Vitruv.  ii.  9, 13,  explains  the  use  of  the  preservative  very  clearly : 
ex  cedro  oleum  nascitur,  quo  reliquce  res  unctce,  vii  etiam  libri,  a 
tineis  et  a  cane  non  Iceduntur.  Mart.  iii.  2,  cedro  perunctus ;  v. 
6 ;  Hor.  Art.  Poet.  331,  carmina  linenda  cedro.  Pers.  i.  42,  cedro 
digna  loczdus.~\     Ovid.  Trist,  iii.  1,  13  : 

Quod  neque  sum  cedro  flavus  nee  pumice  levis; 
Erubui  domino  cultior  esse  meo. 

When  the  book  was  filled  with  writing  to  the  end,  a  stick  or 
reed  was  probably  fastened  to  its  last  leaf  or  strip,  and  around  this 
it  was  coiled.  [Porphyr,  ad  Hor.  epod.  18,  8,  in  fine  libri  umbilici  ex 
ligno  aut  osse  fieri  solebant.~]  These  reeds,  which  are  still  visible  on 
the  Herculanean  rolls,  did  not  project  on  either  side  beyond  the 
roll,  but  had  their  extremities  in  the  same  plane  as  the  base  of  the 
cylinder.  They  are  supposed  to  be  what  the  ancients  called  umbi- 
licus. See  Winkelm.  ii.  231  j  Mitsch.  on  Hor.  Epod.  xiv.  8  ;  and 
certainly  expressions  such  as  ad  umhilicum  adducere  (Horace),  and 
jam  pervenimus  usqtie  ad  umbilicos,  support  this  supposition.  The 
expression  would  not  be  an  unfit  one  for  the  cavity  in  the  centre  of 


Scene  III.]  THE    BOOKS.  329 

each  disc ;  but  if  we  consider  that  Martial,  in  recounting  the  various 
ornaments  belonging  to  a  book,  always  mentions  umbilici,  and  never 
cornua — though  tbis  latter  word  is  always  used  by  Tibullus  and 
Ovid,  for  wboni  indeed  tbe  word  umbilicus  was  not  adapted — (see 
the  passages  quoted  below),  we  must  be  convinced  that  both  terms 
signify  the  same  thing.  Besides,  Mart.  iii.  2,  calls  the  umbilici  pieti, 
so  tbat  these  cannot  be  merely  tbe  hollows  of  tbe  tube.  So  Tibul- 
lus also  says,  pingantur  cornua.  Tbe  most  any  one  can  assume  is, 
that  the  former  expression  has  a  more  extended  signification,  and 
denotes  the  apertures  with  the  knobs  belonging  to  them  ;  and  in 
corroboration  of  this  Martial,  v.  6,  15,  may  be  quoted  : 
Qua?  cedro  decorata  purpuraque 
Xigris  pagina  crevit  unibilicis. 
Martial  mentions  tbe  cornua  only  once,  xi.  107,  where  c.rplicitus 
usque  ad  sua  cornua  liber,  is  equivalent  to  iv.  00 :  Jam pervenimus 
usque  ad  umbilicos. 

A  small  stick  was  passed  through  the  tube,  serving  as  it  were 
for  an  axis  to  the  cylinder,  and  on  both  of  its  ends,  which  projected 
bevond  the  disc,  ivory,  golden,  or  painted  knobs  were  fastened. 
Tbese  knobs  are  the  cornua,  or  umbilici.  The  stick  itself  was 
named  in  later  Greek,  kovtcum>v. 

Before  tbis,  however,  tbe  bases  of  the  roll  were  carefully  cut, 
smoothed  with  pumice-stone,  and  dyed  black.  [Isid.  vi.  12.]  These 
are  the  geminca  fronte*,  in  the  centre  of  which  were  the  umbilici 
or  cornua.  [Mart.  i.  67,  from  pumicata;  118,  rasum pumice;  viii.  72; 
Catull.  xxii.  8.]  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  generally  in  the 
paintings  at  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii,  nothing  is  to  be  seen  repre- 
senting such  knobs,  and  that  no  trace  of  them  has  been  discovered 
in  the  Herculanean  manuscripts. 

In  order  to  preserve  the  rolls  more  effectually  from  damage, 
they  were  wrapped  up  in  parchment,  which  was  dyed  on  the  out- 
side with  purple,  or  with  the  beautiful  yellow  of  the  latum,  lutea 
{Genista  tinctoria,  Linn.).  This  envelope  (not  a  capsa)  was  called 
by  the  Greeks  simply  fo<t>Qipa,  and  by  the  Romans  membrana. 
Martial  uses  for  it,  x.  93,  purpurea  toga.   [iii.  2;  viii.  72,  murice 

cultus ;  i.  67  : 

Nee  umbilicis  cultus  atque  membrana.] 

The  Greek  airrvßai  is  something  similar.  Cic.  Attic,  iv.  5.  Hesych. 
atrrvßaij  SepfiäTivai  uroXai.  Nothing  else  is  meant  by  Mart.  xi.  1, 
when  he  says,  cultus  sindone  rum  quotidiana.  See  the  wood-cut  in 
p.  332. 

Finally  came  the  title,  titulus.  index,  which  was  written  on  a 
narrow  strip  of  papyrus,  or  parchment,  in  deep  red  colour,  coccum, 


330  THE    BOOKS.  [Excursus  II. 

or  minium  [Mart.  xii.  3,  quid  titulum  poscis.  Sen.  de  Tranq.  An.  9, 
indices.  Cic.  ad  Att.  iv.  4,  5,  mkXvßovc,  see  p.  831]  ;  but  it  is  not 
easy  to  say  where  this  ticket  was  placed. 

Winkelmann,  242,  denies  that  the  rolls  were  bound ;  at  least  no 
trace  of  it  was  to  be  found  on  those  at  Herculaneum.  It  is  true 
that  Martial,  xiv.  30,  says,  Scrinium  : 

Constrictos  nisi  das  mihi  libellos, 
Admittam  tineas  trucesqne  blattas  ; 

but,  not  to  mention  that  others  read  constructor,  it  is  not  very  clear 
how  the  constringere  could  serve  as  a  protection  against  the  tinece 
and  blattce.  So  that  this  one  passage  offers  no  positive  proof. 
[Herzberg  explains  constrictos  by  smoothed,  and  quotes  Cic.  de  Or. 
i.  42,  quce  (ars)  rein  dissolutam  conglidinaret,  et  constringeret ;  but 
there,  constringere  means  to  glue  together,  not  to  smoothe.  In  Plin. 
xiii.  12,  26,  constringere  means  merely  to  compress.  And  so  in 
Mart,  constrictos  is  not  a  technical  expression ;  but  most  likely 
means,  that  the  rolls  were  wound  round  so  tightly,  as  to  prevent 
vermin  from  getting  in,  altogether,  or  nearly  so.]  The  cover  itself, 
or  the  single  book  complete,  was  called  by  the  Greek  name  tomus. 
Mart.  i.  67. 

The  passages  in  which  the  ancient  authors  enter  into  a  more 
detailed  account  of  the  ornaments  of  the  books,  now  remain  to  be 
examined.  In  the  first  place,  let  us  quote  the  well-known  passage 
of  Tibullus,  iii.  1,  9 : 

Lutea  sed  niveum  in  vol  vat  membrana  libellum, 

Pumex  et  canas  tondeat  ante  comas  : 
Summaque  praetexat  tenuis  fastigia  ehartse, 

Indieet  ut  nomen  litera  facta  meum  : 
Atque  inter  geminas  pingantur  cornua  frontes; 

Sic  etenim  comtum  mittere  oportet  opus. 

The  author  cannot  renounce  the  supposition  expressed  in  his 
Bieg.  Rom.,  that  it  should  be  read  tenuis  charta :  for  since  the  poet 
is  speaking  of  the  index,  and  the  book  was  rolled  up  in  a  membrana, 
the  title  could  not  possibly  have  been  upon  the  charta  itself,  or  the 
membrana  would  have  concealed  it.  Tenuis  charta  would  be  the 
strip  upon  which  the  title  was  written  with  minium. 

The  description  in  Ovid,  Trist,  i.  1,  5,  is  more  complete  : 

Nee  te  purpureo  velent  vaccinia  fuco  : 
Non  est  conveniens  luctibus  ille  color. 

Nee  titulus  minio,  nee  cedro  charta  notetur, 
Candida  nee  nigra  cornua  fronte  geras. 

Nee  fragili  gemina?  poliantur  pumice  frontes, 
Hirsutus  passis  ut  videare  comis. 


Scene  III.]  THE    BOOKS.  331 

and  tliat  of  Martial,  iii.  2,  8,  most  comprehensive  of  all : 
Cedro  rmnc  licet  ambules  perunctus, 
Et  frontis  gemino  decens  honore 
Pictis  luxurieris  umbilicis  ; 
Et  te  purpura  delieata  velet, 
Et  cocco  rubeat  superbus  index. 
Compare  i.  67,  viii.  72,  [v.  6.     Catull.  xxii : 
.  .  .  charts  regia?,  novi  libri, 
Novi  umbilici,  lora  rubra,  membrana 
Directa  plumbo  et  pumice  omnia  sequata.] 

Lastly,  Lucian  affords  an  interesting  contribution,  ITpoc  cnraiStvrov, 
ill.  p.  113,  riva  yap  tXirtda  Kai  avrbg  txwl'  "fc"  Ta  ß'ßXia  Kai  cii'tXirriig 
ati,  Kai  SuzieoWifS,  Kai  TripiKÜirrug  Kai  äXeifug  rip  KpoKtp  Kai  ry  Kidpip, 
Kai  SifQtpag  TrtpißäWeig,  Kai  dprpaXovg  IvriOtig,  wg  Sr/  ri  ÜTroXavnwv  ; 
and  ivtpi  twv  im  pirrQtp  ovvövriav.  sub  fin.,  lliravrtg  yäp  c'iKpißwg  opoio'i 
tlai  rolg  KaWiiTTüig  rovrotg  ßißXioic,  wv  \pvaul  pkv  o'i  öp.(pa\oi,  Trop- 
<pvpa  £'  ZktooQev  r)  SifiQipa. 

The  librarii  were  no  doubt  charged  with  thus  equipping  the 
books.  Cic.  Attic,  iv.  4.  [In  the  following  letter,  where  Cicero 
writes,  JBibliothecam  nieam  tui  pinxerunt  constructions  et  sillybis, 
Herzberg  conjectures  constrictione.  But  the  technical  meaning  of 
constringere  is  against  this  emendation.  Constructio  means  the 
arrangement,  and  glueing  together  of  both  the  newly-written  books, 
which  as  yet  consisted  of  separate  strips  of  paper,  and  also  of  the 
old  volumes  that  were  injured  by  age  or  use.  This  was  done  by 
the  ghctinatores,  mentioned  in  the  previous  letter.  So  that  Cicero 
speaks  of  two  things  in  both  letters ;  the  constructio  (or  fastening 
the  rolls  together),  and  the  attaching  the  indices,  with  which  is 
connected  the  pingere,  colouring  the  back,  the  cover,  etc.  They 
first  wrote  books  upon  separate  leaves,  and  afterwards  glued  all 
these  together.  TJlpian,  Dig.  xxxii.  1,  52  :  Perscripti  libri  nondum 
maUeati,  nondum  conglutinati.  ] 

It  became  usual  to  have  the  portrait  of  the  author  painted  on 
the  first  page.     Senec.  de  Tranq.  An.  9 ;  Martial,  xiv.  180  : 

Quam  brevis  immensum  cepit  membrana  Maronem! 
Ipsius  vultus  prima  tabella  gerit. 

We  may  also  perhaps  assume  that  the  paintings  in  the  Vatican, 
Virgil  and  Terence,  are  imitations  of  a  more  ancient,  or,  at  least, 
ancient  custom !  Pliny  adduces  Greek  botanical  works,  in  which 
the  plants  were  copied,  xxv.  2,  4. 

The  following  engraving,  taken  from  a  drawing  in  Gell's  Pom- 
peiana,  ii.  187,  though  not  existing  in  any  one  place  as  a  painting 
at  Pompeii,  may  nevertheless  be  considered  antique,  as  it  consists 


332 


THE   BOOKS. 


[Excursus  II. 


of  a  union  of  all  the  usual  implements  of  writing,  collected  from  a 
great  number  of  ancient  paintings  in  the  two  ruined  cities. 


On  the  left  is  a  circular  wooden  or  metal  case,  with  a  lid,  con- 
taining six  books  or  volumes  rolled  up  and  labelled,  each  according 
to  its  contents,  so  as  to  be  easily  distinguished.  Below  this  lies  a 
stylus  and  a  pentagonal  inkstand,  not  unlike  those  now  in  common 
use.  In  the  centre  lies  a  pen  made  of  reed,  aud  thence  called 
calamus.  Next  to  the  case  of  books  is  the  tabella  or  tabulce,  joined 
together  as  with  hinges,  and  sometimes,  perhaps  always,  covered 
with  wax.  Another  sort  is  himg  up  above  this,  where  the  stylus 
serves  as  a  pin  to  suspend  it  against  the  wall.  A  sort  of  thick 
book  of  tablets,  open,  lies  to  the  right  of  the  last.  In  the  centre 
are  seen  single  volumes  in  cases,  one  of  which  is  open  on  the  left, 
and  the  other  shut.  On  the  right  are  four  volumes,  lying  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  want  no  explanation,  two  of  which  have  their  titles, 
one  attached  to  the  papyrus  itself,  and  the  other  from  the  umbilicus 
or  cylinder  of  wood  in  its  centre.  The  form  of  the  books  naturally 
dictated  the  shape  of  the  cases  containing  them ;  they  were  cylin- 
drical or  round,  greater  or  smaller,  according  as  they  were  designed 
to  hold  one  or  many  rolls :  generally  perhaps  of  wood,  on  account 
of  its  lightness.  Plin.  xvi.  43,  84.  Capsce  or  scrinia,  is  the  name 
of  the  cases  ;  and  when  Pliny  distinguishes  them,  he  perhaps,  under 
the  latter  term,  understands  the  larger  ones.  See  Büttig.  Sab.  i. 
p.  102.  Mart.  i.  3,  Scrinia  da  magnis ;  me  manus  una  capit ;  or 
because  in  the  scrinia,  only  books,  letters,  and  writings,  were  pre- 
'  served,  but  in  the  capsules,  other  things  also.  Plin.  xv.  17,  18  ; 
Mart.   xi.  8 ;    [iv.  33 :  Plena  laboratis  habeas  cum  scrinia  libris. 


Scene  III.]  TUE    BOOKS.  333 

Plinv,  vii.  30,  mentions  Alexander's  costly  scrinium.j  They  are 
not  unfrequently  to  be  found  along  with  Roman  statues  clad  in 
the  toga.  [Suet.  Gramm.9:  statua  gusostenditvr^habitusedentisac 
paUiata,  appositis  duobus  8criniis.~]  When  a  Roman  had  need  of 
documents  in  public  business,  his  scrinium  "was  earned  after  him 
by  a  slave,  and  children  of  quality  were  accompanied  to  school  by 
a  capsarius.  [On  a  journey,  books  were  thus  earned.  Catull. 
lxviii.  33,  36: 

Nam.  quod  scriptorum  non  magna  est  copia  apud  me — 
Hue  una  ex  multis  Capsula  me  sequitur.] 

At  other  -times  its  most  natural  position  was  beside  the  lectus 
in  the  cubieidum.      Plin.  Ep.  v.  5.     Although  custodes  scrimorum 

were  kept  on  purpose,  still  it  is  not  unlikely  that  they  ( scrinia )  were 
sealed,  especially  when  important  documents  were  deposited  in 
them.     Martial,  i.  67,  5: 

Secreta  quaere  carmina  et  rudes  curas, 
Quas  novit  unus,  scrinioque  signatas 
Custodit  ipse  virginis  pater  chart*. 


EXCUESUS  III.      SCENE  III. 


THE  BOOKSELLERS. 

AS  soon  as  the  desire  for  foreign  and  domestic  literature  became 
general,  and  men  of  letters,  or  those  who  affected  to  be  so, 
began  to  consider  a  library  in  their  house  indispensable,  persons 
were  to  be  found  who  gained  their  livelihood  by  supplying  this 
want.  When  Cicero,  ad  Quint.  Fr.  iii.  4,  writes,  De  bibliotheca  tua 
Grceca  supplenda,  libris  comnudandis,  Latinis  comparandis  valde 
velim  ista  confici. — Sed  ego  mihi  ipsi  istaper  quern  ogam  non  habebo, 
neque  enim  venalia  sunt,  qua  quidem  placeant,  etc.,  we  cannot  sup- 
pose that  any  thing  else  is  alluded  to  than  a  regular  trade  in  books. 
He  speaks  also  in  like  manner  of  the  copies  of  the  laws  sold  by  the 
librarii,  Leg.  iii.  20,  a  librariis  petimus ;  publicis  Uteris  consignatam 
memoriam  publicum  nullum  habemus,  and  mentions,  Philipp,  ii.  9,  a 
taberna  librarin,  in  which  Clodius  took  refuge.  Under  Augustus, 
we  find  it  already  becoming  a  distinct  trade,  and  Horace  himself 
mentions  the  brothers,  Sosii,  by  whom  his  poems  were  sold.  Epist. 
i.  20,  2,  ut  prostes  Sosiorum  pumice  levis.  Art.  Poet.  345  :  Hie 
meret  cent  liber  Sosiis  (viz.  the  book,  qui  miscuit  utile  didci.)  [Under 
the  first  Emperors,  the  trade  reached  its  highest  prosperity,  and 
several  librarii  are  mentioned  in  old  authors  or  inscriptions,  as 
Tryphon,  the  publisher  of  Quinctilian  and  Martial.  Mart.  iv.  72 ; 
xiii.  3 ;  Quinct.  Inst.  Preef. ;  and  Doms  in  Senec.  De  bene/,  vii.  6.] 
These  librarii  at  first  transcribed  the  books  themselves  [whence 
their  name],  and  no  doubt  kept  assistants  for  the  greater  and  more 
rapid  multiplication  of  copies  of  them.  [These  scribes  were  some 
of  them  the  booksellers'  slaves,  some  freedmen,  who  worked  for 
hire.  Probably  one  person  dictated  to  several  at  once.  The  Eo- 
mans  of  quality  had  also  their  slaves,  librarii  (see  above),  who 
copied  the  works  of  their  masters  or  others  ;  so  Pomponius  Atticus. 
Nep.  Att.  13;  Cic.  ad  Att.  iv.  4,  5;  xii.  G;  xvi.  6.  He  even  made 
a  trade  of  it,  and  kept  copies  of  several  of  Cicero's  works  on  sale. 
Cic.  ad  Att.  xii.  12,  and  44;  ii.  2.  The  labours  of  the  scribe  were 
no  doubt  often  lessened  by  dictation.  Pliny  (Dp.  iv.  7)  says  that 
Regulus  had  his  son's  life  in  exemplaria  transcriptum  mille.]  They 
also  went  by  the  name  of  bibliopolce,  Mart.  iv.  71,  xiii.  3 ;  Poll, 
vii.  33,  ßißXiuiv  KÜ7ri]Xui,  ßißXioKÜTniXoi;  Luc.  7rpoc  äiraiS.  i.  4,  24. 
Their  business  seems  mostly  to  have  been  considered  merely  in  a 


Scene  III.]  THE  BOOKSELLERS.  335 

mercantile  point  of  view,  whence  celerity  was  desired  rather  than 
correctness.     On  this  account  Martial  vindicates  himself,  ii.  8  : 

Si  qua  videbuntur  chartis  tibi,  lector,  in  istis 

Sive  obscura  nimis,  sive  Latina  parum: 
Noil  meus  est  error  ;  nocuit  librarius  illis, 

Dum  properat  versus  annumerare  tibi. 

And  for  this  reason  authors  obliged  their  friends  by  looking1 
over  their  copies,  and  correcting  the  errors,  Mart.  vii.  11  :  Cogis  me 
calamo  manuque  nostra  emendare  meos  UJkUos;  and  Epist.  16  : 

Hos  nido  licet  inseras  vel  imo, 
Septem  <}uos  tibi  mittimus  libellos, 
Auctoris  calamo  sui  notatos. 
Hffic  illis  pretium  facit  litura. 

[Cic.  ad  Att.  xvi.  6,  eas  ego  p>ersj)iciam,  corrigam,  turn  denique 
edentur.~] 

In  Martial's  time  these  librarii,  or  bibliopola?,  had  their  shops, 
taberna,  chiefly  about  the  Argiletum,  i.  4,  118 :  but  elsewhere  also, 
i.  2,  as  in  the  View  Sandalarins,  Gell,  xviii.  4:  In  Sandalario  forte 
apud  librariosfuimus.  Galen,  de  libr.  ski's,  iv.  361  :  iv  yäp  ry  'S.av- 
CakiaoHp  Kab  6  or)  —Xflrrra  twv  sv  'Pw/iy  i3i3\w-cu\tiojv  trrrli',  k.  r.  A. 
[In  the  Sigdlariis,  Gell.  v.  4,  ii.  3.]  The  titles  of  the  books  on  sale 
were  suspended  on  the  doors  of  the  shops,  or  if  the  taberna  were 
under  a  portico,  on  the  pillars  in  front  of  it.  Thus  Mart.  i.  118, 
describes  the  place  where  his  Epigrams  were  to  be  sold  : 

Argi  uempe  soles  subire  letum  : 
Contra  Csesaris  est  forum  taberna, 
Scriptis  postibus  hinc  et  inde  totis, 
Omnes  ut  cito  perlegas  poetas. 

And  this  is  what  Horace,  Art.  Poet.  372,  refers  to  :  medioeribus 
esse poetis  non  homines,  non  dii,  non  concessere  colmmue;  and  more 
plainly,  Sat.  i.  4,  71, 

Nulla  taberua  meos  habeat,  neque  pila  libellos  ; 

on  which  see  Heindorf's  remarks.     Comp.  Seneca,  En.  33.     [The 

shelves  of  the  tabernae  were  called  nidi;  in  these  the  works  lay 

bound.     Mart.  i.  118,  rasum  pa/nice  purpuraque  eidtum  ;  viii.  61  : 

Nee  umbilicis  quod  decorus  et  cedro 

Spargor  per  omnes  Eoma  quas  tenet  gentes.] 

The  price  at  which  the  books  were  sold,  after  all,  appears  but 
moderate,  especially  when  we  remember  that  the  cost  of  the  ex- 
ternal ornaments  is  to  be  taken  into  account.  Martial,  i.  118,  says, 
the  bookseller  (dabit) 

Rasum  pumice  purpuraque  cultum 

Denariis  tibi  quinque  Martialem; 


336  THE  BOOKSELLERS.  [Excursus  III. 

and  yet  this  first  hook  contained  119  Epigrams,  some  of  them  tole- 
rably long.  He  places  the  price  still  lower  in  Ep.  67,  where  he 
exclaims  to  a  plagiarius, 

Erras,  meorum  fur  avare  librorum, 
Eieri  poetam  posse  qui  putas  tanti. 
Scriptura  quanti  constet  et  tomus  vilis 
Non  sex  paratur,  aut  decern  sophos  nummis. 

And  Tryphon,  he  says,  could  actually  sell  the  Xenia  for  two 
sesterces.  See  xiii.  3.  It  is  true  he  says  of  his  poems  (ii.  1),  hcec 
una  peragit  librarius  hora,  so  that  perhaps  the  binding  often  cost 
more  than  the  book.     [Sidon.  Apoll,  v.  15.] 

In  what  relation  the  bookseller  aud  author  stood  to  each  other, 
is  not  an  uninteresting  subject  for  enquiry.  People  are  usually  in- 
clined to  suppose  that  the  ancient  authors  wrote  only  for  the  sake 
of  reputation,  and  did  not  expect  any  pecuniary  remuneration.  If, 
however,  this  may  be  considered  as  in  general  true,  aud  especially 
in  the  earlier  times,  still  there  is  no  doubt,  that  in  other  cases, 
writers  obtained  a  substantial  gain  from  their  works.  This  is  not 
concluded  from  the  paupertas  impulit  audax,  ut  versus  facerem  :  for 
at  that  period  Horace  had  only  published  poems  intended  for  circu- 
lation among  friends,  but  by  which  he  hoped  to  recommend  himself 
to  the  great.  See  Sat.  i.  4,  71.  Still  if  Plautus,  Terence,  aud 
others,  sold  their  comedies  to  the  iEdiles  [Gell.  iii.  3  ;  Juv.  vii.  87,] 
it  will  surely  not  appear  strange  that  other  authors  should  receive 
remuneration  for  their  labour.  Thus  the  elder  Pliny  was  offered 
by  a  private  individual  the  sum  of  400,000  sest.  for  his  Commen- 
tarii  electorum,  Pliu.  Ep.  iii.  5.  This  was,  it  is  true,  not  the  offer  of 
a  bookseller,  but  Martial  frequently  states,  that  transactions  of  this 
nature  did  take  place  between  them,  as  for  instance,  when  he 
recommends  those  who  wished  to  have  his  poems  presented  or  lent 
to  them,  to  purchase  them  of  his  bookseller,  iv.  71 : 

Exigis  ut  donem  nostras  tibi,  Quincte,  libellos: 

Non  habeo,  sed  habet  bibliopola  Tryphon. 
"  iEs  dabo  pro  nugis,  et  emam  tua  earmina  sanus? 
Nod,  inquis,  faciam  tarn  fatue."     Nee  ego. 
Comp.  i.  118,  where  the  poet  very  humorously  declines  lending 
them  ;  but  the  matter  is  quite  clear  from  xi.  108,  when  he  declares 
he  will  conclude  the  book,  because  he  wants  money : 
Quamvis  tarn  longo  poteras  satur  esse  bbello, 

Lector,  adhuc  a  me  disticha  pauea  petis. 
Sed  Lupus  usuram,  puerique  diaria  poseunt. 
Lector,  solve,  taces,  dissimulasque?     Yale. 
When,  therefore  he  elsewhere  designates  the  business  of  the 
poet  as  a  poor   one,  xiv.  219,  radios  refererdia  nummos   earmina, 


Scene  III.]  THE    BOOKSELLERS.  337 

(comp.  i.  77,)  this  must  be  understood  of  the  smallness  of  the  pay- 
in  comparison  with  that  of  other  productive  occupations,  [for,  the 
remuneration  he  trot  for  his  fourteen  books  of  Epigrams,  was  much 
too  little  to  support  him  during  the  number  of  years  he  was 
writing,"  and  v.  16,  where  he  certainly  says, 

At  nunc  conviva  est  eomissatorque  libellus, 
Et  tantum  gratis  pagina  nostra  placet, 
he  only  means,  that  those  who  took  pleasure  in  his  poems,  did  not 
reward  the  author,  as  had  been  the  case  in  Virgil's  time ;  in  the 
same  way  he  complains,  xi.  3,  that  he  was  no  richer  for  his  epigrams 
being  read  in  Britain,  Spain,  and  Gaul ;  for  nescit  sacculus  ista  mens. 
This,  however,  does  not  exclude  the  possibility  of  his  having,  bv 
some  stipulation  with  the  bookseller,  derived  a  profit;  and  it  is 
inconceivable  how  Martial,  who,  according  to  his  own  account,  was 
always  in  want  of  money,  should  have  endured  quietly  to  look  on, 
while  Tryphon,  or  Pollius,  or  Secundus,  made  a  considerable  profit 
of  his  poems;  for  we  have  reason  to  believe  that  his  books  were  very 
successful.     See  Hor.  Art.  Poet.  845;  Mart.  xiv.  194;  [xiii.  3,  vi.  CI, 

Meque  sinus  omnis,  me  manus  omnis  habet.] 
and  as  regards  a  later  period,  Sulpic.  Sever.  Dial,  i  23,  who  is 
quoted  by  Schottgen,  in  his  rather  superficial  treatise  De  librariiset 
bibliopolis  antiquorum,  and  in  Poleni,  SappL  thes.  Or.  torn.  iii.  [Sen. 
de  Ben.  vii.  6,  calls  the  publisher  emptor,  which  shows  that  he  ac- 
quired the  copyright  by  purchase.] 

Some  of  the  copies,  however,  foimd  their  way,  in  the  shape  of 
waste  paper,  into  the  taverns,  and  to  the  vendors  of  salt-fish,  from 
whom  the  school-children  obtained  what  they  needed.  See  Mart. 
iv.  86,  iii.  2,  xiii.  1,  and  particularly  vi.  60,  7 : 

Quam  multi  tineas  pascunt  blattasque  diserti, 
Et  redimunt  soli  carmina  docta  eoqui. 

It  was  not  in  Rome  and  Greece  only,  or  in  the  countries  into 
which  Greek  refinement  was  introduced,  that  the  literature  of 
Rome  was  disseminated  ;  but  also  among  the  less  civilized  pro- 
vinces. Hence  Horace  says  of  a  good  book,  trans  mare  eurret,  and 
Martial  is  read  in  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Britain,  [vii.  88,  viii.  61,  x.  104, 
ix.  100,  xi.  3,  xii.  3.]  So  also,  Plin.  Epist.  ix.  ]  1  :  Eibliopolas  Lug- 
duni  esse  non  pnlabam,  ac  tanto  lubentius  ex  Uteris  tuts  cognovi  vendi- 
tari  Uhellos  meos.  [Sidon.  Apoll.  Dp.  ix.  7 ;  Hor.  Dp.  i.  20,  13. 
The  booksellers'  shops  were  fashionable  lounges.  Gell,  xviii.  4,  in 
midtorum  hominum  cceta,  xiii.  30,  v.  4.  See  Schmidt,  Geschichte 
der  Denh-  und  Glaubens  freiheit  im  ersten  Jahrhundert  der  Kamr ;  an 
important  work.] 


EXCURSUS  IV.  SCENE  III. 


THE  LETTER. 

THE  Roman  of  quality,  wlio  even  at  his  studies  used  to  avail 
himself  of  the  hands  of  another  to  write  extracts  for  him,  still 
more  generally  employed  a  slave  in  his  correspondence,  which, 
notwithstanding  all  the  impediments  thrown  in  its  way,  by  the 
want  of  public  conveyances,  appears  to  have  been  tolerably  rapid. 
They  had  slaves  or  freedmen  for  the  purpose,  ab  epistolis,  who  be- 
longed to  the  class  of  the  Hbrarii,  and  were  also  called  ad  manum, 
a  manu,  amanuenses.  Orell.  Inscr.  1641.  2874.  Jucundus  Domitiee 
Bihuli  librarius  ad  manum.  Orelli,  it  is  true,  makes  the  distinction  ; 
librarius,  idemque  ad  manum  :  but  the  amanuensis  is  called  also 
librarius.  Cic  Attic,  iv.  16:  Epistolce  nostra1  tantum  habent  mysterio- 
rum,  ut  eas  ne  Ubrariis  fere  committamus.  Plin.  vii.  25  :  (Cresareni) 
epistolas  tantarum  rerum  quaternas  pariter  Ubrariis  dictare  aut,  si 
nihil  aliud  ageret,  septenas  (accepimus).  As  correspondence  was  fre- 
quently carried  on  in  Greek,  they  had  also  libr.  ab  epistolis  Greeds, 
(Orell.  2437),  as  well  as  ab  epistolis  Latinis.     Id.  2997. 

Before  a  letter  was  ready  to  be  despatched,  five  things  were 
required,  which  we  find  mentioned  all  together  in  Plaut.  JBacch. 
iv.  4,  64 : 

Chr.  Nunc  tu  abi  intro,  Pistoclere,  ad  Bacchidem,  atque  effer  cito — 
Pi.  Quid?     Chr.  Stilum,  ceram,  et  tabellas  et  linum. 

The  ring  comes  afterwards.  Of  these,  the  tabellce  were,  like  the  pu- 
gillares,  or  codicilli  [codicillus  and  codex  is  properly  plurium  tabula- 
rum  contextus.  Sen.  de  JBrev.  Vit.  13  :  Isid.  vi.  13],  thin  tablets  of 
wood  (the  pugillares  also  of  ivory  or  citrus,  Mart.  xiv.  3,  5,  and  of 
parchment,  ib.  7),  and  were  covered  over  with  wax,  (Ovid.  Art.  Am.  i. 
437,  cera  rasis  infusa  tabellis),  in  which  the  letters  were  formed  with 
a  stilus.  [Isid.  vi.  8,  Ante  chartee  et  membranarum  usum,  in  dolatis 
ex  ligno  codicellis  epistolarum  colloquia  scribebantur.  Ovid.  Am.  i.  12 ; 
Festus  s.  v.]  They  naturally  varied  in  size.  For  elegant  love- 
letters,  very  small  tablets  were  used,  which  bore  a  name  of  doubt- 
ful signification, —  Vitelliani.     Mart.  xiv.  8  and  9,  Vitelliani. 

Quod  minimos  cernis,  mitti  nos  credis  amicse. 
[Schol.  ad  Juv.  ix.  36.]     Of  this  description  are  the  tabellce  which 
Amor  brings  to  Polyphemus  in  an  antique  painting.     Still,  letters 
were  also  written  on  papyrus.     Cic.  Fam.  vii.  18  [ad  Qu.fr.  ii.  15 ; 


Scene  TIT.]  THE    LETTER.  339 

Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiii.  0,  3],  and  Mart.  xiv.  11,  with  the  Lemma,  Charts! 
epistolares : 

Seu  leviter  noto,  seu  caro  missa  sodali, 
Omnes  ista  solet  charta  vocare  suos. 

As  the  smooth  surfaces  thus  covered  with  wax  could  not  he  allowed 
to  rest  upon  one  another,  and  by  inserting  a  hoard  between  them, 
the  writing  would  have  been  obliterated  by  the  pressure,  we  must 
suppose  that  the  tablets  had  a  somewhat  elevated  border.  This 
supposition  gains  probability  from  an  antique  painting  in  Mus.  Borb. 
vi.  t.  35,  in  which  a  girl  is  holding  the  stilus  and  the  pugiUares,  the 
two  tablets  of  which  clearly  exhibit  such  an  elevated  border.  So 
also  in  GelTs  Pomp.  ii.  187. 

The  letter  being  ended,  the  tabellaa  were  bound  together  by  a 
linen  thread,  or  more  correctly,  a  fine  pack-thread,  probably  cross- 
ways,  and  where  the  string  was  fastened,  were  sealed  with  wax,  (see 
concerning  this  and  the  sealing  earth,  eretiUa,  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  9 ;  Beck- 
mann, Beitr.z.  Gesch.  d.  Erfind,  i.  474),  and  stamped  with  the  ring. 
Plaut.  Bacch.  4,  96  : 

Cedo  tu  ceram  ac  linum  actutum,  age  obliga,  obsigna  cito. 

Cic.  Catil.  iii.  5  :  Ac  nc  longum  sit,  Quirites,  tabellas  proferri  jussi- 
mus,  qua  a  quogue  dicebantur  dates.  Primum  ostendimns  Cethego  Sig- 
num :  cognovit.     Nbs  Union  incidimus  :  legimus.    Erat  scriptum  ipsius 

manu.  If  the  letter  were  written  by  the  librarius,  this  seal  afforded 
the  only  guarantee  of  its  genuineness,  for  which  reason  the  seal  was 
generally  examined,  previous  to  opening  the  letter,  and  before  it 
was  injured  by  cutting  the  string  asunder.  We  should  almost  sup- 
pose that  the  handwriting,  being  on  wax,  and  in  uncial  character, 
mu-t  have  been  difficult  to  recognise,  and  yet  the  proof  of  the 
letter's  authenticity  is  often  taken  from  this.  Plautus  himself  says 
{Bacch.  v.  78)  :  nam  propterea  te  volo  scribere,  ut  pater  cognoscat 
literas  quando  legal.  So  Cicero  in  the  passage  quoted  above,  and 
frequently.  Comp.  Ovid,  Ileroid.  s.v.  1  ;  Sabin.  Ep.  i.  3.  [The 
address  was.  of  course,  written  on  the  outside.  In  a  fresco  at 
Pompeii,  there  is  a  letter  addressed  M.  Lncretio.~] 

As  the  advantage  of  public  posts  was  not  known  they  were 
obliged  to  dispatch  special  messengers,  unless  an  opportunity  by 
chance  occurred,  and  frequently  to  very  remote  places :  tabellarii 
kept  for  this  purpose,  therefore,  were  the  regular  letter-carriers  of 
private  persons  and  are  often  mentioned.  See.  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  31  ; 
Earn.  xii.  12,  xiv.  22  ;  Verr.  iii.  79 ;  Auct.  bell.  Hisp.  12,  16, 18.  [It 
remains  to  be  observed  that  the  above  tabellas  were  used  as  writing- 
materials  generally ;  and  not  merely  for  correspondence.     So  the 

z  2 


340  THE    LETTER.  [Excursus  IV. 

school  tablets,  and  the  tabula  testamenti  (also  called  cerce).  Hein- 
dorf  and  Wüstemann  ad  Hoi:  Sat.  ii.  5,  54.  Small  tablets  (  pugil- 
larcs,  codicilli)  were  used  as  pocket  books  to  note  down  anything  at 
will.  Auson.  Epigr.  146,  bipatens  pugülar.  Sen.  Ep.  108.  Accord- 
ing to  the  number  of  leaves,  they  were  called  diptychi,  triptychi,  or 
triplices.  Martial  xix.  6.  The  outer  side  was  often  ornamented  with 
ivory,  gold,  or  silver.  Orell.  Inscr.  3838,  pugillares  membranaceos 
cum  operculis  eboreis.  Vop.  Tac.  8.  A  stile  (stilus  graphium)  was 
attached,  (Isid.  vi.  9 ;  Martial  xiv.  21),  the  one  end  of  which  was 
pointed  for  writing,  the  other  blunt  for  erasure.  Hence  slilum  ver- 
tere.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  10,.  72;  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  41.  In  the  days  of  the 
emperors,  the  consuls,  praetors,  and  other  magistrates,  used,  upon 
taking  office,  to  present  their  friends  with  very  costly  tablets, 
adorned  with  the  portrait  of  the  donor,  and  all  sorts  of  symbo- 
lical devices.  Symmach.  Ep.  ii.  81,  v.  56,  vii.  76,  ix.  119 ;  Claud. 
in  Stilich.  iii.  346. 

Qui  (sc.  dentos)  secti  ferro  in  tabulas  auroque  micantes, 
Inscripti  rutilum  caelato  Consule  nomen 
Per  proceres  et  viügus  eant. 

Sirmond.  ad  Sidon.  Ap.  Ep.  viii.  6.  Several  of  these  ivory  diptychi 
are  preserved  ;  only  one  of  the  commoner  wax- tablets,  dating  from 
167  A.  D.,  which  was  found  in  1790,  in  Transylvania.  It  is  made  of 
hr-wood  with  writing  on  four  sides.] 


EXCURSUS  I.     SCENE   IV 


THE    LECTICA    AND    THE    CARRIAGES. 

WITH  the  great  love  of  comfort  that  distinguished  the  upper 
ranks  of  the  Roman  world  in  later  times,  we  may  easily 
imagine  that  sufficient  provision  was  made  for  the  means  of  loco- 
motion unaccompanied  by  any  exertion  on  their  own  part.  We 
should  form  a  very  erroneous  conception  if  we  fancied  that  the 
Romans  did  not  possess,  as  well  as  the  moderns,  their  travelling, 
state,  and  hackney  equipages  :  on  the  contrary,  the  means  of  con- 
vevance  in  their  times,  though  not  so  regularly  organised  as  our 
stage-coaches  and  omnibuses,  nor  so  generally  used  by  all  classes, 
were  even  more  numerous,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  better  calcu- 
lated for  the  purpose  they  were  intended  to  answer,  although  this 
was  intimately  connected  with  the  (to  us  unknown )  system  of  slave.-, 
and  also  depended  on  conditions  of  climate. 

These  subjects  have  been  often  and  circumstantially  treated  of, 
and  but  little  of  importance  remains  to  be  added,  so  that  we  shall 
rather  seek  to  select  and  properly  apply  the  more  essential  points 
of  what  has  already  been  made  known.  The  most  important 
writings  are  :  Schefferi,  De  re  vehiculari  veterum,  lib.  ii.  in  Poleni 
the*,  t.  v.,  to  which  is  appended,  De  vehiculis  antiquis  diatribe  ;  Beck- 
mann, Beitr.  z.  Gesch.  d.  Erfind,  i.  390  ;  and  Ginzrot,  Die  Wägen  und 
Fahrwerke  der  Griechen  und  Römer  und  and.  alt.  Volk.  2  vols.  4  ; 
a  work  which  has  the  advantage  of  being  written  by  a  connoisseur 
in  these  matters,  though  as  a  philologist  he  is  by  no  means  all  we 
could  wish.  Concerning  the  lectica  in  particular,  see  Lipsius,  Elect. 
i.  Y.) :  Alstorph.  De  lecticis  veterum,  diatribe,  with  the  Dissert,  de 
lectis. 

The  Lectica. — We  have  here  to  discuss  only  that  description 
which  was  used  for  journeys,  or  for  being  carried  about  in,  within 
the  city  :  concerning  the  lectica  funebris,  see  the  Excursus  on  The 
Buried  uf  the  Dead.  This  lectica  was  probably  like  the  common 
lectus  in  its  chief  points — at  all  events  in  its  earlier  form — except 
that  it  had  no  pluteus.  It  was  a  frame  made,  for  the  sake  of  light- 
ness, of  wood,  and  with  girths  across  it,  upon  which  the  mattress, 
torus,  and  probably  at  the  head  a  cushion,  ptdvinar,  were  placed. 
The  use  of  girths  is  very  intelligible,  although  the  passages  in 
Martial  (ii.  57)  and  Gellius  (x.  3),  which  have  been  adduced  as 
proving  their  use,  may  be  considered  to  allude  to  something  quite 


312        THE  LECTICA  AND  THE  CARRIAGES.    [Excursus  I. 

different.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  the  lecticse  were,  in  more 
ancient  times,  uncovered  (See  Boettig.  Sab.  ii.  179,  200),  although 
there  appears  not  any  ground  for  this  opinion,  as  the  copy  of  a 
lectica,  which  Scheffer  after  Pighius  gives  from  a  tomb,  must  rather 
pass  for  a  lectus  funehris,  such  as  have  been  discovered  on  other 
monuments,  worked  in  relief.  See  Goro,  v.  Agyagf.  Wand.  d. 
Pomp.  tab.  vi. ;  Ginzrot,  tab.  lxvii.  What  Boettiger  after  Gruter 
has  given  as  a  lectica,  with  a  figure  reposing  on  it,  (ibid.  Fig.  3),  is 
as  unlike  as  possible.  When  mention  is  sometimes  made  of  lecticce 
apertee,  this  may  be  understood  in  a  different  sense. 

If,  as  is  most  probable,  such  palanquins  were  introduced  from 
the  East,  it  is  also  to  be  supposed  that  they  were  adopted  in  Rome 
in  the  form  usual  there,  and  were  therefore  covered.  Such  lecticse 
opertae  are  mentioned  in  Cicero's  time,  and  even  earlier.  Cic. 
Phil,  ii.  45  :  Cum  hide  Romam  prqficiscens  ad  Acquinum  accederet, 
obviam  ei processit  magna  sane  midtitudo;  at  iste  operta  lectica  latus 
est  per  oppidum  ut  mortuus.  We  must  take  care  not  to  infer  from 
the  last  words,  the  usage  of  a  lectica  operta  at  funerals.  When  a 
corpse  was  conveyed  from  one  place  to  another,  a  closely  covered 
vehicle  was  no  doubt  made  use  of.  Of  this  kind  was  that  of  C.  Grac- 
chus, mentioned  in  Gell.  x.  3,  otherwise  the  peasant  could  not  have 
asked,  man  mortuionferrent.  Cicero  himself  was  in  a  covered  lectica 
when  he  was  overtaken  by  his  murderers.  Plut.  Cic.  48.  'Eaipayri 
Si  tuv  Tpäxn^ov  Ik  toS  (f,optiov  7rportirag ;  Aufid.  Bass.  ap.  31.  Sen. 
Suas.  i.  6  :   Cicero  pavllum  remoto  velo  postquam  armatos  vidit,  etc. 

The  lectica  had  a  head  and  curtains,  (lectica  tuta  pelle  veloque), 
as  Martial  calls  it,  xi.  98 ;  for  pedis  is  the  head  of  leather.  An 
instance,  from  the  same  period,  where  a  proscribed  person  was 
saved  by  his  slave  placing  himself  inside,  whilst  the  master  acted 
the  part  of  lecticarius,  is  related  by  Dio  Cass,  xlvii.  10.  (popttov 
Karaarfyov.  When  therefore  lecticse  apertse  are  mentioned,  as  Cic. 
Phil.  ii.  24,  Vehebatur  in  essedo  tribunus  plebis ;  lictores  laureati  ernte-. 
cedebant,  inter  quos  aperta  lectica  mima  portabatur,  we  must  not 
understand  thereby  a  completely  uncovered  lectica,  which  was  least 
of  all  suitable  for  a  long  journey,  especially  for  a  Cytheris,  but  that 
the  curtains  were  drawn  back  and  fastened  up.  These  curtains,  vela, 
were  also  called  plag  a  or  plagulce.  Non.  iv.  361.  ;  xiv.  5 ;  Suet. 
Fit.  10 ;  cum  inde  lectica  auferretur,  suspexisse  dicitur  dimotis  pla- 
gulis  caelum.  In  later  times  they  did  not  content  themselves  with 
curtains,  but  closed  up  the  whole  lectica  with  lapis  specularis,  not 
only  for  the  use  of  the  women,  but  also  of  the  men.    Juven.  iii.  239  : 

Si  vocat  officium,  fcurba  cedente  vehetur 
Dives,  et  iugenti  curret  super  ora  Liburuo, 


Scene  IV.]       THE  LFXTICA  AND  THE  CARRIAGES.         343 


iv.  20: 


Atque  obiter  leget  ant  seribet  vel  dormiet  intus, 
Namque  faeit  somnum  clausa  lectica  fenestra. 


Est  ratio  ulterior,  magna;  si  misit  arnicas, 
Quse  vehitur  clauso  latis  specularibus  antro. 

So  also  we  read  of  the  basterna,  to  be  mentioned  presently.  Anthol. 
Lat.  iii.  183  :  radians  patulum  gestat  utrinque  latus :  effeminacy 
procured  more  easy  pillows,  and  had  them  stuffed  with  feathers. 
Juv.  i.  159 : 

Qui  dedit  ergo  tribus  patruis  aconita,  vehatur 
Pensibbus  plumis,  atque  illinc  despiciat  nos? 

An  instance  of  still  more  refined  luxury  is  to  be  found  in  Cic.  Verr. 
v.  11  :  we  subjoin  the  whole  of  this  remarkable  passage  :  Nam,  ut 
mos  fait  Bithjnice  regibus,  lectica  oetophoro  ferebatur,  in  qua  jmlvi- 
nus  erat  perlucidns  Melihnsi  rosa  farfus.  Ipseautem  eoronam  habe- 
bat  unam  in  capitc,  alteram  in  collo,  reticidumque  ad  »arcs  sibi  admo- 
vebat  tenuissimo  lino  minutis  maculis,  plenum  rosce.  Sic  confecto 
itinerc  cum  ad aliquod  oppidum  venisset,  eadem  lectica  usque  in  cubicu- 
lum  deferebatur.  [The  pulvinus  is  also  mentioned  by  Senec.  ad 
Marc.  16.]  It  may  easily  be  inferred  that  there  was  no  lack  of 
ornament,  costly  wood,  decorations  of  silver,  gold  and  ivory  and 
splendid  coverlets. 

The  poles  on  which  the  lectica  was  carried,  asseres,  do  not  ap- 
pear (at  least  in  all  cases)  to  have  been  fastened  to  it.  Whether  it 
had  iron  rings,  as  Ginzrot  (Th.  ii.  278)  has  assumed,  we  leave  un- 
determined. What  Mart.  ii.  57,  says,  Rccens  ceUa  linteisque  lorisque, 
appears  to  refer  to  this  :  also  the  struppi  in  Gell.  x.  3  :  which  as- 
sumption accords  very  well  with  the  explanation  of  tbe  word  in 
Isid.  Orig.  xix.  4.  It  is  at  any  rate  clear  tbat  the  asseres  were 
moveable,  from  Suet.  Col.  58  :  Adprimum  tumuUum  lecticarii  cum 
asseribusin  au.eilium  adcurrerunt ;  and  that  by  this  we  are  to  under- 
stand the  carrying-poles,  may  be  gathered  from  the  other  passages 
where  they  are  mentioned.     Juv.  vii.  132  : 

Perque  forum  juvenes  longo  premit  assere  Medos ; 
comp,  iii.  245  :  Mart.  ix.  23,  9 : 

Ut  Canusinatus  nostro  Syrus  assere  sudet, 
Et  mea  sit  culto  sella  cliente  frequens. 

different  from  the  lectica,  and  belonging  to  a  later  period,  was  the 
sella  gestatoria.  According  tu  Dio  Cassius,  Claudius  was  the  first 
who  made  use  of  it  (lx.  2)  :  Kai  pivroi  kui  litpptf)  Karaariyip  irpwrog 
'Pwpaiiov  txfjlinaro,  kcii  t'£  tKtivov  Kai  vvv  oi<x  on  o\  al'TOKpaTopeg  ä\\ä 
Krti  j'i/ulg  oi  S'—UTiVKoTtc  ci  pooopovptOa'  irpönpov  of  dpa  ii  Tt  Avyov- 
crog  mi  ü  Ttßipioc,  ä\\oi  r't  rivig  er  aKt^nrociotg  öttoioic  a!  yvrdtKfQ  in 


344        THE  LECTICA  AND  THE  CARRIAGES.    [Excursus  I. 

Kai  vvv  vofiiZovoiv  innv  ore  ttpipovro.  But  this  account  appears  very 
extraordinary,  if  we  reflect  that  Suetonius  says  of  Augustus,  53  :  In 
consulatu  pcdibus  fere,  extra  consulatum  sa>pe  adoperta  sella  per 
publicum  incessit,  and  that  Dio  Cassius  himself  frequently  mentions, 
at  an  early  period,  the  Sippog.  Kciraareypg  ;  xlvii.  23,  lvi.  43.  It  is 
only  explicable  from  a  gross  inaccuracy  in  the  use  of  the  two  ex- 
pressions, as  the  interchange  of  them  is  to  be  found  elsewhere. 
Thus  Martial  (iv.  51)  says : 

Cum  tibi  non  essent  sex  millia,  Caeciliane, 
Ingenti  late  vectus  e"s  hexaphoro. 

Postquam  bis  decies  tribuit  dea  caeca,  sinumque 
Ruperunt  nummi,  faetus  es,  eece,  pedes. 

Quid  tibi  pro  meritis  et  tantis  laudibus  optem? 
Di  reddant  sellam,  Cseciliane,  tibi. 
But  the  ingens  hexaphoron  can  only  be  understood  of  a  lectica, 
which  is  called  afterwards  sella ;  though  it  is  evident  from  the  in- 
terdiction of  the  emperor  Claudius,  (Suet.  CI.  35),  that  they  were 
different :  Viatores  ne  per  Itidice  oppida,  nisi  ant  pcdibus,  aid  sella, 
aut  lectica  transirent,  monuit  edicto;  and  Martial  distinguishes  them 

thus  (xi.  98) : 

Lectica  nee  te  tuta  pelle  veloque, 
Nee  vindicabit  seile  saepius  clausa. 

and  x.  10:  Lecticam  sellamve  sequar?  [Suet.  Dom.  2:  sellam  ejus 
acfratris,  quoties  prodircnt,  lectica  sequebatur.  Sen.  de  Brev.  Vit. 
12.]  As  the  lectica  was  a  litter,  so  was  the  sella  a  sedan,  which  was 
mostly  covered,  but  it  might  also  be  a  common  uncovered  easy 
chair ;  at  least  we  so  understand,  when  Cselius  Aurelianus,  i.  5, 
(quoted  by  SchefTer),  opposes  the  cathedra  to  the  sella  fertoria,  (also 
portatoria).  [The  elder  Pliny  always  used  such  a  one  in  Borne. 
Plin.  JEp.  iii.  5  ;  Lampr.  Heliog.  4.] 

The  Iccticce  were  borne  by  fewer  or  more  slaves,  according  as 
they  varied  in  size.  An  ingens  lectica  required  six  or  eight  lecti- 
carii,  and  was  called  hexaphoron,  or  octophoro»,  (Juv.  i.  64),  sexta 
cervice  ferri.  We  have  already  discussed  these  bearers  in  the 
account  of  The  Slaves ;  for  persons  of  rank  and  wealth  kept  for 
this  purpose  their  own  slaves,  [Ulp.  Dig.  xxxii.  1,  49,]  who  Avere 
clad  in  a  distinct  red  livery,  Canusince  rufce,  canusinati.  See  Bott. 
Sab.  ii.  206.  In  Martial's  time  this  dress  appears  to  have  been 
customary ;  but  Nero  also  drove  Canusinatis  mulionibus.  Suet. 
Ner.  30.  Those  who  could  not  afford  this,  might  obtain  on  hire 
abundance  of  litters,  which  stood  ready  at  a  certain  spot,  Castra  lec- 
ticariorum,  in  the  fourteenth  region  trans  Tiberim,  and  no  doubt 
elsewhere  also.  See  P.  Victor.  De  reg.  TJrb.  in  Grcev.  tlies.  iii.  49, 
and  Onuphr.  Tanv.  Dcscr.  TJrb.  Rom.  312  ;  Juv.  vi.  352. 


Scene  IV.]       THE  LECTICA  AND  THE  CARRIAGES.         345 

The  question  as  to  when  the  lectica  came  into  fashion  in  Rome, 
is  best  answered  with  Lipsius, — most  probably  after  the  victory 
over  Antiochus,  when  this,  along  with  the  other  Asiatic  luxuries, 
became  known  to  the  Romans.  No  mention  is  made  of  it  earlier, 
and  Lipsius  infers  from  Plaut  us'  silence,  (especially  Aul.  iii.  5, 
where  the  requirements  of  the  ladies  are  enumerated,  and  midi, 
muliones,  vehicida  are  mentioned,  while  lectica  is  omitted),  that  in 
his  time  it  had  not  come  into  use.  It  is  also  a  question  whether 
this  scene  (Aul.)  entirely  belongs  to  the  poet,  and  whether,  at  the 
renewed  representation  of  the  piece,  just  as  in  Epid.  ii.  2,  several 
new  fashions  were  not  introduced  ;  for  in  that  case,  the  ignorance 
of  the  lectica  might  be  extended  also  to  the  succeeding  period,  to 
which  the  additions  to  the  play  would  belong.  The  lectica  does 
not  appear  to  be  mentioned  earlier  than  in  the  fragment  of  C. 
Gracchus,  in  Gell.  x.  3,  but  in  Cicero's  time  it  was  common,  though 
the  use  of  it  was  confined  to  the  country  and  journeys,  and  woman 
and  invalids  (Dio  Cass.  lvii.  17.  Suet.  Tib.  30.  Cat.  27)  alone  used 
it  in  the  city.  By  degrees,  however,  men  also  began  to  use  it  in  the 
citv ;  and  what  originally  served  merely  as  a  distinction  for  certain 
individuals,  became  (Suet.  Claud.  28,  Cces.  43.  Lecticarum  usum 
nisi  certis  personis  et  eetatibus  perque  certos  dies  ademit.  Dom.  8)  a 
general  custom  under  the  succeeding  emperors. 

Within  the  city,  the  use  of  carriages  was  even  more  restricted 
than  that  of  the  lectica,  and  the  women  who  had  obtained  this 
privilege  from  the  senate,  by  sacrificing  their  golden  ornaments, 
were  confined,  in  exercising  it,  to  particular  festive  occasions,  sacra 
ludi,  dies  festi,  et  profesti,  Liv.  v.  2-3,  and  were  nearly  losing  it  again 
in  consequence  «of  the  second  Punic  war  :  for  the  lex  Oppia,  which 
was  sanctioned  through  the  exigences  of  the  times,  laid  down,  Ne 
qua  mulier  plus  semiunciam  auri  habcret,  neu  vesUmento  versicolori 
utereter,  neujuncto  vehiculo  in  urhe  oppidove,  aut  proprius  inde  mule 
passus  nisi  sacrorum  publicorum  causa  veheretur.  Liv.  xxxiv.  1. 
The  dies  festi  and  profesti,  therefore,  were  excluded.  See  Cato's 
speech,  c.  3.  This  strict  sumptuary  law  must  have  the  more 
annoyed  the  Roman  women,  because  those  of  the  allies  did  not 
suffer  any  such  restriction:  it  was,  however,  rescinded  twenty  years 
after,  and  from  that  period  perhaps  a  greater  licence  by  degrees 
crept  in.  [Driving  in  the  city  was  forbidden  :  except  for  triumpha- 
tors,  higher  magistrates,  and  priests  on  solemn  occasions.  Liv.  xlv. 
1;  Tac.  A), a.  i.  \~>:  Plin.  Pan.  02:  Juv.  x.  30.  Claudius  and  later 
emperors  interdicted  it  afresh.  Suet.  Claud.  2~> ;  Cap.  Ant.  Phil. 
23;  Vop.  Aurel.  5.  This  explains  why  there  were  so  few  stables 
and  coach-houses  in  Pompeii.    It  is  plain,  however,  that  the  inter- 


346        THE  LECTICA  AND  THE  CARRIAGES.    [Excursus  I. 

diet  was  not  strictly  enforced  from  Seneca,  Ep.  56 :  In  iis  quce  me 
sine  avocatione  circumstrcpunt  essedas  transcurrentes  pono  et  fabrum 
inquilinum  et  serrarium  vicinum,  aut  hunc,  qui  ad  metam  sudantem 
tabulas  experitur  et  tibias ;  where  the  meta  sudans,  near  which 
Seneca's  house  lay,  shows  that  he  speaks  generally,  and  not  of 
Baiae,  hut  of  Home.  So  in  Juv.  iii.  237,  rhedarum  transitus  arcto 
ricorum  in  flexu  is  assigned  as  one  of  the  many  causes  why  one 
could  not  sleep  in  Rome.  Wains  and  carts  might  pass  early  in 
the  morning  ;  later  in  the  day  this  was  not  allowed,  on  account  of 
the  traffic  in  the  streets.  Spart.  Hadr.  22 ;  Plin.  Pan.  51, — Plut. 
qu.  Horn.  68,  is  not  to  the  purpose.] 

The  use  of  carriages  on  a  journey  was  more  frequent,  and  no 
small  numher  of  names  occur,  though  they  give  us  hut  little  insight 
into  the  peculiar  nature  of  the  different  vehicles.  The  carriages 
found  on  monuments  are  much  more  frequently  such  as  were 
adapted  for  festive  processions,  games  or  war,  than  for  private  use, 
or  for  a  journey.  It  is  only  in  the  main  points,  and  in  the  manner 
of  usage,  that  we  are  enabled  to  show  how  they  differed  from  one 
another ;  any  attempt  at  fixing  their  form  more  accurately,  must 
always  he  a  matter  of  conjecture. 

We  divide  carriages  into  those  having  two  and  four  wheels.  To 
the  first  class  belongs  the  Cisium  [Non.  ii.  139,  explains  it  vehiculi 
biroti  genus],  probably  a  light  uncovered  cabriolet,  used  for  quick 
journeys.  The  passages  in  Cicero  are  known.  Phil.  ii.  31,  Inde 
cisio  celeriter  ad  urban  advectus  domum  venit  capite  involute  Pose. 
Am.  7,  decern  horis  noeturnis  sex  et  quinquaginta  mittia  passuum  eisiis 
pervolavit.  Hence  also  in  the  lampoon  on  Ventidius  Bassus,  Catalect. 
Virg.  viii.  3,  Volantis  impetus  cisii.  It  was  no  doubt  drawn  by  two 
horses,  or  mules,  although  Auson.  viii.  6,  calls  it  a  trijuge. 

The  Essedum,  properly  a  British  or  Belgic  war-car,  had  also  two 
wheels:  see  Ruperti  adJuven.  iv.  126,  [Cses.  Pell.  Gall. iv. 33 :  Virg. 
Georg,  iii.  204  : 

Belgica  vol  molli  melius  feret  esseda  collo. 
Prop.  ii.  1,  86: 

Esseda  cselatis  siste  Britanna  jugis.] 

but  as  early  as  Cicero's  time  was  in  frequent  use  for  journeys, 
Attic,  vi.  1 :  Vedixs  venit  mihi  obviam  cum  duobus  essedis  et  rheda 
equis  juncta  et  lectica  et  familia  magna.  He  had  just  before 
termed  the  man  a  magnus  nebulo,  and  afterwards  calculates 
what  he  would  have  to  pay,  if  Curio's  proposed  law  were  to 
pass.  Also  Phil.  ii.  24.  It  was  a  small  carriage,  not  essentially 
differing  from   the   cisium,  and   was  also   used   especially  for   a 


Scene  IV.  j      THE    LECTICA  AND  THE  CAKKIAGES.        347 

journev.  Hence  Ovid  says,  when  he  inyites  Corinna  to  come 
to  Sulmo  (Amor.  ii.  16,  49): 

Parvaque  quam  primum  rapientibus  esseda  marinis 
Ipsa  per  admissas  concute  lora  jubas. 

And  Martial  to  his  book,  -which  Flaccus  was  to  take  with  him  to 
Spain  (x.  104)  : 

Altam  Bilbilin  et  tuum  Salonem 

Quinto  forsitan  essedo  yidebis. 

We  perceiye  from  the  coins  stamped  in  honour  of  Julia  and 
A  grippina,  that  the  Carpentum  also  was  two-wheeled.  See  Sueton. 
Val.  15.  This  vehicle  is  mentioned  in  the  oldest  times  of  Rome, 
Liy.  i.  34,  48 ;  v.  25,  [Ov.  Fast.  i.  619 : 

Nam  prius  Ausonias  matres  carpenta  vehebant : 
Hsec  quoque  ob  Evandri  dicta  parente  reor.] 

although  it  certainly  had  not  then  the  form  in  which  it  appears  on 
these  coins,  and,  according  to  the  first  passage  referred  to  in  Livy, 
could  not  at  that  time  have  had  a  coyer.  We  must  not  always 
interpret  the  name  strictly,  and  fashion  appears  to  have  effected 
great  changes  in  the  form  of  the  carriages.  Generally,  we  may 
assume  of  the  later  carpentum,  that  it  was  a  covered  state-carriage, 
[hence  also  used  at  public  festivals,  and  called  carpentum  pompati- 
cum,  Isid.  xx.  12  ;  Suet.  Cat.  15  ;  Claud.  11,]  though  it  was  also 
used  for  travelling.  Prop.  iv.  8,  23  ;  where  it  means  a  state- 
equipage,  with  silk  curtains.     Comp.  Juven.  viii.  147  ;  ix.  132. 

The  Pilentum  differed  from  it,  as  we  see  from  Livy,  v.  25  : 
honoremque  ob  earn  munißcentiam  fenmt  matronis habüum,  ut  pilento 
ad  sacra  liidosrpie,  carpentis  festo  profestoque  utenntur.  And  they 
are  opposed  to  each  other  in  Trebell.  Poll.  xxx.  tyr.  29,  and 
Lampiid.  Ilelioy.  4.  But  whether  the  difference  consisted  in  the 
carpentum  being  a  close  carriage,  and  the  pilentum  merely  having 
a  head  on  four  supporters,  will  hardly  admit  of  sure  demonstration. 
[The  real  difference  was  rather  this,  that  the  pilentum  had  four 
wheels,  as  Isidor.  xx.  12,  expressly  states.  Several  authors  assert 
that  this  carriage  was  especially  used  by  women.  Serv.  ad  Virg. 
.lin.  vi.  666 : 

castfe  ducebant  sacra  per  urbem 

Pilentis  matres  in  mollibus. 

Festus.  s.  v.  Prud.  c.  Symm.  ii.  1088.] 

The  Cocains  was  properly  a  Belgic  carriage,  armed  with  scythes, 
the  shape  of  which  Ginzrot  seems  to  have  given  correctly,  (Plate 
xxv.  1 ) ;  [Lucan.  i.  426  : 

Et  docilis  rector  constrati  Belga  covini.] 
but  there  were  also  conveyances  at  Home,  bearing  the  same  name, 


348        THE  LECTICA  AXD  THE  CARRIAGES.    [Excursus  I. 

and  possibly  like  our  cars,  perfectly  closed  on  three  sides,  and  only 
open  in  front.  There  was  no  seat  for  the  mulio,  but  the  person 
sitting  in  the  carriage  drove  the  horses  or  mules  himself,  as  we  see 
from  a  neat  epigram  in  Martial,  xii.  24  : 

0  jucunda,  covine,  solitudo, 

Carruca  magis  essedoque  gratum 

Faeundi  mihi  munus  iEliani : 

Hie  mecum  licet,  hie,  Juvence,  quidquid 

In  buccam  tibi  venerit,  loquaris. — 

Nusquam  mulio  ;  mannuli  tacebunt,  etc. 

The  description  of  its  form,  given  above,  is  rightly  inferred  by  the 
poet's  praise  of  its  retirement  and  privacy. 

Of  the  larger  carriages  with  four  wheels,  the  Rhcda,  or  reda,  is 
first  to  be  mentioned.  See  Boettig.  Sab.  ii.  41.  [Isid.  xx.  12,  qua- 
tuor  rotarum.  In  Cod.  Th.  viii.  5,  8,  the  rheda  is  opposed  to  the 
Inrota^]  Like  the  cisium,  the  essedum,  and  the  covinus,  it  is  said  to 
have  been  of  foreign  origin  ;  [Quinct.  i.  5,  57  ;]  but  that  is  of  little 
consequence,  as  the  Romans  no  doubt  made  it  according  to  their 
own  ideas,  and  it  perhaps  denotes  the  travelling-carriage  generally. 
In  such  a  rheda  Clodius  met  Milo,  (Cic.  Mil.  10,  20),  and  it  appears 
to  have  been  the  carriage  in  general  use  when  a  man  travelled 
with  his  family  and  baggage.  We  see  from  Juv.  iii.  10,  that  it  was 
arranged  for  this  last-mentioned  purpose,  dum  tota  domus  rheda 
componitur  una ;  and  Mart.  iii.  47,  where  Bassus  travels  into  the 
country,  plena  in  rheda,  omnes  beati  copias  trahens  ruris.  It  was 
mostly  covered,  as  was  necessary  for  a  long  journey.  That  there 
were  rhedce  with  two  wheels,  does  not  appear  clear,  as  they  woidd 
then  no  longer  deserve  the  name. 

To  the  same  class  belongs  the  Carruca,  which  was  perhaps  only 
shorter  and  more  elegant.  The  name  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  adopted  till  late,  and  Martial  confounds  it  with  the  rheda, 
(iii.  47),  where  we  first  read,  plena  Bassus  ibat  in  rheda,  and  then 
nee  otiosus  ibat  ante  carrucam,  sed  tuta  fwno  cursor  ova  portabat. 
[It  was  used  as  a  stage  coach.  Cod.  xi.  19.  But  earlier,  it  was 
used  also  for  travelling ;  by  Nero  for  example.  Suet.  Ner.  30. 
Lamprid.  HeUog.  31.  It  was  constructed  even  for  sleeping  in  ; 
Scasv.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2, 13,  carruca  dormitoria.  Pauli.  Bee.  Sent.  iii.  0, 
01  ;  Ulp.  Dig.  xxi.  8,  38,  mula  carrucaria.  The  last  passages  show 
that  it  was  generally  drawn  by  mules.] 

The  Petorritum  also  belongs  to  thi's  class,  according  to  Festus 
[Quinct.  i.  5,  57,]  and  Gellius,  of  Gallic  origin,  as  was  the  name, 
petorritum  est  non  ex  Greeco  dimidiatum,  sed  totum  transalpibvs  : 
nam  est  vox  Gallica.     Gell.  xv.  30.     Ileindorf,  ad  Borat.  Sat.  i.  0, 


Scene  IV.]       THE  LECTICA  AXD  THE  CARRIAGES.  349 

103,  mentions  that  in  the  Celtic  lexicon  of  Bullet  is  to  be  found 
petoar,  or  pedwar  (  four),  and  rit  ( rad  |  wheel.  According  to  Schol. 
Cruq.  ad  Hot:  Epist.  ii.  1,  192,  it  was  a  carriage  for  the  servants, 
pilenta  vehicula  matronarum,  sicut  petorrita  famularum  :  and  this 
agrees  very  well  with  the  first  passage,  (Sat.  i.  0,  103),  plures 
calones  atqite  caballi  pascendi.  ducenda  petorrita  ;  but  we  must  not 
affirm  that  they  were  used  exclusively  for  this  purpose. 

The  Basterna  was  something  between  the  carriage  and  the  lec- 
tica,  a  litter  borne  by  two  mules,  one  before  and  one  behind,  going 
in  shafts.    [Isid.  xx.  12  ;  Schol.  ad  Juv.  iv.  21 ;  Antliol.  Lot.  iii.  183. 
Aurea  matronas  claudit  basterna  pudicas.] 

See  concerning  it,  Salm.  ad  Lamprid.  Heliog.  21. 

The  ornaments  of  the  vehicles  [especially  of  the  body,  capsm, 
or  ploxenum,  a  Gallic  expression.  Fest.  p.  280  ;  Isid.  ib.  ;  Quinct.  i. 
5,  8 ;  Vitruv.  x.  14]  were  all  in  keeping  with  the  luxury  displayed 
in  other  matters.  Pliny  ( xxxiv.  17)  declaims  against  this  extrava- 
gance :  Ccepere  deinde  et  esseda,  et  vehicula,  et  petorrita  e.rornare, 
simüique  modo  ad  aurea  quoque,  non  modo  argentea  staticula  inanis 
luxuria  pervenit,  quceque  in  sci/pkis  cemi  prodigium  erat,  hcec  in 
vehiculis  at  ten  cultus  vocatur.  [xxxiii.  40,  carrueas  ex  argento  cce- 
lare.j  Such  carriages  were  sometimes  of  immense  value,  as  Mart, 
iii.  72,  relates : 

Aurea  quod  fundi  pretio  carruca  paratur. 

Claudius,  as  Censor,  considered  it  right  to  do  away  with  such  an 
article  of  luxury.  Suet.  Claud.  10  :  essedum  argenteum  sumtuose 
fahricatum  ae  renale  ad  Sigillaria  redimi  concidique  coram  imperavit. 
[Vop.  Aurel.  46  j  Paul.  Dig.  xxxiii.  10,  5.]  Among  the  Etrurians 
it  was  customary  to  ornament  the  carriage?  with  plates  of  embossed 
metal,  as  bronze,  (see  Inghirami,  Monum.  Etruschi,  iii.  18,  23),  or 
of  silver,  (see  Millingen,  /  tied.  Monum.  ii.  14. )  Probably  the  esse- 
dum argenteum  was  ornamented  in  the  same  manner. 

Their  manner  of  connecting  the  animals  with  the  carriage  was 
quite  different  from  ours,  as  these  did  not  draw  by  means  of  traces, 
but  by  a  yoke  fastened  to  the  front  of  the  pole,  and  lying  on  their 
necks.  This  yoke  was  very  various  in  form,  being  often  only  a 
simple  wooden  bow,  but  generally  having  two  rounded  hollows,  into 
which  the  neck  fitted.  See  the  illustration  in  Ginzrot,  i.  tab.  iii.  b. 
— iv.  b.  If  the  carriage  were  drawn  only  by  one  horse  or  mule,  it 
went  in  shafts,  though  even  then  a  yoke  was  placed  on  it.  It  was 
only  when  three  or  four  animals  were  employed,  that  the  outside 
ones  drew  with  traces,  and  they  were  then  called  funalcs.  [The  Ho- 
meric 7T«p/;opo<.  Dion.  Hal.  vii.  73.]  Suet.  Tib.  vi. :  Actiaco  triumph» 


350        THE  LECTICA  AND  THE  CARRIAGES.    [Excursus  I. 

currum  Angusti  coniitatus  est,  sinister  ior  e  funali  equo,  cum  Marcelkis 
Octavice films  dexteriore  veheretur.     [Auson.  Epith.  35,  9 : 
Pegasus  hie  dexter  currat  tibi :  laevus  Arion 
Funalis,  quartum  det  tibi  Castor  equum.] 

Sometimes  horses,  at  others  mules,  were  used  as  beasts  of  bur- 
den. Of  the  former,  the  small  Gallic  race  {manni,  mannidi,  and 
burrichi)  was  especially  esteemed,  on  account  of  their  speed,  (Salm. 
ad  Vopise.  Carin.  20  ;  Schol.  Cruq.  ad  Hor.  Epod.  iv.  14.  See 
Mitscherl.  ad  Hor.  supra).  It  is  evident  that  these  manni  were  an 
article  of  luxury,  and  the  possession  of  them  indicated  a  man  of 
wealth,  from  the  indignant  words,  Sectus  fiagellis  hie  triumviralibus 
Prceconis  ad  fastidium  Arat  Fulerni  viille  fundi  jugera,  Et  Appiam 
mannis  terit. 

The  Romans  did  not  always  drive  their  own  equipages  ;  for  in 
Home,  and  also  in  the  smaller  towns  of  Italy,  there  were  numbers 
of  hack  carriages,  and  there  are  many  allusions  from  which  we  may 
conclude,  that  on  the  greater  roads  there  were  stations  where  they 
changed  carriage  and  horses.  Scheffer  has  already  drawn  attention 
to  the  fact,  that  in  the  passage  of  Cicero,  pro  Rose.  Am.  7,  decern 
lioris  nocturnis  LYI  millia  passuum  cisiis  pervolavit,  the  plural,  cisiis, 
implies  a  change  of  carriages  ;  and  it  is  only  in  this  sense  that  we 
can  understand  what  Suetonius  says  of  Cassar,  (57)  :  Longissimas 
vias  incredibili  celeritate  confecit,  expeditus  meritoria  rheda,  centena 
passuum  millia  in  singulos  dies;  for  how  could  this  have  been 
effected  with  the  same  horses  P     So  Mart.  x.  104,  seqq.,    • 

Hispanse  pete  Tarraeonis  arces. 
Illinc  te  rota  tollet,  et  citatus 
Altam  Bilbilin  et  tuum  Salonem 
Quinto  forsitan  essedo  videbis. 

is  also  to  be  taken. 

Five  days'  journey  may  certainly  be  meant,  but  with  a  change 
of  carriages,  a  fresh  vetturino  being  most  likely  hired  at  different 
points  of  the  journey.  It  was  in  such  rhedaa  that  Horace  performed 
a  part  of  his  journey  in  the  company  of  Maecenas. 


EXCURSUS  II.      SCENE  IV. 


THE    INNS. 

IN  the  present  day,  when  a  traveller  of  the  rank  of  G  alius 
arrives  at  a  good  sized  town,  more  than  one  hotel  presents 
itself  where  obsequious  waiters  are  ready  to  receive  his  carriage, 
and  elegantly  furnished  apartments  are  at  his  disposal, — nothing 
in  short  is  omitted  for  his  entertainment :  and  even  in  the  smaller 
towns  the  same  rule  applies.  Matters,  were,  however,  quite  different 
among  the  ancients  generally,  and  in  Italy  also.  When  there  is  no 
call  for  any  particular  branch  of  industry,  no  necessity  for  its  culti- 
vation is  felt ;  and  it  is  evident  that  the  number  and  accommoda- 
tions of  the  inns  of  modern  times  have  been  considerably  improved 
by  the  increased  propensity  for  travelling.  The  ancients,  however, 
were  quite  imused  to  the  frequent  arrival  and  departure  of  large 
numbers  of  strangers,  and  when  they  did  travel,  had  everywhere 
(especially  if  Roman  citizens)  private  connexions  enough,  to  be 
relieved  from  the  necessity  of  stopping  at  an  inn. 

Hence  all  establishments  of  this  nature  were  on  an  exceedingly 
low  scale,  and,  properly  speaking,  only  public  houses  for  the  lower 
classes,  to  whom,  naturally,  a  friend's  house  was  not  always  open. 
But  we  should  be  going  too  far  in  supposing  that  respectable  people 
also  did  not,  under  particular  circumstances,  make  use  of  such 
establishments.  Zell,  in  his  essay,  Die  Wirthshciuser  d.  Alten,  gives 
by  far  too  low  a  character  of  the  Roman  inns.  Indeed,  he  has  only 
depicted  one  side  of  tbe  tavern  life,  and  spoken  merely  of  the 
coupon®  and  popince  in  Rome  itself;  whereas,  in  order  to  become 
acquainted  with  the  use  the  Romans  made  of  the  inns,  we  ought 
not  so  much  to  consider  those  in  Rome,  as  those  to  be  met  with  on 
a  journey.  It  is  easily  conceivable  that  the  Roman  of  distinction 
did  not  spend  his  evening  at  places  of  public  entertainment  as  we 
do  ;  that  there  were  no  clubs  or  concerts,  &c,  and  that  he  would 
never  dream  of  lounging  about  in  cook-shops  and  wine-taverns, 
places  in  as  little  estimation  at  Rome  as  at  Athens,  where  Socrates 
used  to  boast  of  himself :  quod  nunquam  in  tabernam  conspexerat. 
Petr.  140.  And  yet  as  public  life  fell  into  decay,  and  people  be- 
came less  and  less  interested  in  state  matters,  and  rather  avoided 
than  sought  the  Forum,  the  more  polite  classes  had  also  places, 
where  they  could  pass  their  idle  hours,  though  certainly  these  were 
quite  different  from  popinae.     We  must,  however,  first  consider 


352  THE    INNS.  [Excursus  II. 

those  inns  which  presented  themselves  to  the  traveller  on  the  high 
road. 

Of  course  even  those  most  extensively  connected  could  not 
meet  with  the  houses  of  acquaintances  on  every  high  road  to  stop 
at,  and  therefore  were  sometimes  obliged  to  go  to  houses  of  public 
entertainment.  We  need  not  adduce  in  particular  the  well-known 
passage  relating  to  Greece,  in  Cicero,  Dii:  i.  27  :  Cum  duo  quidam 
Arcades  familiäre*  iter  una  facer ent  et  Megarem  venissent,  alterum 
ad  cauponem  devertisse,  adhospitem  alterum  ;  or  the  veiy  interesting 
account  of  a  murder  at  an  inn,  in  Cic.  Inv.  ii.  4,  for  we  are  not 
acquainted  with  the  rank  of  the  persons  alluded  to,  nor  do  we  re- 
quire, in  the  consideration  of  Roman  life,  to  draw  analogies  from 
Greece.  Let  us  only  follow  the  route  of  Horace,  in  the  train  of 
Maecenas,  to  Brundusium,  which  he  so  humorously  describes,  (Sat.  i. 
5),  and  we  shall  find  him  putting  up  at  inns  more  than  once.  The 
lines  of  the  commencement, 

Egressum  magna  me  excepit  Arieia  Roma 
Hospitio  modico, 
may  be  thus  understood,  for  he  who  stopped  at  the  house  of  a  caupu 
was  also  called  by  this  word  hospes,  and  neither  a  state-entertainer 
nor  a  private  friend  is  meant,  for  Horace  would  have  mentioned 
these  more  particularly ;  and,  besides,  hospitio  modico  would  have 
been  no  great  compliment.     See  Plaut.  Pan.  iii.  3,  60,  and  v.  75, 
80.  It  was  doubtless  a  caupona  also  in  Forum  Appii  at  which  Horace 
could  eat  nothing,  on  account  of  the  badness  of  the  water,  although 
his  companions  were  less  particular.     When  he  says  of  the  next 
morning  after  the  night-voyage,  Malta  turn  pransi  tria  repiimis,  a 
breakfast  in  a  taberna  is  probably  alluded  to,  which  might  have 
been  either  in  the  vicinity  of  the  temple  of  Feronia,  or  further 
on.     Matters  doubtless  assumed  a  different  aspect  after  he  joined 
Maecenas,  who,  with  his  suite,  was  entertained  every  where  by  the 
authorities,  although  they  passed  the  night  at  a  place  which  cannot 
well  mean  anything  else  than  a  caupona,  v.  77  : 
Incipit  ex  illo  montes  Appulia  notos 
Ostentare  mihi,  quos  torret  Atabulus,  et  quos 
Nunquam  erepsemus,  nisi  nos  vicinia  Trivia 
Villa  recepisset,  lacrimoso  non  sine  fumo. 
for  the  delicate  anecdote  in  the  context  shows  that  this  could  not 
have  been  the  villa  of  a  friend,  but  a  house  of  public  resort. 
[Duentzer  understands  by  villa,  a  small  farm,  erected  by  the  state, 
where  state-officers  were  entertained  by  the  Parochus.    Comp.  Non. 
i.  239,  and  line  45. 

Proxima  Campano  ponti  quse  vilhda.  tectum 
Praebuit,  et  paroehi,  quse  debent,  ligna  salemque.] 


Scene  IV.]  THE    IXXS.  353 

Possibly  the  road  was  too  heavy  to  allow  of  the  travellers  reaching 
any  other  place  that  day,  and  they  therefore  stopped  at  the  villa 
which  had  a  caupona. 

But  we  need  not  advance  such  suppositions,  as  we  have  clearer 
proofs.  As,  for  instance,  the  suggestion  to  Ballatius,  that  if  we 
meet  with  much  that  is  disagreeable  anywhere,  we  must  not 
immediately  condemn  the  whole  place,  but  seek  out  some  other 
quarters,  just  as  the  traveller  who  was  forced  to  stop  at  a  caupona 
of  the  Via  Appia,  as  a  refuge  from  the  weather,  would  not  wish  to 
spend  his  whole  life  in  an  inn,  in  order  not  to  venture  on  the  road 
again.     Epist.  i.  11,  11 : 

Sed  neque  qui  Capua  Romani  petit,  imbre  lutoque 
Conspersus,  volet  in  caupona  vivere. 

And  Propert.  iv.  8,  19,  when  Cynthia,  travelling  with  a  favoured 

lover,  in  an  elegant  equipage  to  Lanuvium,  puts  up  in  a  taberna  : 

Appia,  die  quseso,  quantum  te  teste  triumplvum 

Egerit  effusis  per  tua  saxa  rotis. 
Ttrrpis  in  areana  sonuit  quum  rLsa  taberna  ; 
Si  sine  me,  famse  non  sine  labe  mese. 

Again,  Cicero, pro  Clucnt.  59  :  Atque  etiam,  ut  nobis  renuntiatur,  ho- 
minem  multorum  hospitum,  A.  Binnium  quendam,  coponem  de  Via 

Latino  suhomatis,  qui  sibi  a  Cluentio  servisque  ejus  in  taberna  sua 
manus  aUatas  esse  dicat.  [Appul.  Met.  i.  p.  110.]  The  instance  of 
Antony  need  not  be  advanced.  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  31 :  Cum  hora  diei  de- 
ci ma  fere  ad  Saxa  Rubra  venisset,  aeliJbu.it  in  quadam  cauponula;  nor 
that  of  Petronius,  the  scene  of  whose  narration  is  chiefly  laid  in 
inns.  See  cap.  xv.  19,  80.  One  passage  shall  suffice  (124) :  tan- 
dem Crotona  intrarintus,  tibi  quidem  parva  deversorio  refecti  postero 
die  amplioris  fortunai  domum  queerentes  ineidimm  in  turbam,  etc. 
Comp.  Hor.  Epist.  i.  17,  8 :  Si  te  pulvis  strepitusque  rotarum,  si 
ladet  caupona. 

Such  inns,  then,  were  not  only  to  be  found  in  the  towns,  but 
also  standing  isolated  along  the  roads,  as  on  the  Via  Appia  not  far 
from  the  Pontine  Marshes,  the  Tres  taberna,  mentioned  Upag,  r. 
'Xiroar.  xxviii.  15  :  KättWev  ui  aSekipoi  c'tKovaavrtc  tu  irtpi  iijtCov 
l%fjk0ov  tic  äirävrtjffiv  >'//üy  ä'x'P'C  'Aiririov  <popov  Kai  TpiÜiv  raßipvwv. 
Other  houses  were  naturally  built  about  them,  and  thus  arose  a 
hamlet,  which  obtained  the  name  of  the  inn.  [Schwarz  de  foro 
Appii  et  tribus  tabemisj] 

These  taverns  were  probably  attached  to  the  various  villas  alon°- 
the  road,  for  the  profit  of  the  owners,  as  they  thus  disposed  of  the 
wine  produced  on  their  estate.  Hence  Yitruv.  vi.  8 :  Qui  autem 
fructibus  rusticis  serviunt,  in  eorum  cestibu/is  stabula,  taberna  sunt 

A  A 


354  THE   INNS.  [Excursus  II. 

facienda.  Varr.  R.  R.  i.  2,  23 :  Si  ager  secundum  viam  et  opportunus 
viatoribus  locus,  ccdificandce  tabernce  diversorice.  Suet.  Claud.  38  : 
(Senatorem  relegavit)  quod  in  cedilitate  inquilinos  prcediorum  suorum 
contra  vetitmn  cocta  vendentes  multasset,  villicumque  intervenientem 
flagellasset.  The  popince  were  restricted  to  the  sale  of  drink  only, 
under  Tiberius  (Suet.  34)  ;  the  interdiction,  however,  did  not  con- 
tinue long  in  force,  but  was  removed  under  Claudius  (Dio  Cass.  lx. 
6)  :  revived  again  under  Nero  (Suet.  Ner.  16),  Interdictum,  ne  quid 
in  popinis  codi  praeter  legumina  aut  olera  veniret,  cum  antea  nullum 
non  obsonii  genus  proponeretnr ;  (Dio  Cass.  lxii.  14,  says,  7rX»)v  Xayo- 
vu)v  Kai  itvovc)  ;  and  again  by  Vespasian  (Dio  Cass.  lxvi.  10).  To 
this  is  also  to  be  referred,  Mart.  iii.  58  : 

Non  segnis  albo  pallet  otio  copo. 

The  name  of  such  inns  is  caupona,  taberna,  taberna  diversoria. 
Plaut.  Mencechm.  ii.  3,  81,  where  Menaechmeus,  who  has  just  arrived 
from  the  ship,  on  making  use  of  the  opportunity  offered  to  him, 
from  his  being  confounded  with  his  brother,  says  to  Messenio,  as  he 
goes  to  breakfast  with  the  Hetaera  Erotium  : 

Abduc  istos  in  tabernam  actutum  diversoriam  : 
also  similarly,  diversormm,  or  perhaps  more  correctly,  deversorium. 
See  Drakenb.  ad  Liv.  xliv.  43.  Val.  Max.  i.  7,  ext.  10,  in  the  story 
above  quoted  from  Cicero,  names  it  taberna  merit  or  ia,  and  in  Mar- 
tial, vi.  94,  the  same  is  expressed  by  stabulum.  And  often  thus  in 
the  Dig.  and  in  Appul. 

Similar  houses  of  entertainment  doubtless  existed  in  Rome,  but 
were  only  used  by  persons  of  the  lower  orders,  who  chanced  to  be 
there  ;  for  strangers  of  importance  readily  found  an  hospitium  in  a 
private  house.  [Thus  the  ambassadors  of  the  Rhodians  complained 
that  they  were  forced  to  lodge  at  Rome,  sordido  diversorio,  via: 
mercede  recepti.  Liv.  xlv.  22.]  For  the  population  of  the  city  itself, 
there  were  numerous  places  where  refreshments  were  sold.  The 
general  name  for  these  establishments  was  taberna  and  caupona ; 
the  first  denotes  generally  every  booth,  not  only  for  the  sale  of 
wares,  but  those  of  the  tonsores,  the  medici  and  argentarii  also. 
Caupona,  on  the  contrary,  is  only  used  for  such  places  where  wine 
particularly,  and  other  necessaries,  were  sold  ;  it  still  remains  to  be 
proved  that  caupo  denotes  every  sort  of  retailer.  Whenever  the 
caupo  is  mentioned,  he  is  the  seller  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  especi- 
ally wine ;  hence  the  joke  of  Martial,  about  the  rain  in  the  vintage, 

i.  57: 

Continuis  vexata  madet  vindemia  nimbis. 

Non  potes,  ut  cupias,  vendere,  caupo,  merum : 
and  hence  the  modest  poet  wishes  to  have  for  life,  besides  the 


Scene  IV.]  THE    INNS.  355 

lanius,  a  caupo,  in  order  to  be  insured  a  supply  of  meat  and  drink, 
ii.  48.  The  popince,  cookshops,  were  a  particular  class,  in  which 
cooked  meat  chiefly,  hut  drinks  also,  were  sold  ;  whilst  the  caitpo 
mostly  sold  his  refreshments  to  be  taken  out  of  the  shop,  the  popa, 
(the  occupier  of  the  popina)  sold  his  viands  for  consumption  in  the 
tabema,  and  drew  wine  which  was  drunk  on  the  premises.  Cic. 
Mil.  24  :  Quin  etiam  audiendus  sit  popa  Licinius  nescio  quis  de  Circo 
maximo :  servos  Milords  apud  se  ebrios  factos  sibi  confessos  esse,  etc. ; 
then,  sed  mirabar  tarnen  credi  popa.  [Hor.  Ep.  i.  14,  21,  uncta 
popina.']  Originally,  only  persons  of  the  lowest  class  and  slaves 
were  to  be  fovmd  taking  their  seats  on  the  chairs  of  the  taberna, 
and  to  do  so  was  considered  unseemly.  [Juv.  viii.  172  mentions 
nautce,  fures  fugitivi.]  The  neat  epigram  of  Martial  (v.  70) 
alludes  to  this : 

Infusum  sibi  nuper  a  patrono 

Plenum,  Maxime,  centies  Syriscus 

In  sellariolis  vagus  popinis 

Circa  balnea  quatuor  peregit. 

Even  if  we  were  disposed  to  assign  to  the  passage  another  meaning, 
and  compare  the  sellariolce  popina;  with  the  lecticariola  (xii.  58), 
the  following  verses  clear  up  all  doubt  as  to  the  meaning : 

0  quanta  est  gula,  centies  comesse  ! 
Quanto  major  adhuc,  nee  accubare  ! 

In  later  times  such  eating-houses  were  the  lounge  of  idle  and 
disorderly-living  persons  of  the  better  classes ;  [as  Gabinius  in  Cic. 
in  Pis.  6 ;  and  Thrasyllus  in  Appul.  31et.  viii.  init.  See  Juv.  viii. 
158 ;  Suet.  Gramm.  15  ;  Vit.  13 ;  j  and  it  is  clear  that  good  enter- 
tainment was  to  be  met  with  in  them,  from  Syriscus  havino- 
squandered  away  in  a  short  time  centies  sesterces ;  for  which  no 
doubt  pleasures  of  all  sorts  were  to  be  had. 

Ganeum,  or  ganea,  is  so  far  different,  that  every  popina  may 
certainly  be  called  a  ganeum,  though  not  vice  versa.  The  ganeum 
means  generally  only  a  place  for  secret  debauchery,  whence  Livy 
twice  (xxvi.  2,  and  Epit.  1.  c.)  joins  it  with  lustrum.  [Cic.  Sext.  9, 
ganeis  adulteriisque  confectus.     Suet.  Cal.  11.] 

What  Plautus  (Cure.  ii.  13,  10;  Bud.  ii.  6,  45;  Trin.  iv.  3,  6) 
calls  thermopolium,  is  nothing  more  than  the  popina,  as  we  see  from 
the  imperial  interdicts  which  are  cited. 

Salmasius  ad  Spart.  Iladr.  22,  says  that  tabernas  in  Rome  were 
never  opened  before  the  ninth  hour.  Although  we  have  not  the 
authority  of  any  old  author,  to  quote  in  opposition  to  this  assertion, 
it  appears  scarcely  credible  in  itself,  as  doubtless  many  took  their 
prandium  there,  and  several  passages  occur  which  cannot  at  all 

aa2 


356  THE    INNS.  [Excursus  II. 

be  reconciled  with  it.  In  the  case  of  the  baths  and  htpanaria  (see 
the  Excursus  Sc.  VI.  and  Exc.  1  Sc.  VII.),  it  is  very  natural  that 
a  fixed  hour  was  appointed,  before  which  they  could  not  be  opened ; 
but  as  regards  the  eating-houses,  no  proof  has  been  adduced,  nor 
does  such  a  restriction  appear  admissible.  Passages  in  opposition 
to  it  are  Plaut.  Most.  iv.  2,  52 : 

Vide  sis,  ne  forte  ad  merendam  quopiam  devorteris, 
Atque  ibi  meliuscule,  quam  satis  fuerit  biberis. 

Menachm.  v.  1,  3 : 

Immersit  aliquo  sese  credo  in  ganeum : 
but  it  is  about  mid-day,  and  MeiiEechmeus  is  himself  just  coming 
from  prandium.     Pseud,  ii.  2,  03,  Harpax  says : 

Ego  devortor  extra  portam  hue  in  tabernam  tertiam. 
and  v.  09,  ubi  prandero  dabo  operant  somno.     The  most  decisive 
proof  is  to  be  found  in  Plaut.  Pcen.  Prol.  40 : 

Et  hoc  quoque  etiam,  quod  psene  oblitus  fui, 
Dum  ludi  fiunt,  in  popinam  pedisequi 
Irruptionem  facite  :  nunc  dum  occasio  est, 
Nunc  dum  scribilitse  sestuant,  occurrite. 

and  if  we  are  not  inclined  to  attach  much  weight  to  this  passage,  as 
being  a  joke,  let  us  add  thereto  an  actual  fact.  Cic.  Pis.  0 :  Memi- 
nistine,  coenum,  cum  ad  te  quint  a  fere  hora  cum  C.  Pisone  venissem, 
nescio  quo  e  gurgustio  te  prodire,  involuto  capite,  soleatumf  et  cum 
isto  ore  fcetido  teterrimam  nobis  popinam  inlialasses,  excusatione  te  uti 
valetudinis,  quod  diceres,  vinolentis  te  quibusdam  medicaminibus  solere 
curari  f 

The  whole  class  of  innkeepers  was  despised  in  Rome,  and  it  is 
very  easy  to  perceive  why.  When  Hor.  Sat.  i.  1,  29,  calls  them 
perfidi  and  maligni  (5,  4),  [Mart.  iii.  57,  callidos]  it  is  '  because 
people  of  this  kind  were  infamous  in  Greece  and  Rome,  for 
cheating,  adulteration  of  wares,  and  fraud  of  every  description ; 
so  that  in  Greek,  Ka-n-r^tbuv  means  also  to  adulterate.'  Heind.  ad 
I.  i.  29.  The  popina  also  exhibited  generally,  if  not  always,  the 
union  of  all  kinds  of  debauchery.  [The  interdicted  game  of  hazard 
was  most  likely  played  in  the  popinse.  Mart.  v.  84. 
Arcana  modo  raptus  e  popina 
iEdileni  rogat  udus  aleator. 
So  that  the  surveillance  of  the  sediles  was  very  necessary.  Suet. 
Tib.  34 ;  Claud.  38.]  There  were  perhaps  among  the  rest  exceed- 
ingly dirty  holes,  as  may  fairly  be  expected  from  the  character  of 
the  company.  Comp.  Stockmann,  De  popinis  Rom.  L.  1805. 
[Wunderlich,  De  Vett.  popinis  ;  Scheid,  De  cauponum  origine.~\ 

Respectable  people  therefore  did  not,  at  least  till  a  later  period, 


Scene  IV.] 


THE   IXNS. 


357 


enter  such  houses  or  hooths ;  but  they  were  not  without  places  of 
social  entertainment,  for  not  unfrequently  many  assembled  in  the 
medicine?,  tonstrince,  and  such  like  places,  for  their  recreation.  See 
Salmas.  ad  Plant.  Epid.  ii.  2,  14 ;  and  Heindorf  an  Hor.  Sat.  i.  7, 
3.  At  a  later  period  it  was  customary  to  congregate  in  the  tabernce 
libraries,  and  in  the  gymnasia,  to  converse  on  all  manner  of  subjects. 
Gell.  xiii.  30  :  Laudabat  venditabatque  se  nuper  quispiam  in  Ubraria 
sedens.  But  the  public  baths  were  the  chief  places  of  assembling. 
[In  the  so-called  hipanar,  at  Pompeii,  there  is  a  fresco  represent- 
ing several  persons  sitting  and  drinking  in  a  tavern.  The  utensils 
of  such  an  establishment  are  enumerated.  Pauli.  Dig.  xxxiii.  7, 13, 
dolia,  rasa,  ancones,  calices,  truUcc,  wrnce,  congiaria,  etc.  The  wood- 
cut below  is  from  a  shield  carved  in  stone,  in  a  tavern  at  Pompeii.] 


EXCUESUS.     SCENE   V. 


THE    GAEDENS. 

THE  description  given  in  the  Fifth  Scene  of  the  gardens  belong- 
ing to  the  villa,  may  appear  hut  little  in  accordance  with  the 
habits  and  tastes  of  antiquity,  and  many  may  be  inclined  to  imagine 
that  some  garden  in  the  old  French  mode  of  the  seventeenth  or 
eighteenth  century  had  served  as  a  model.  But  the  old  proverb, 
that  there  is  nothing  new  under  the  sun,  holds  good  in  this  case. 
Gardens  laid  out  in  this  style,  in  which  vegetation  was  forced  into 
stiff  geometrical  figures,  and  the  knife  and  shears  of  the  gardener 
annihilated  every  vestige  of  nature's  free  dominion,  were  in  fashion 
at  Rome,  and  not  reserved  for  the  invention  of  a  later  age.  [This 
is  further  evident  from  the  frescos  at  Pompeii,  representing  gar- 
dens.] Indeed  the  ancients  were  more  deserving  of  excuse  for 
such  absurdities,  for  the  means  afforded  by  nature  in  those  days 
were  but  small  in  comparison  with  the  abundant  resources  of  our 
time.  Foreign  countries  had  not  as  yet  unfolded  their  rich  treasures 
of  luxuriant  and  splendid  vegetation,  nor  their  thousand  shrubs  and 
flowers  ;  and  restricted  to  a  barren  flora,  but  little  improved  by 
culture,  the  Romans  sought  to  create,  by  artificial  means,  a  striking 
contrast  to  the  free  forms  of  Nature  ;  and  their  trees  and  shrubs, 
such  as  the  laurel,  the  cypress,  the  taxus,  the  buxus,  the  myrtle, 
and  the  rosemary,  [which  in  Italy  reaches  to  the  height  of  six  or 
seven  ells,]  being  in  some  measure  naturally  stiff  in  form,  were  quite 
adapted  for  their  purposes.  Were  we  to  take  from  our  parks  the 
ornament  of  the  seringas,  bignonias,  spiraea,  the  cytisus,  the  ribes, 
and  pyrus — were  we  to  banish  from  our  flower-beds  the  magnificent 
tulips  and  hyacinths,  the  numerous  varieties  of  roses  and  dahlias, 
the  rich  fund  of  perennials  and  annuals,  we  should  soon  begin  to 
think  how  we  could,  by  means  of  artificial  designs,  distinguish  the 
garden  from  the  woods  and  fields.  [Wüstemann  more  correctly 
thinks  that  this  odd  taste  was  an  imitation  of  Oriental  gardening  ; 
for  the  Greeks  knew  nothing  of  these  unnatural  forms.] 

It  may  certainly  be  doubted  whether  there  were  at  that  period 
entire  gardens  laid  out  in  this  formal  fashion.  On  the  contrary,  we 
may  conclude,  from  the  descriptions  extant,  that  a  mixture  was  re- 
sorted to,  and  that  artificially  trained  hedges  and  alleys  alternated 
with  thickets  and  clear  green  spaces,  and  in  most  cases  vines,  fruit, 
and  even  vegetables,  were  not  excluded. 


Scene  V.]  THE    GARDENS.  359 

It  is  strange  that  the  Romans  had  no  fixed  name  for  the 
gardener,  hortukmus  being  a  term  of  later  date.  He  is  designated 
either  by  the  more  general  term  villicus,  [who,  as  such,  took  care  of 
the  gardens  situated  at  villas.  So  in  Sen.  Ep.  12,  the  villicus  has 
to  attend  to  the  platan*,]  cuUor  ho/iorum,  or  in  respect  of  indi- 
vidual portions  of  the  garden,  vinitur,  olitor,  [arborator~\.  But  the 
proper  fancy-gardener  was  called  topiarius ;  and  it  is  best  to  connect 
with  this  name  whatever  is  to  be  said  concerning  the  period  and 
nature  of  such  gardens. 

Topiarii  are  mentioned  by  Cicero,  and  indeed  as  in  general  use, 
though  this  would  not  justify  us  in  transferring  their  art  to  the 
vagaries  of  a  later  period.  [Also  in  inscriptions ;  Orell.  2966.  See 
Salinas,  ad  Spart.  Hadr.  10.]  He  names  them  among  the  more 
respected  slaves,  Parad.  v.  2  :  Ut  in  magna  stultorum  familia  sunt 
alii  lautiores,  ut  sibi  videntur,  sed  tarnen  servi,  atrienses,  topiarii,  and 
expresses  himself  satisfied  with  his  own  topiarius.  ad  Quint.fr.  iii. 
1,2:  topiarium  laudavi:  ita  omnia  convestit  hedera,qua  basim  villa, 
qua  intercolumnia  ambulationis,  id  denique  Uli  palliati  topianam 
facere  rideantur  et  hederam  vendere.  This  covering  of  the  walls, 
the  trees,  and  the  terraces  with  ivy,  evergreen,  and  acanthus,  was 
entirely  the  business  of  the  topiarius :  hence  Pliny  (xxi.  11,  39) 
says,  Vinca  pervinca  semper  viret,  in  modum  lineee  foliis  geniculatim 
circumdata,  topiaria  herba;  andxxii.  22,  34,  Acanthos  est  topiaria  et 
urbana  herba.  In  the  same  manner  the  trees  round  the  Hippodrome 
in  the  Tuscan  villa  of  the  younger  Pliny,  were  clad  with  ivy.  Ep. 
v.  6,  32  :  Platanis  circuitur,  ilia;  hedera  vestinntur,  utque  summa  suis, 
ita  ima-  alienis  frondibus  vireut.  Hedera  truncum  et  ramm  pererrat, 
viemasque  platanos  transitu  suo  copulat.  In  addition  to  this  they 
found  sufficient  occupation  in  the  disposition  and  care  of  numerous 
arbours  and  covered  paths,  constructed  especially  of  vines.  But 
these  simple  ornaments  of  the  garden  were  not  enough  ;  trees  and 
shrubs  received,  by  means  of  tying  up  and  pruning,  artificial  shapes; 
walls,  figures  of  beasts,  ships,  letters,  and  so  forth,  were  made  out 
of  them.  The  elder  Pliny  testifies  how  far  people  used  to  go  in 
these  absurdities.  Speaking  of  the  cypress,  he  says  (xvi.  33,  60)  : 
Metes  demum  aspectu  nan  repudiata,  distinffuendis  tu, dum  pinonim 
ordinibta,  nunc  vero  tonsilis  facta  in  densitato  parietum  coercitaque 
gracilitate  perpetuo  tenera.  Trahitur  etiam  in  picturas  opcris  topiarii, 
venatvs  classesve  et  imagines  reman  tenui  foHo  brevique  et  virenti 
semper  vestiens.  The  bttxus,  which  played  such  a  prominent  part 
in  the  garden  of  the  Tuscan  villa,  was  used  in  a  similar  manner. 
[So  also  laurel  and  myrtle  :  Plin.  H.  N.  xv.  39.]  The  description 
of  it  given  by  Pliny  {Ep.  v.  6)  is  the  main  source  of  our  knowledge 


3G0  THE    GARDENS.  [Exccbsus. 

about  the  ancient  art  of  gardening.  Among  other  things  he  says 
(sect.  16)  :  Ante  porticum  xystus  concisus  in  plurimas  species,  distinc- 
tusque  buxo ;  demissus  hide  pronusque  pulvinus,  cui  bestiarum  effigies 
invicem  adversers  buxus  inscripsit.  Acanthus  in  piano  mollis  et  pcene 
dixerim  liquidus.  Ambit  hunc  ambulatio  pressis  varieque  tonsis  viri- 
dibus  inclusa ;  ab  his  gestatio  in  modum  drei,  qiue  buxum  multi- 
formem humilesque  et  retentas  manu  arbusculas  circumit.  Omnia 
maceriamuniuntur.  Hancgradata  buxus  operitetsubtrahit.  [Firmic. 
Math.  viii.  10 :  Buxeas  arbores  tondentes  in  belluas  fingunt  ant  virides 
porticos  in  circulum  flexis  vitibus  faciunt.~\  The  treacherous  bear 
that  conceals  a  snake  in  his  jaws  decidedly  belongs  to  these  bestia- 
rum effigies.     Mart.  iii.  19  : 

Proxima  centenis  ostenditur  ursa  columnis, 

Exornant  ficta?  qua  platanona  ferae. 
Hujus  dum  patulos  alludens  tentat  hiatus 

Pulcher  Hylas,  teneram  mersit  in  ora  manum. 
Vipera  sed  cseco  scelerata  latebat  in  ore, 

Vivebatque  anima  deteriore  fera. 

Such  bears  are  to  be  found  amidst  similar  company  in  gardens, 
even  in  the  present  times.  The  description  given  in  another  part 
of  Pliny  (sect.  35)  corresponds  still  more  with  the  cones,  pyramids, 
and  letters  of  modern  gardens.  Alibi  pratulum,  alibi  ipsa  buxus 
inter  venit  in  for  mas  müle  descripta,  literas  interdum,  qucemodo  nomen 
domini  dicunt,  modo  artificis.  Alternis  metulce  surgunt,  attends 
inserta  sunt  poma,  et  in  opere  urbanissimo  subita  velut  illati  ruris 
invitatio.  Medium  spatium  brevioribus  utrimque  platanis  adornatur. 
Post  has  acanthus  hinc  hide  lubricus  et  flexuosus ;  deinde plures figures 
pluraque  nomina.  [Plane-trees  and  cypresses  were  also  cut  un- 
naturally short.  Plin.  H.  N.  xii.  6  :  Chamceplatani  vocantur  coactce 
brevitatis,  quoniam  arborum  etiam  abortus  invenimus.  Hoc  quoque 
ergo  in  genere  pumiliorum  infelicitas  dicta  erit.  Fit  autem  et  serendi 
genere  et  recidendi.  Primus  C.  Matins  ex  equestri  ordine  Augusti 
amicus,  invenit  nemora  tonsilia.  xvi.  GO.  Wüstemann,  Kunstgärt- 
nerei der  Römer. ~\ 

The  vacant  spaces  set  with  flowers  and  borders  were  possibly  in 
accordance  with  the  taste  of  the  whole  garden,  and  subdivided  into 
various  forms  by  enclosures  of  box,  as  in  the  French  gardens  of  the 
present  day.  At  least  we  may  gather  as  much  from  what  the  same 
Pliny  says  about  the  xystus  before  the  porticus  of  his  villa  (sect. 
16)  :  Ante  porticum  xystus  concisus  in  plurimas  species,  distinctusque 
buxo  :  for  these  plurimce  species  cannot  well  pass  for  anything  else 
than  the  small  beds  (areolae)  of  divers  forms.  Frequently,  too,  such 
borders  may  have  been  elevated  terrace-fashion  (pulvini  surgentes : 


Scene  V.]  THE   GARDENS.  361 

Plin.  xxii.  22,  34 ;  Gierig,  ad  Plin.  Ep.),  in  -which  case,  the  margin 
rising  in  the  form  of  an  arch  (torus,  Plin.),  was  covered  with  ever- 
green or  bears-foot. 

The  gestatio  and  hippodromus  were  essential  parts  of  such 
gardens.  The  former  was  a  broad  regular  pathway,  perhaps  to  be 
compared  with  an  alley,  although  not  always  in  a  straight  line,  in 
which  they  used  to  be  carried  about  in  the  lectica,  when  they  did 
not  wish  for  any  violent  exercise.  It  is  true  that  Celsus  (ii.  1  5 )  says, 
Genera  gestationis  plura  sunt:  lenissima  est  navi,  vel  in  porta,  velin 
flumine;  velin  lectica  out  scamno;  acrior  vehieulo ;  from  which  we 
might  suppose  tbat  the  gestatio  was  also  designed  for  being  driven 
in.  But  where  there  was  a  regular  hippodrome,  such  a  use  of  it 
would  seem  to  be  superfluous,  and  Celsus  uses  the  word  in  its  most 
extended  meaning. 

Gierig  (ad  Plin.  sect.  32)  has  rightly  explained  the  hippodrome, 
and  defended  the  word  against  the  other  reading  hypodromus.  We 
cannot  conceive  that  Pliny  means  a  covered  pathway.  It  was  evi- 
dently a  course  similar  to  a  circus,  with  several  ways,  separated  by 
box-trees.  Not  only  does  the  passage  adduced  by  Gierig  from 
Martial  (xii.  50)  prove  that  there  were  such  hippodromes  in  gardens, 

Pulvereumque  fugax  hippodromon  ungula  carpit, 
Et  pereuntis  aquae  fluctus  ubique  sonat : 
but  also  Epigr.  57,  20,  where  the  poet,  in  answer  to  the  question  of 
Sparsus,  why  he  so  often  visited  his  badly  situated  Nonientan  villa, 
says,  he  can  certainly  very  easily  do  without  the  country,  when  in 
Koine  itself  he  has  as  good  aa  a  villa  : 

Cui  plana  summos  despicit  domus  montes, 
Et  rus  in  Urbe  est  vinitorque  Eomanus  ; 
NVc  in  Falerno  colle  major  auetunmus, 
Intraque  limen  latus  essedo  cursus. 

These  parts  of  the  garden  were  possibly  less  artificial,  and  here  it  is 
that  we  must  look  for  the  so  often  mentioned  woods  of  laurel  and 
plane-trees  (platanones,  daphnones),  and  myrtle  thickets  (myrteta). 
Mart.  iii.  58,  x.  79,  xii.  50.  It  was  then  the  business  of  the  topia- 
rius  to  maintain  all  these  various  parts  of  the  garden  in  proper 
order.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  viridarii,  whose  name  often 
occurs  in  inscriptions,  differed  from  them.  We  may  perhaps  under- 
stand the  latter  word  of  those  who  took  care  of  the  viridaria  in  the 
houses,  the  caveedium  and  -peristglium,  as  well  as  the  gardens  on  the 
roof;  but  there  is  no  sufficient  ground  for  making  such  a  distinc- 
tion. On  the  contrary,  Ulpian  ( Dig.  xxxiii.  7, 8)  says :  dolia,  etiamsi 
defoxsa  tum  "int,  et  cupce  quibusdam  in  regiunibus  accedunt  instru- 
menta :  si  villa  cultior  est,  etiam  atrienses,  scoparii :  si  etiam  viridaria, 


362  THE    GARDENS.  [Excursus. 

topiarii.  [Ulpian  says  nothing  against  making  a  distinction  between 
topiarius  and  viridarius.  In  the  above  passage  he  speaks  only  of  a 
villa,  where  a  topiarius  had  charge  of  all  the  gardens,  consequently 
of  the  small  viridaria  also ;  whilst  the  viridarius,  who  probably 
ranked  lower,  was  especially  designed  for  the  small  house-gardens 
in  the  city.] 

Besides  him,  however,  we  must  suppose  the  existence  of  a  par- 
ticular aquarius  [iifyaywyoe],  under  which  term  is  neither  to  be 
understood  one  of  the  collegium  fontanorum,  nor  a  water-carrier, 
nor  a  minister  aqua  at  table,  but  a  slave  who  constructed  and  kept 
in  order  all  the  aqueducts,  as  well  as  very  ingenious  fountains  (of 
course  also  in  the  city  residence).  Such  a  one  appears  to  be  meant 
in  Pauli,  iii.  7 :  Domo  cum  omni  jure  suo,  sicid  instructa  est,  legata, 
tirbana  familia  item  artifices  et  vestiarii  et  dicetarii  et  aquarii  eidem 
domui  servientes  legato  cedunt. 

Much  might  be  said  concerning  the  flowers  known  to  the 
Romans :  for  though  the  Flora  of  those  days  was  but  poor  in 
comparison  with  ours,  still  Beckmann  is  wrong  in  supposing  (Beitr. 
z.  Gesch.  d.  Erfind,  iii.  296)  that  the  Romans  contented  themselves 
solely  with  the  wild  plants,  and  laid  out  neither  flower-gardens,  nor 
cultivated  any  exotics.  But  it  would  be  useless  to  set  down  a  mere 
catalogue  of  the  important  names  of  flowers  given  by  Virgil,  Pliny 
[xxi.  38],  Columella,  and  others,  and  to  enter  into  a  more  accurate 
investigation  would  require  a  special  work ;  for  after  all  that  Voss, 
Schneider,  Billerbeck  (Flora  Classica),  Sprengel  (Historia  rei  Her- 
baria^), and  others,  have  said  on  the  subject,  we  still  are  in  want  of 
a  detailed  critical  elaboration  of  the  classical  Flora. 

We  may  take  for  granted  in  general  that  the  violaria  and  rosaria 
were  the  main  ornaments  of  the  gardens.  Next  came  the  bulbous 
plants,  the  crocus,  narcissus,  lilies,  of  more  than  one  sort,  gladiolus, 
irides,  also  hyacinths,  in  our  sense  of  the  word  (hyacinthus  orientalis, 
probably  meant  by  Col.  x.  100,  149,  is  understood  by  Schneider  to 
mean  iris),  poppies,  amaranthi,  and  so  on.  The  rose  was  much 
grown,  as  it  was  the  flower  chiefly  used  for  garlands  ;  and  the  pro- 
verb sub  rosa  bears  testimony  to  the  fact.  It  also  serves  to  mark 
the  regular  comissatio.  Mart.  x.  19, 19.  Cumfurit  Lyams,  cumreg- 
nat  rosa,  cum  madent  capilli ;  and  iii.  68, 5,  depositopost  vina  rosasque 
pudore.  Myrtle  and  roses  were  a  common  intermixture.  See  Mits- 
cherlich  ad  Hör.  Od.  i.  38.  The  heavy  centifolia  was  less  adapted 
for  garlands.  Pliny,  xxi.  4.  The  Milesian  (Pliny,  ardentissimo  colore 
non  excedens  duodena  folia)  is,  according  to  Billerbeck  (Flora 
Classica,  p.  133),  the  damask  rose,  under  which  name  is  probably 
not  to  be  understood  that  so  called  by  our  gardeners,  but  a  variety 


Scene  V.]  THE    GARDENS.  363 

of  the  rosa  lutea,  with  a  bright  red  flower ;  hut  as  this  has  not 
duodena  folia,  we  must  rather  suppose  a  holoscriea  to  be  meant. 
Perhaps  after  all,  amid  the  endless  present  varieties,  the  true  Mile- 
sian rose  is  no  longer  distinguishable.  More  will  be  said  on  the 
corona;  in  the  Excursus  on  the  Chaplets  and  Games. 

Green-houses,  for  the  protection  of  the  more  tender  hinds  of 
exotics  against  cold,  and  for  the  production  of  flowers  and  fruits  at 
other  seasons  than  nature  assigned  to  them,  do  not  appear  to  be 
mentioned  before  the  first  century.  Martial  alludes  to  them  fre- 
quently, as  viii.  14 : 

Pallida  ne  Cilicum  timeant  pomaria  brumam, 

Mordeat  et  tenerum  fortior  aura  nemus, 
Hybernis  objecta  Notis  specularia  puros 
Admittunt  soles  et  sine  fsece  diem. 
and  viii.  68 : 

Invida  purpureos  urat  ne  bruma  raeemos, 

Et  gelidum  Bacchi  munera  frigus  edat, 

Condita  perspicua  vivit  vindemia  gemma, 

Et  tegitur  felix,  nee  tarnen  uva  latet. — 

Quid  non  ingenio  voluit  natura  beere? 

Aucturnnum  sterilis  ferre  jubetur  hiems. 

This  was  a  regular  hot-house,  where  winter-grapes  were  grown. 
Columella  (xi.  3,  52)  teaches  how  to  have  early  melons,  and  Pliny 
(xix.  5,  23)  relates  of  the  portable  gherkin  and  melon-beds  of 
Tiberius :  Nullo  quippe  non  die  contigit  ei  pensiles  eorum  hortos  pro- 
moventibus  in  solem  rotis  olitoribus,  rurusque  hibernis  diebus  intra 
speeularium  munimenta  revocantibus.  [Salnias.  ad  Script,  h  ist.  Aug.  i. 
p.  419.]  We  see  from  Martial  (iv.  21,  5)  that  flowers  also  were 
forced  in  green-houses : 

Condita  sic  puro  numerantur  lilia  vitro  ; 
Sic  prohibet  tenuis  gemma  latere  rosas. 

When  therefore  Böttiger  says  (Sab.  i.  253),  '  Among  the  fruits 
which  Martial  in  his  Apophorcta  has  ennobled  with  his  distichs, 
there  were  no  doubt  several  made  only  of  wax,  and  the  garlands  of 
roses,  in  the  middle  of  December,  which  he  calls  (xiii.  127)  fesUvas 
coronas  brumes,  were  probably  made  of  coloured  wax  ; '  this  is  a 
perfectly  untenable  conjecture,  and  an  incorrect  account,  for  the 
reading  is  not  festivas  rosas,  which  would  not  suit  the  metre,  but 
the  epigram  runs  thus  : 

Dat  festinatas,  Caesar,  tibi  bruma  coronas  : 
Quondam  veris  erat,  nunc  tua  facta  rosa  est. 

But  in  festinatas  lies  the  most  convincing  proof  that  they  were 
forced  roses.     Compare  vi.  80 : 


364  THE   GAKDENS.  [Excursus. 

Ut  nova  dona  tibi,  Caesar,  Nilotica  tellus 

Miserat  hibernas  ambitiosa  rosas : 
Navita  derisit  Pharios  Memphiticus  hortos, 

Urbis  ut  intravit  limina  prima  tuae. 
Tantus  veris  honos,  et  odorae  gratia  Florae, 

Tantaque  Paestani  gloria  ruris  erat. 

[It  appears  also  from  this  epigram,  that,  as  the  supply  of  native 
roses  did  not  equal  the  excessive  demand  for  them  at  Rome,  roses 
were  imported  from  Egypt ;  and  this  in  winter.  Of  course  means 
were  used  for  keeping  them  as  fresh  as  possible  on  the  road.] 
Comp.  iv.  28.  But  it  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  in  every  case 
where  roses  hibemce  are  mentioned,  we  must  understand  roses  arti- 
ficially forced  in  hot-houses.  The  roses  of  Pa?stum  bloomed  for  a 
second  time  in  the  autumn,  biferi  rosaria  Pcesti,  Virg.  Georg,  iv.  119; 
Mart.  xii.  31  ;  and  when  in  mild  winters  the  rosa  pallida  is  seen  to 
bloom  in  Germany  in  the  open  air  at  Christmas,  and  even  in 
January,  why  should  not  the  same  thing  have  been  possible  in  a 
milder  climate  ?  Roses  and  garlands  of  wax  are  not  in  any  case  to 
be  thought  of.  [That  they  had  artificial  flowers,  is  beyond  all  doubt. 
See  the  Excursus  on  the  Chaplets  and  Games. 

Fruit-trees  were,  partly,  to  be  found  in  the  midst  of  large  gar- 
dens, among  other  sorts  of  trees  (Plin.  Ep.  v.  6,  35),  although  Becker 
interprets  this  passage  differently ;  partly  in  the  fields,  or  in  orchards 
(pumaria),  where  they  stood  in  a  quincunx.  Col.  de  Arb.  19.  Their 
cultivation  was  very  common  ;  hence  Varro  says,  H.  H.  i.  2  :  non 
arburibus  consita  Italia,  est,  ut  tota  pomarium  videatur.  See  also  Cato, 
Varro,  Columella,  and  others  passim.  But  it  afterwards  degenerated 
into  luxury.  Plin.  H.  N.  xix.  19 :  Ferendum  sanefuerit  exquisita  nasci 
poma,  alia  sapore,  alia  magnitudine,  alia  monstro  pauperibus  inter- 
dicta,  xi.  1.  The  chief  kinds  of  fruits  among  the  Romans  are  as 
follows.] 

Honey-apples,  melimela,  a  sapore  mclleo.  Plin.  xv.  10,  14,  15« 
These  were  one  of  tbe  earliest  species  of  apples ;  but  did  not  last 
long;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Amerina  kept  longest.  Plin.  16. 
On  the  melimela,  which  are  often  mentioned  by  Martial,  see  Schnei- 
der ad  Varr.  i.  59.  [Besides  these,  there  were  the  orbiculata,  cutanea, 
Sestiana,  Mediana,  Amerina.  Colum.  xii.  45 ;  v.  10;  Macrob.  ii.  15.] 
Among  the  sorts  of  pears  (of  which  Pliny  enumerates  thirty),  the 
most  valued  were  the  Crustumian.  Plin.  xv.  16;  Voss  ad  Virg.  Gearg. 
ii.  88,  the  Falernian,  and  the  Syrian.  Mart.  v.  78, 18.  Comp.  Colum. 
v.  10,  17.  The  vulema,  fist-pear,  was  chiefly  celebrated  on  account 
of  its  size.  Virg.  gravis.  Col.  ib.  Cat.  7,  3 ;  perhaps  the  same  that 
Pliny  calls  libralis.     Macrob.  ii.  15. 


Scene  V.]  THE    GARDENS.  3G5 

There  were  numerous  Tarieties  of  plums,  ingens  turba  prunorum, 
says  Pliny,  xv.  12.  Among  these  were  the  Armeniaea,  eereola  or 
cerima,  Damascena.  [Col.  x.  404.]  The  latter  were  imported  dry 
from  that  country.  Mart.  xiii.  20.  [The  drying  of  fruits  was  also 
very  common  in  Italy.  Pall.  iii.  25,  xii.  7  :  Col.  xii.  14.  They  had 
also  cherries,  quinces,  peaches,  pomegranates  {malum  Punicum, 
Colum.r.lO;  deArb.  23  ;  Plin.xv.  11 );  several  sorts  of  figs  (Macrob. 
ii.  16;  Plin.xv.  19:  Col.  v.  10)  ;  nuts  (Macrob.  ii.  14  ;  Col.  v.  10; 
Plin.  xv.  24:  Cat.  8) ;  chestnuts  (Pallad.  xii.  7  ;  Col.  iv.  33;  Plin. 
xv.  25,  xvii.  34);  almonds,  medlars,  and  mulberries.  (Plin.xv.)  The 
cultivation  of  wine  and  olives  was  of  great  importance.  The  oil 
(Col.  v.  8)  was  used  for  food  as  well  as  for  burning  and  anointing. 
The  Venafran  and  Tarentine  were  celebrated.  Varro,  H.  R.  i.  2. 
On  the  different  sorts  of  olive-trees  (olece),  see  Plin.  H.N.  xv.l,  xvii. 
29 :  Macrob.  Sat.  ii.  16 ;  Col.  v.  8  ;  Cat.  6.  The  vine  was  either  grown 
in  vinevards  {lined)  attached  to  poles  ;  or  to  trees  (such  gardens 
were  called  arbxstum)  ;  or  it  grew  against  houses,  or  the  arcades  of 
the  interior.  Plin.  ii.  165.  Vine-arbours  were  called  pergidce.  In 
this  branch,  which  was  considered  by  the  Romans  quite  the  climax 
of  horticulture,  they  displayed  much  cleverness  ;  upon  which  they 
prided  themselves  not  a  little.  Plin.  xiv.  2.  There  were  more  than 
thirty  sorts  of  grapes,  partly  for  the  table,  partly  for  wine :  the 
Aminea,  Nomentana,  euganea,  Alhbrogica,  Apieia,  gemetta,  were 
among  the  best.  Col.  iii.  5 ;  Pallad.  ii.  10  ;  Cato,  6 ;  Macrob.  ii.  16 ; 
Plin.  xiv.  xvii.  35.     See  more  in  Excurs.  4,  Sc.  IX. 

On  the  vegetables,  see  Excurs.  1,  Scene  IX.  Comp.  Cic.  de  Sen. 
16.] 

In  conclusion,  we  may  remark,  that  in  Rome  there  were  also 
window-gardens  (flower-pots  in  the  windows) :  we  cannot  other- 
wise understand  what  Martial  says,  xi.  18 : 

Donasti,  Lupe,  rus  sub  urbe  nobis  ; 
Sed  rus  est  mihi  majus  in  fenestra. 

[Above  all,  Plin.  H.  N.  xix.  19 :  Jam  in  fenestra  suisplebs  urbana 
in  imagine  hortorum  quotidiana  oath's  rura  prcebebant,  antequam 
prcp/igi prospectus  omnes  coegit  multitudinis  innumeratce  sceva  latro- 
cinatio.     Respecting  the  solaria,  see  above.] 


EXCUKSUS  I.  SCENE  VII. 


THE  BATHS. 


THE  bath  was  a  most  important  event  in  the  every-day  life  of 
the  Romans  of  that  period  which  is  here  principally  described, 
and  one  of  their  most  essential  requirements.  Bodily  health  and 
cleanliness,  although  its  original  object,  had  long  ceased  being  the 
only  one ;  for  the  baths,  decorated  with  prodigal  magnificence,  and 
supplied  with  all  the  comforts  and  conveniences  that  a  voluptuary 
could  desire,  had  become  places  of  amusement,  whither  people 
repaired  fur  pastime  and  enjoyment.  In  earlier  times,  bathing  was 
much  less  frequent,  as  Seneca  tells  us,  citing  the  authority  of  more 
ancient  authors.  Epist.  86 :  Nam,  ut  aiunt,  qui  priscos  mores  urbis 
tradiderunt  (perhaps  Varro)  brachia  et  crura  quotidie  abluebant,  quce 
scilicet  sordes  opere  collegerant :  cceterum  toti  nundinis  lavabantur. 
Cato,  de  lib.  educ.  in  Non.  iii.  5,  v.  ephippium:  Mihi  puero  modica 
una  fuit  tunica  et  toga,  sine  fasciis  calceamenta,  equus  sine  ephip- 
pio,  balneum  non  quotidianum  f  alveus  rarus.  And  Columella  does 
not  approve  of  the  slaves  bathing  daily  or  frequently  (i.  6,  20)  : 
nam  eas  quoque  (balneas)  refert  esse,  in  quibus  familia,  sed  tan- 
tum  feriis  lavetur,  neque  enim  corporis  robori  convenit  freqiums  usus 
earum. 

Hence  the  ancient  baths,  both  public  and  private,  being  in  the 
words  of  Seneca,  in  usum,  non  oblectamentum  reperta,  were  of  very 
simple  construction.  In  the  villa  of  Scipio  Africanus,  where  Seneca 
found  so  much  cause  for  instituting  a  comparison  between  the 
ancient  and  modern  times,  there  was  a  balneolum  angustum,  tenebri- 
cosum  ex  consuetudine  antiqua.  Then  he  says  :  non  videbatur  majo- 
ribus  nostris  caldum,  nisi  obscurum  ;  and  further  on  :  In  hoc  balneo 
Scipionis  minimce  sunt  rimce  magis  quam  fenestrce,  ut  sine  injuria 
munimenti  lumen  admitterent.  So  also  he  designates  the  public 
baths  as  obscura  et  gregali  tectorio  inducta.  The  ancients  seem  to 
have  confined  themselves  merely  to  a  cold  and  a  warm  bath,  the 
temperature  of  which  was  under  the  superintendence  of  the  sediles, 
as  Seneca  relates  in  the  letter  mentioned.  Eventually,  sweating 
and  hot-water  baths  were  added.  [The  sediles  superintended  not 
merely  the  temperature,  and  cleanliness  of  the  baths,  but  also  pre- 
served public  decorum  ;  particularly  in  reference  to  the  two  sexes ; 
who  were  not  allowed  to  bathe  together.] 


Scene  VII.]  THE    BATHS.  367 

"We  are  rich  in  means  to  enable  us  to  form  a  clear  idea  of  the 
an-angeraent  of  the  Roman  baths,  as  we  not  only  possess  the  works 
of  several  ancient  writers  who  have  either  given  plans  for  con- 
structing baths,  cr  descriptions  of  them,  but  also  considerable 
remains,  which  agree  with  the  accounts  that  have  been  handed 
down  to  us.  Of  the  authors  we  must  mention  first  Yitruvius  (v. 
10),  and  Palladius  (i.  40),  who  treat  of  the  plan  of  the  baths.  In 
addition  to  whom,  Lucian  (lir-i.ic  i]  ßaXavtiov)  ;  Pliny,  in  both  the 
letters  about  his  villas  (ii.  17) ;  Statius  (Balneum  Etrusci)  ;  Säv. 
i.  5 ;  Martial  (vi.  42)  ;  and  Sidon.  Apoll.  (Epist.  ii.  2),  have  left 
interesting  accounts ;  and  we  obtain  fi-om  the  epigrams  of  Martial, 
and  from  Seneca  (Epist.  51,  56,  and  86),  numerous  notices  on  the 
nature  of  the  baths,  and  life  in  the  same. 

But  the  remains,  at  present  in  existence,  of  ancient  baths  them- 
selves, are  much  more  instructive  than  all  these  written  accounts; 
among  which  are  the  ruins  of  the  baths  of  Titus,  Caracalla,  and 
Diocletian,  in  Rome.  It  would  be  difficult  to  explain,  with  any 
degree  of  certainty,  the  proper  connexion  of  the  various  parts  of 
these  extensive  establishments,  and  to  do  so  would  require  not  only 
a  good  architect,  but  also  a  learned  antiquarian  and  philologist ; 
and  it  is  on  this  account  that  there  is  so  much  diversity  in  the 
plans  that  have  been  given  of  them.  We  shall  here,  however,  refer 
only  to  the  general  customs  and  manners  which  can  be  with  cer- 
tainty determined,  rejecting  all  hypotheses  about  these  baths,  and 
simply  giving  a  description  of  other  smaller  ones,  which,  being  in  a 
better  state  of  preservation,  will  afford  us  a  clearer  idea  of  the 
essential  parts  of  a  Roman  bath.  A  specimen  of  this  hind  is  to  be 
found  in  the  ruins  discovered  in  1764  at  Badenweiler,  though  they 
are  onlv  just  enough  preserved  to  enable  us  to  distinguish  the  indi- 
vidual divisions  from  each  other.  Far  more  important  than  these, 
are  the  thermce,  discovered  some  years  since  at  Pompeii,  which  were 
in  such  a  condition  when  excavated,  as  to  allow  of  our  assigning 
with  certainty  to  most  of  the  parts  their  particular  destination. 

Of  more  modern  writings  on  this  subject,  besides  several  pas- 
sages in  the  works  of  "Winckelmann,  the  following  are  particularly 
worthy  of  consideration :  Camercn,  The  Bath  of  the  Romans ;  Le 
terrae  dei  Romani  disegnate  da  A.  Palladio,  con  aleune  osservazioni 
da  O.  B.  Scamozzi ;  Description  des  Bains  de  Titus  (a  work,  however, 
which  is  occupied  far  more  with  the  paintings  found  there,  than 
with  the  baths  themselves)  ;  Stieglitz,  Archaol.  der  Batik,  ii.  267  ; 
Hirt,  Gesch.  der  Bauk,  iii.  233 ;  "SVeinbrenner,  Entwürfe  und  Er- 
gänzungen antiker  Gebäude,  which  contains  the  bath  of  Hippias, 
after  Lucian,  and  the  ruins  of  Badenweiler.     Besides  which,  we 


368  THE   BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

Lave  the  remarks  of  the  editors  of  Vitruvius,  particularly  Schneider, 
ii.  375 — 891.  Stratico  is  more  superficial,  and  Marini  has  done 
little  more  than  repeat  the  old  erroneous  opinions.  Concerning 
the  baths  of  Pompeii,  we  have  detailed  accounts  from  Gugl.  Bechi, 
in  the  Mus.  Horb.  ii.  t.  49 — 52,  and  in  Gell's  Pompeiana :  the 
topograph]/,  edifices,  and  ornaments  of  Pompeii.  The  result  of  exca- 
vations since  1819.     Lond.  1835.     i.  83,  ii.  80. 

The  baths  of  Pompeii,  which  were  discovered  complete  not  only 
in  their  essential  parts,  but  also  in  their  ornaments,  inscriptions, 
and  even  utensils,  are  adapted  above  all  others  for  making  us 
generally  acquainted  with  the  internal  arrangements  of  Roman 
baths.  Moreover,  we  may  assume  that  other  baths  were  laid  down 
after  the  same  plan,  as  those  at  Stabire,  and  (as  far  as  regards  the 
caldarium  at  least)  that  found  in  the  villa  of  Dioniedes  (see  Voyage 
pittor.  de  Naples,  liv.  10  et  11,  pi.  79),  agree  almost  entirely  with 
that  of  Pompeii ;  and  the  arrangement  of  baths  in  private  houses 
and  villas  was  no  doubt  similar,  though  they  were  of  course  not  on 
so  large  a  scale  as  the  great  public  thermce.  A  description  of  the 
baths  of  Pompeii  would  on  this  account  be  appropriate  here,  and 
we  therefore  extract  the  principal  parts  of  Sir  W.  Gell's  account, 
which  seems  preferable,  because  it  is  not  only  more  general,  but 
also  dwells  on  interesting  peculiarities,  and  thus  presents  a  most 
comprehensive  view  of  the  plan  and  internal  arrangements.  In 
other  respects,  we  cannot  deny  that  Bechi,  with  far  more  extensive 
antiquarian  research,  often  gives  more  correct  explanations,  as  we 
shall  have  occasion  to  observe  in  our  parenthetical  remarks. 

The  plates  we  here  give  represent :  I.  The  bath  we  are  about 
to  describe ;  II.  The  baths  of  Stabise  (according  to  Gell,  i.  131) ; 
and  III.  The  well-known  and  instructive  painting,  representing 
the  section  of  a  Roman  bath,  found  in  the  baths  of  Titus. 

The  grand  entrance  (such  are  the  words  of  Gell,  i.  88)  seems 
to  have  been  that  in  the  street  of  Fortune,  so  called,  at  present, 
from  the  temple  of  that  goddess.  [Bechi,  on  the  contrary,  con- 
siders that  marked  2P,  on  the  opposite  side,  to  have  been  the 
grand  entrance.  B.]  *  All  or  many  of  the  rooms  opening  into  the 
street,  on  each  side  this  entrance,  seem  to  have  been  vaulted,  thus 
contributing  to  the  support  of  the  arches  thrown  over  the  larger 
chambers  in  the  interior. 

This  entry  or  passage,  marked  21°  on  the  plan,  opened  into  a 

court,  20,  about  sixty  feet  long,  bounded  on  two  sides  by  a  Doric 

portico,  and  on  the  third  by  a  crypt.     Over  the  crypt  was  a  second 

story,  where  the  doubtful  indications  of  a  chimney  may  be  observed. 

1  The  passages  in  brackets  marked  B.  are  inserted  by  Becker.    Trans!. 


Scene  VII.] 


THE    BATHS. 


369 


At  the  opposite  angle  of  the  court  was  another  exit,  marked 
21c,  leading  into  an  alley  which  runs  from  the  forum  to  the  house 


PLAN  OF  THE  BATHS  AT  TOMPEII. 


of  Pansa.  At  this  exit  was  the  latrina,  22,  the  uses  of  which  are 
unequivocally  visible.  The  spot  marked  10,  which  is  singular  on 
account  of  a  sort  of  pronaos  with  seats,  is  vaulted,  and  was  lighted 
at  night  by  a  lamp,  so  placed  that  its  rays  fell  into  the  chamber  15 
on  one  side,  and  enlightened  19  on  the  other.  The  same  con- 
trivance existed  in  the  recess  14,  where  a  lamp  gave  light  also  to 
the  portico.     Both  these  lamps  were  protected  by  circular  convex 

B  B 


70 


THE    BATHS. 


[Excursus  I. 


glasses,  the  fragments  of  which  -were  found  in  the  inner  chambers 
at  their  excavation. 

As  the  baths  of  Pompeii  were  not  of  sufficient  consequence  to 
be  furnished  with  every  sort  of  apartment,  like  those  of  the  capital, 
we  are  to  look  for  the  vestihdum  and  the  exedra,  or  a  place  which 
might  serve  instead  of  them,  near  the  entrance  of  the  thermce. 
i  In  vestibido  deberet  esse  porticus  ad  deamhdationes  his  qui  essent 
ingressuri.1  That  portico  is  undoubtedly  the  one  in  the  court; 
and  the  exedra,  so  called  from  the  Upai,  or  seats,  where  those 
who  did  not  choose  to  walk  in  the  portico  might  repose,  is  repre- 
sented by  the  benches  which  run  along  the  wall.  [These  are  not 
given  by  Gell,  but  copied  here  from  the  Mus.  Borb.,  and  marked 
with  o.  Bechi  considers  them  meant  for  the  use  of  slaves  who 
accompanied  their  masters  to  the  bath,  and  calls  the  room  19  an 
wens  or  exedra.  B.]  Vitruvius  mentions  that,  while  some  were 
bathing,  others  were  generally  waiting  to  succeed  them. 

In  this  court,  or  vestibule,  was  found  a  sword  with  a  leather 
sheath  (?)  and  the  box  for  the  quadrans,  or  money,  which  was  paid 
for  each  visitor.     The  quadrans  was  the  fourth  part  of  the  assis, 

II. 


PLAN  OF  THE  BATHS  OF  STABLE,  AFTER  GELL. 


A.  Pr<zfui~nium. 

B.  Laconicum. 

C.  TepiJarium. 


D.  Natatorium. 

E.  Frig  idariv  m. 


Scene  VII.]  THE   BATHS.  371 

and  the  fourteenth  part  of  a  denarius.  [Fourteenth  is  put  by 
mistake  for  fortieth.  It  is  natural,  that  after  the  denarius  was 
computed  equal  to  sixteen  asses,  the  quadrans  also  underwent  a  re- 
duction, and  sixty-four  went  to  a  denarius.  B.]  A  sum  so  moderate, 
that  the  heating  of  the  baths  could  not  have  been  defrayed  without 
a  crowd  of  bathers.  The  poet  remarks  upon  the  trifling  sum  with 
which  a  man  made  himself  as  happy  as  a  king :  Dum  tu  quadrante 
lavatum  rex  ibis.  Hor.  Sat.  iii.  [The  meaning  of  this  ironical 
passage  has  been  clearly  misunderstood  by  the  author.  B.] 

Juvenal  says  that  youths  under  the  age  of  fourteen  paid 
nothing.  Sat.  ii.  [The  words  are,  (v.  152) :  Nee  pueri  credunt. 
nisi  qui  nondum  cere  lavantur ;  but  the  sense  seems  rather  to  be, 
children  who  do  not  as  yet  visit  the  public  baths.  B.]  The  smallness 
of  the  sum,  however,  was  a  great  encouragement  to  bathers,  who, 
according  to  Pliny,  sometimes  bathed  seven  times  in  one  day. 
[The  author  is  much  mistaken  if  he  fancies  this  was  usual.  The 
passage  in  Pliny  does  not  occur  to  me;  but  JE\.  Lamprid.  (11) 
says  of  Commodus  :  Lavabat  per  diem  septies  atque  octies.  However, 
this  was  a  monstrous  way  of  living.  B.] 

It  is  exceedingly  probable  (?)  that  the  sword  was  that  of  the 
keeper  of  the  thermce,  or  balneator,  whose  station,  with  his  box 
of  money,  must  have  been  the  ala  of  the  portico,  19.  This  room 
was  not  painted,  and  the  roof  seems  to  have  been  blackened  by 
the  smoke  of  the  lamps.  Those  who  had  paid  here  might  have 
entered  with  some  sort  of  ticket.  Tickets  for  the  theatre  have 
been  found  at  Pompeii,  and  have  been  engraved.  One  for  the 
show  of  gladiators  is  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Dodwell  at  Rome. 

In  this  Doric  portico  persons  waited  for  admission  to  the  thermce, 
which  were  not  of  sufficient  size  to  admit  conveniently  more  than 
twenty  or  thirty  at  once.  Here,  therefore,  notices  of  shows, 
games,  exhibitions,  or  sales,  might  conveniently  be  exposed  to  the 
public.  Accordingly,  on  the  south  wall  was  painted  in  large 
letters,  Dedicatione,  &c.  [Here  follows  the  inscription,  and  then 
an  explanation  of  the  sparsiones,  which  I  have  omitted,  as  being  of 
very  little  importance.  We  must  however  remark  that  he  adduces 
another  inscription,  in  which  spassiones  occurs.  The  author  holds 
this  to  be  a  provincialism  (?),  and  suspects  that  the  first  inscription 
had  the  word  also  thus  written,  though  it  was  no  longer  fresh 
enough  to  ascertain  this.  Bechi  says  nothing  about  it.  Itelaz.  d. 
Sc.  Mus.  Borb.  ii.  B.] 

From  the  court,  those  who  intended  to  bathe  passed  by  a  small 
corridor,  into  the  chamber  17,  which  must  be  supposed  to  have 
corresponded  with  the  first  room  of  the  Turkish  bath,  where  a 

B  B    2 


372  THE   BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

stranger  is  undressed.  [The  author  describes  (p.  86)  the  arrange- 
ments of  the  Turkish  baths,  from  which  he  proceeds  to  a  description 
of  those  at  Pompeii,  which  he  considers  analogous  to  them.  B.] 
In  this  corridor  was  found  a  great  number  of  lamps,  perhaps  more 
than  five  hundred,  but  above  one  thousand  were  discovered  in  the 
whole  circuit  of  the  baths,  of  which  it  is  said  the  workmen  were 
ordered  to  make  a  general  destruction,  after  the  best  had  been 
selected. 

These  lamps  were  generally  of  common  terra  cotta,  and  some  of 
them  had  the  impression  of  the  figures  of  the  Graces,  and  others  of 
Harpocrates,  of  moderate  execution.  Athenseus  (b.  xv. )  says  that 
the  lamps  in  baths  were  of  brass,  [He  probably  alludes  to  the 
words:  ö  8k  EvßoioQ  ttoWu  fijkv  tipr/KEV  iv  roit;  woiijftaat  xaPltVTa'  ^P' 
lihv  TrjQ  twv  ßaXaveiwv  jia\r}Q '  BaXXoi'  <5'  äWijXovs  xa^lc'iPialv  iyxllVr!lv' 
But  what  right  there  is  to  assume  from  thence  that  the  lamps  "were 
of  brass,  we  cannot  conceive.  B.]  and  distinguished  by  names  ex- 
pressive of  the  number  of  burners,  such  as  monomyxi,  dimyxi, 
trimyxi  and  polymyxi ;  but  the  authors  who  have  written  on  the 
subject,  seem  to  speak  always  of  buildings  and  customs  on  a  scale 
of  magnificence  too  extravagant  to  guide  us  in  the  explanation  of 
the  Pompeian  thermae.  Some  attention  has  been  paid  to  the 
decoration  of  this  passage,  the  ceiling  being  covered  with  stars. 

In  the  room  17,  all  who  frequented  the  thermse  for  the  purpose 
of  bathing  met,  whether  they  entered  by  the  portico,  or  from 
either  of  the  doors  from  the  street  on  the  north  ;  and  here  was 
certainly  the  friyidarwm,  in  which  many  persons  took  off  their 
garments,  but  more  especially  those  who  intended  to  make  use 
only  of  the  natatio,  or  cold  bath.  To  them,  at  least,  this  chamber 
served  as  the  spoliatorium,  apodyterium,  or  apolyterium,  so  called 
from  the  ' Xirodvrt'ipwv  of  the  Greeks,  signifying  the  place  where 
the  clothes  were  left ;  [The  apodyterium,  as  Bechi  also  observes, 
was  never  called  spoliatorium,  and  even  spoliarium  is  very  doubtful 
as  far  as  regards  baths.  Apolyterium  is  perfectly  erroneous.  B.] 
and  accordingly  we  may  observe  on  entering,  certain  holes  in  the 
wall,  in  which  had  either  been  inserted  rafters  or  pegs  for  sup- 
porting shelves,  or  for  hanging  garments.  Pliny  mentions  that 
people  first  entered  into  the  apodyterium,  or  tepidarium,  with  a 
temperate  air,  and  consigned  their  garments  to  caprarii,  which 
were  probably  pegs,  so  called  from  their  likeness  to  horns.  [Where 
Pliny  says  this,  we  know  not ;  for  the  author  is  not  used  to  give 
references  to  the  passages  he  alludes  to.  Bechi,  too,  says:  '  There 
are  apertures  in  the  wall  made  to  receive  the  wooden  props  or  hooks 
on  which  were  hung  the  garments  of  those  who  undrest  here, 


Scene  VII.]  THE   BATHS.  373 

before  taking  the  bath  in  the  adjoining  rooms.'  But  it  seems 
almost  indubitable,  that  a  sad  confusion  has  been  made  here 
between  caprarii  and  capsarii,  persons  who  took  charge  of  the 
clothes  at  the  bath.  Shelves  are  visible  in  the  painting  from  the 
baths  of  Titus,  in  the  tepidarium,  on  which  a  man  is  just  placing 
garments.     B.] 

The  chamber  itself,  which  is  spacious,  is  vaulted,  and  the  arch 
springs  from  a  projecting  cornice,  covered  with  a  richly-coloured 
painting  of  griffins  and  lyres.  The  ceiling  appears  to  have  con- 
sisted of  panels  of  white  within  red  borders,  and  the  pavement  of 
the  common  sort  of  white  mosaic.  The  walls  were  painted  yellow. 
Stone  benches  occupy  the  greater  part  of  the  walls,  with  a  step 
running  below  them  slightly  raised  from  the  floor.  A  little  apart- 
ment at  the  north  end  may  have  been  either  a  latrina,  or,  if  it  had 
sufficient  light,  a  tonstrina  for  shaving,  or  it  might  possibly  have 
served  for  keeping  the  unguents,  strigils,  towels,  and  other  articles 
necessary  for  the  accommodation  of  the  visitors. 

It  is  probable  that  a  window  once  existed  at  the  north,  like  that 
now  remaining  at  the  south  end ;  but  in  no  case  could  this,  or  any 
other  room  in  the  Pompeian  thernise,  answer  to  the  description  of 
the  wide  windows  of  the  frigidarium  of  the  author,  who  says, 
Friijidarium  locus  ventis  perflatus  fenedris  amplis.  The  yet  re- 
maining window  admitted  light  from  the  south,  and  is  placed 
close  under  the  vault  of  the  roof,  and  rather  intrenching  upon  it. 
It  opens  upon  the  roof  of  the  chamber  18,  and  was  not  only  formed 
of  glass,  but  of  good  plate-glass,  slightly  ground  on  one  side  so  as 
to  prevent  the  curiosity  of  any  person  upon  the  roof.  Of  this  glass 
all  the  fragments  remained  at  the  excavation ;  a  circumstance  which 
appeared  not  a  little  curious  to  those  who  imagined  that  its  use 
was  either  unknown,  or  very  rare  among  the  ancients,  and  did  not 
know  that  a  window  of  the  same  kind  had  been  found  in  the  baths 
of  the  villa  of  Diomedes. 

Glass  seems  to  have  at  first  been  brought  from  Egypt  (?),  and  to 
have,  in  fact,  received  its  name  of  baXbq  from  the  Coptic.  Crystal, 
KpvaraWoc,  or  the  permanent  ice  of  the  ancients,  originally  desig- 
nated the  natural  stone  itself.  It  is  said  to  have  been  little  known 
in  Rome  before  536  A.  tj.  c,  but  this  would  give  ample  time  for  its 
use  at  Pompeii  long  before  its  destruction. 

There  are  few  subjects  on  which  the  learned  seem  to  have  been 
so  generally  mistaken  as  that  of  the  art  of  glass-making  among  the 
ancients,  who  seem  to  have  been  far  more  skilful  than  was  at  first 
imagined.  Not  to  mention  the  description  of  a  burning-glass  in 
the  Nubes  of  Aristophanes,  v.  7U4,  the  collection  which  Mr.  Dodwell 


374  THE   BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

first  formed  and  brought  into  notice  at  Rome  by  repolishing  the 
fragments,  is  sufficient  to  prove  that  specimens  of  every  known 
marble,  and  of  many  not  now  existing  in  cabinets,  as  well  as  every 
sort  of  precious  stone,  were  commonly  and  most  successfully 
imitated  by  the  ancients,  who  used  these  imitations  in  cups  and 
vases  of  every  size  and  shape. 

In  tbe  time  of  Martial,  about  a  century  after  Christ,  glass  cups 
were  common,  except  the  calices  allasscmtes,  which  displayed  change- 
able or  prismatic  colours,  and,  as  Vossius  says,  were  procured  in 
Egypt,  and  were  so  rare  that  Adrian,  sending  some  to  Servianus, 
ordered  that  they  should  only  be  used  on  great  occasions. 

The  vast  collection  of  bottles,  glasses,  and  other  utensils 
discovered  at  Pompeii,  is  sufficient  to  show  that  the  ancients  were 
well  acquainted  with  the  art  of  glass-blowing  in  all  its  branches  ; 
but  it  is  not  the  less  true  that  they  sometimes  used,  much  as  we  do, 
horn  for  lanterns,  which  Plautus  terms  Vulcan  in  a  prison  of  horn ; 
[Amphitr.  i.  1,  185  :  Volcanum  in  cornii  conclusum  geris.  So  also 
mention  is  made  in  Athenseus,  xv.  p.  699,  of  Kiparirov  tpwatyöpov 
\vxvov  aiXac,  and  in  Martial,  xiv.  01  and  62,  Interna  ex  vesica  and 
cornea.  So  too  is  explained  Interna  Tunica  in  Plautus,  Aid.  iii.  6, 
30.  B.],  and  that  windows  and,  Cicero  says,  lanterns  [ad  Attic,  iv.  3, 
linea  laterna.  B.]  were  sometimes  made  of  Unen  instead  of  glass,  as 
we  see  oiled  paper  in  modern  times.  The  common  expression  for 
these  objects  in  Latin  appears  to  be  Fenestra;  volubi/es  vel  lineis 
■velis,  vel  specidaria  vitratis  clauses.  [The  vela,  at  all  events,  are 
something  quite  different.  B.] 

In  process  of  time,  glass  became  so  much  the  fashion,  that 
whole  chambers  were  lined  with  it.  The  remains  of  such  a  room 
were  discovered  in  the  year  1826,  near  Ficulnea,  in  the  Roman 
territory ;  and  these  are  hinted  at  in  a  passage  of  the  Roman 
naturalist :  Non  dubie  vitreas  facturus  cameras,  si  prius  id  inventum 
fuisset.  [Plin.  xxxvi.  25,  64.  B.]  In  the  time  of  Seneca  the 
chambers  in  thermae  had  walls  covered  with  glass  and  Thasian 
marble,  the  water  issued  from  silver  tubes,  and  the  decorations 
were  mirrors.  [This  is  incorrect.  Seneca  says,  Epist.  86  :  Nisi 
parietis  maynis  et  pretiosis  orbibus  refidserunt ;  and  even  if  he  had 
written  speculis,  still  we  must  rather  have  understood  thereby  the 
marble  medallions,  which,  like  the  abaci,  served  to  adorn  the 
walls.  B.] 

In  the  semicircular  compartment  containing  the  window  was  a 
large  basso-relievo  in  stucco,  of  which  the  subject  appeared  to  be 
the  destruction  of  the  Titans  (giants)  by  Jupiter,  or  perhaps  by 
Saturn  (!),  whose  colossal  head  appeared  in  the  centre.     Bacchus 


Scene  VII.] 


THE    BATHS.  375 


was  one  of  the  great  assistants  of  Jupiter  in  that  combat ;  and  the 
cup  of  Bacchus,  or  one  of  the  same  shape,  appears  on  the  right,  as 
if  thrown  at  the  Titan.  The  subject  is  at  present  scarcely  intelli- 
gible, having  suffered  much  in  the  reparation  of  the  roof.  [And 
this  fact  may  have  led  the  author  astray  in  his  conjectures.  Bechi 
says :  '  Underneath  this  window  is  wrought  in  stucco  a  huge  and 
bearded  mask,  from  the  pendent  locks  of  which  flow  streams  of 
water.  Two  tritons,  with  vases  on  their  shoidders,  are  struggling 
to  reach  the  centre  of  the  fountain,  and  a  shoal  of  dolphins,  har- 
nessed by  cupids,  are  represented  as  sporting  impatient  at  their 
chains.'  These  would  certainly  be  more  befitting  ornaments  for  a 
bath  than  a  gigantomachia.  B.]  On  the  frescos  in  his  frigidarium, 
Sidon.  says,  (Ep.  ii.  2),  Non  hie  per  nudam  pictorum  corpontm 
pulchritudinem  turpis  prostat  Mstoria — absunt  ridicidi  vestitu  et 
rirftibits  histriones — absunt  lubrici  tortuosique  pugillatu  et  nexibus 
pal<estrit<B :  which  marks  the  usual  decorations.] 

From  the  frigidarium  a  short  passage  opened  into  the  street  on 
the  north,  and  a  little  recess  is  observable  in  it,  where  possibly 
another  person  sat  to  receive  the  money  of  the  bathers.  The 
third  passage  communicated  with  the  hypocaust,  or  stoves,  and 
these  again  with  the  street. 

A  door,  uniform  with  that  leading  from  the  court,  opened  into 
apartment  18,  in  which  was  the  natatio,  or  natatorium,  piscina,  or 
cold  bath.  Some  may  be  inclined  to  apply  the  term  baptisterion 
to  the  vase  into  which  the  bathers  plunged.  The  word  piscina  is 
applied  to  the  bath  by  the  younger  Pliny.  It  appears  that  \ovrpav 
was  the  Greek  appellation.  That  this  was  called  baptüterium  in 
the  time  of  Pliny  appears  from  this  passage,  considering  its  con- 
nection with  the  frigidarium  :  hide  apodyterium  balinei  laxum  et 
Ware  excipit  cello,  frigidaria  in  qua  baptisteriion  amplum  atque 
opacum.     [Hereupon  vid.  inf.  B.] 

This  is  perfectly  preserved,  and  nothing  is  wanting  but  the 
water,  which  anciently  gushed  from  a  copper  pipe  opposite  the 
entrance,  about  four  feet  from  the  floor,  and  fell  into  a  cistern, 
being  supplied  by  pipes,  yet  to  be  traced,  from  the  great  reservoir 
near  the  prcefurnium.  This  apartment  is  a  circle  enclosed  by 
a  square,  in  the  angles  of  which  are  four  alcoves,  called  by  the 
ancients  scholce,  a  word  derived  from  the  Hebrew,  and  signifying 

repose. 

The  diameter  of  the  circle  is  eighteen  feet  six  inches.  Pound 
the  whole  runs  a  walk,  or  ambulatory,  two  feet  four  inches  and  a 
half  wide.  The  piscina,  or  vase  itself,  is  twelve  feet  ten  inches  in 
diameter,  and  has  a  seat  eleven  inches  wide,  surrounding  it  at  the 


376  THE   BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

depth  of  ten  inches  below  the  lip,  and  two  feet  four  inches  from  the 
bottom,  allowing  a  depth  of  water  equal  to  about  three  feet.  The 
alcoves,  or  schöbe,  are  five  feet  two  inches  wide,  by  two  feet  half- 
an-inch  deep.  Their  arches,  which  rise  to  the  height  of  one  foot 
eight  inches,  spring  from  a  point  five  feet  six  inches  above  the 
floor. 

The  whole  of  the  piscina,  or  natatio,  with  its  seat  or  step,  the 
pavement  of  the  scholse,  or  the  ambulatorium,  is  of  white  marble, 
and  in  perfect  preservation.  The  roof  is  a  dome,  or  rather  a  cone, 
of  which  a  small  part  of  the  summit  is  destroyed.  It  appears  to 
have  been  painted  blue,  and  had  an  opening  or  window  near  the 
top,  toward  the  south-west,  possibly  not  glazed,  as,  being  a  cold 
bath,  the  increase  of  temperature  was  not  required.  The  walls 
have  been  painted  yellow,  with  certain  branches  here  and  there  of 
green  The  walls  of  the  alcoves  were  blue  or  red,  and  the  arches 
have  a  pretty  relieved  border  in  stucco. 

About  eight  feet  from  the  floor,  a  cornice  runs  round  the  whole, 
nearly  eighteen  inches  high,  coloured  red,  and  adorned  with  stucco 
figures  representing,  in  all  appearance,  the  course  on  foot,  on 
horseback,  and  in  chariots.  The  spina,  or  perhaps  the  goal,  is  also 
visible ;  and,  though  much  ruined,  the  chariot-race  and  the  run- 
ning horses  with  their  riders  have  an  air  of  life  and  verity,  which 
seems  to  evince  that  they  were  at  least  copied  from  sculptures  of 
the  most  brilliant  period  of  the  arts. 

The  natatorium  of  the  baths  of  Diocletian  was  200  feet  long,  by 
half  that  width,  the  Aqua  Martia  supplying  copious  streams  of 
water,  which  spouted  forth  in  grottos  artificially  contrived.  With 
the  magnificence  of  the  capital,  the  piscina  of  Pompeii  cannot 
pretend  to  vie ;  but  nothing  can  be  more  elegant,  or  more  aptly 
calculated  for  the  purpose  of  bathing,  than  the  chamber  in  question. 
A  doorway,  the  jambs  of  which  are  somewhat  inclined,  and 
prove  that  the  folding-doors,  which  turned  upon  umbilici,  or  pivots, 
were  calculated  to  shut  by  their  own  weight,  conducted  the  visitor 
to  the  chamber  15,  which  was  called  either  tepidarium,  aXinrrripiov, 
apodyterium,  ekeothesium,  or  unctuarium ;  for,  in  thermce  of  small 
dimensions,  one  chamber  must  have  served  for  many  of  those  pur- 
poses to  which,  in  the  imperial  city,  separate  apartments  were 
allotted. 

It  is  therefore  probable,  that  though  the  frigidarium  served  as 
an  apodyterium  to  the  cold  bathers,  those  who  took  the  warm 
bath  undressed  in  the  second  chamber,  15,  which  was  warmed  not 
only  by  a  portable  fire-place,  or  foculare,  called  by  the  Italians 
bracciere,  but  by  means  of  a  suspended  pavement,  heated  by  the 


Scene  VII.]  THE    BATHS.  377 

distant  fires  of  the  stove  of  the  caldarium,  or  laconicum.  [This 
seems  quite  a  mistake,  and  is  entirely  at  variance  with  the  section 
of  the  baths  given  by  Geil  himself.  The  caldarium  alone  had 
suspensurfe,  according1  to  Bechi.  The  tepidarium  was  warmed  only 
by  the  large  fire-place.  In  the  picture  from  the  baths  of  Titus, 
the  matter  is  doubtful ;  for  according  to  the  copies  we  have  of  it, 
a  part  of  the  tepidarium  seems  to  have  suspensurse.  B.]  The 
temperature  did  not,  probably,  much  exceed  that  necessary  to 
impart  an  agreeable  warmth,  and  supply  the  want  of  the  more 
cumbrous  articles  of  dress. 

In  the  tepidarium  are  three  seats  of  bronze,  about  six  feet  long, 
and  one  broad.  (They  were  placed  along  the  side  walls,  while  the 
foculare  stood  across  the  bottom  of  the  apartment.)  The  seats  are 
inscribed  with  the  name  of  the  donor,  31.  Nigidius  Vaccula,  whose 
heraldic  cognizance,  if  that  expression  were  admissible,  was  a  pun 
upon  his  name,  the  legs  of  the  seats  being  those  of  a  cow,  whose 
head  forms  their  upper  ornament,  and  whose  entire  figure  is  the 
decoration  of  the  foculare.  The  inscription  runs  thus:  M.  Nigidius 
Vaccula,  P.  S.  (pecunia  sua.) 

The  hearth,  16,  is  about  seven  feet  long,  and  two  feet  six  broad. 
It  is  of  bronze,  and  is  ornamented  by  thirteen  battlemented  summits 
and  a  lotus  at  the  angles.  Within  there  is  an  iron  lining,  calculated 
to  resist  the  heat  of  the  embers,  and  the  bottom  is  formed  by  bars 
of  brass,  on  which  are  laid  bricks  supporting  the  pumice-stones  for 
the  reception  of  the  charcoal. 

This  apartment  was  decorated  in  a  manner  suitable  to  its  ap- 
pearance. The  pavement  of  white  mosaic,  with  two  small  borders 
of  black,  the  ceilings  elegantly  painted,  the  walls  covered  with 
crimson,  and  the  cornice  supported  by  statues,  all  assisted  in  ren- 
dering this  a  beautiful  and  splendid  place  of  relaxation  for  the 
inhabitants  of  Pompeii.  The  cornice  begins  at  four  feet  three 
inches  above  the  pavement,  and  is  one  foot  two  inches  and  a  half 
high,  the  abacus,  which  is  five  inches  and  a  half,  included.  Above 
this,  the  figures  (Telamones)  with  the  entablature  rise  to  the  height 
of  three  feet  five  inches  more,  and  above  these  is  the  flowery 
Corinthian  tracery.  These  figures  are  about  two  feet  in  height, 
stand  upon  little  square  plinths  or  dies  of  three  inches  high,  and 
hold  their  arms  in  a  posture  fitted  for  assisting  the  head  to  bear 
the  superimposed  weight.  They  are  of  terra  cotta,  and  stand  with 
their  backs  placed  against  square  pilasters,  projecting  one  foot  from 
the  wall,  and  with  an  interval  of  one  foot  three  inches  and  a  half 
between  each.  The  use  of  these  figures  in  the  baths  of  Pompeii, 
by  whatever  name  they  may  have  been  called,  was  evidently  to 


378  THE    BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

ornament  the  separations  between  a  number  of  niches  or  recesses, 
in  which  the  garments  of  those  who  went  into  the  sudatorium,  or 
inner  apartment,  to  perspire,  were  laid  up  till  their  return. 

The  heat  in  this  chamber  was  a  dry  warmth,  produced  by  the 
hypocaustum  and  the  foculare,  and  consequently  an  agreeable 
place  for  perfuming,  anointing,  and  all  other  operations  after  the 
sudatorium.  The  ancients  had  an  astonishing  number  of  oils, 
soaps,  and  perfumes,  and  their  wash-balls  seem  to  have  had  the 
general  name  of  smegmata  [soaps,  no  doubt;  still  it  ought  to  be 
mentioned,  that  regular  soap,  sapo,  is  not  mentioned  by  any  author 
before  Pliny,  (xviii.  12,  51,)  who  calls  it  a  Gallic  invention,  but 
which  was  also  very  well  known  to  the  Germans.  Moreover,  Pliny 
says :  Galliarum  inventum  rutilandis  capillis,  and  the  piles  Mattiacce, 
or  German  soap-balls,  (Mart.  xiv.  27),  as  also  the  spuma  Batava 
[Id.  viii.  23, 20),  or  caustica  (Id.  xiv.  26,)  are  everywhere  mentioned 
as  means  for  dyeing  the  hair,  and  not  for  purifying  it.  They  were 
therefore  rather  pomades  than  soaps.  See  Beckmann,  Beitr.  z. 
Gesch.  d.  Erfind,  iv.  1.  seqq.  It  is  also  very  possible  that  when  Ovid 
says  (Ars  Am.  iii.  103) ,  Femina  canitiem  Germinis  inficit  herbis,  and 
(Amor.  i.  14)  Ipsa  dabas  capiti  mista  veneria  tuo,  nothing  else  is 
meant  by  him  than  such  a  pomade,  whence  its  use  might  be  ex- 
tended backward  up  to  the  time  of  Augustus.  Comp.  Boettig. 
Sab.  i.  p.  121, 142.  B.]  Among  the  oils,  are  named  the  mendesitim, 
megalium,  metopiimi,  ainaracinum,  cyprinum.  susinum,  nardinum, 
spicatum,  and  jasminum ;  and  Heliogabalus  never  bathed  without 
oil  of  saffron  or  crocus,  which  was  thought  most  precious.  [We 
might  add  to  these  many  others  from  Pliny  (xiii.  1),  and  among 
others  rosaceum.  See  Oudend.  on  Appul.  Met.  x.  p.  717.  B.  The 
nardinum,  (both  an  oil  and  a  pomade),  made  from  the  blossoms  of 
the  Indian  and  Arabian  nard-grass,  was  much  prized.  B.]  [Plin. 
H.  N.  xii.  12,  26,  principalis  in  unguentis.  Pallad.  iv.  9,  nardinum 
oleum.  Ath.  ii.  p.  46,  v.  195,  x.  439,  xv.  689.  It  was  used  for 
anointing  the  hair  previous  to  crowning  it  with  the  garland,  at 
festive  symposiums.  Hör.  Od.  ii.  11, 16 :  Assyriaque  nardo  potamus 
uncti.  Petron.  78 :  nardi  ampulla.  Salmas.  Exercitt.  ad  Sol.  p.  750. 
Pompon.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  21,  distinguishes  between  those  unguents 
quibis  unguimur  voluptatis  causa  and  valetudinis  causa.  Isidor.  iv. 
12,  mentions,  anetinum,  cerotum,  and  other  sorts.  The  ceroma,  as 
it  was  called,  was  only  used  at  gymnastic  exercises.  Mart.  vii.  32, 
v.  65.  Piin.  H.  N.  xxviii.  4,  13.]  We  hear  also  of  nitre  and 
aphronitum  in  the  baths.  To  these  were  added  all  kinds  of  odo- 
riferous powders,  called  diapasmata.  The  cyprium  was  not  only  a 
perfume,  but  was  supposed  to  put  a  stop  to  further  perspiration, 


Scene  VII.]  THE    BATHS.  379 

and  its  name  has  been  retained  to  the  present  day.  [  Unguentarii 
and  unguentarüe,  dealers  in  perfume,  are  often  mentioned.  Orell. 
2988,  4300.     Cic.  de  Off.  x.  42.  myropolce.'] 

Persons  of  lower  condition  sometimes  used,  instead  of  soap, 
meal  of  lupins,  called  lomentum,  which,  with  common  meal,  is  still 
used  in  the  north  of  England,  while  the  rich  carried  their  own  most 
precious  unguents  to  the  therm se  in  phials  of  alabaster,  gold,  and 
glass,  \_ä\äßaarpoi,  onyches,  concha.  Salmas.  Exercitt.  p.  316,]  which 
were  of  such  common  use,  both  in  ordinary  life  and  at  funerals, 
that  they  have  very  frequently  been  found  in  modern  times,  when 
thev  acquired  the  name  of  lachrymatories,  from  a  mistaken  notion 
concerning  their  original  destination. 

Pliny  mentions  that  in  the  apodyterium,  or  tepidarium,  was  the 
elceothesia,  or  place  for  anointing,  called  also  in  Latin  unctorium, 
where  persons,  called  from  their  office,  were  employed.  It  is  to  be 
supposed  that  in  the  great  thermae  of  the  capital  thin  ciXinr-qpiov, 
or  unctorium,  was  a  separate  chamber.  A  verse  of  Lucilius,  quoted 
by  Green  in  his  work  De  liusticatione  Romanorum,  describes  the 
operations  which  took  place  in  this  apartment : 

Scabor,  suppilor,  desquamor,  puniicor,  ornor, 
Expilor,  pingor. 

The  third  apartment,  12,  for  the  use  of  those  who  frequented 
the  hot  baths,  is  entered  by  a  door  opening  from  the  tepidarium, 
which  closed  by  its  own  weight,  and  it  is  probable  was  generally 
shut,  to  prevent  the  admission  of  cold  or  less  heated  air.  Vitruvius 
says  that  the  laconicum  and  sudatorium  ought  to  join  the  tepida- 
rium ;  and  that,  when  these  were  separate  rooms,  they  were  entered 
by  two  doors  from  the  apodyterium. 

This  chamber,  though  not  decorated  with  all  the  art  displayed 
in  the  tepidarium,  possibly  because  the  constant  ascent  of  steam 
would  have  destroyed  the  colours  of  the  ceiling  or  vault,  was,  never- 
theless, delicately  ornamented  with  mouldings  of  stucco,  which  have 
an  elegant  and  beautiful  effect.  [Comp.  Zahn,  Ornamente  und  Gen. 
t.  94.  B.]  Not  only  i3  the  pavement  suspended  in  the  manner 
recommended  by  Vitruvius,  but  the  walls  are  so  constructed,  that 
a  column  of  heated  air  encloses  the  apartment  on  all  sides. 

This  is  not  effected  by  flues,  but  by  one  universal  flue,  formed 
by  a  lining  of  bricks  or  tiles,  strongly  connected  with  the  outer 
wall  by  cramps  of  iron,  yet  distant  about  four  inches  from  it,  so 
as  to  leave  a  space  by  which  the  hot  air  might  ascend  from  the 
furnace,  and  increase,  almost  equally,  the  temperature  of  the  whole 
room. 

Some  parts   of  the  casing  having  fallen,  the  whole   of  this 


380  THE   BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

admirable  contrivance  is  now  apparent,  and  the  pavement  having,  in 
some  places,  been  forced  in  by  the  fall  of  some  part  of  the  vault, 
the  method  of  suspending  it  was,  at  the  period  of  the  excavation, 
sufficiently  visible.  [Proc.  Big.  viii.  2, 13  :  Hiberus  balnearia  fecit 
secundum  parietem  eommunem.  Non  licet  autem  tubulos  habere  ad- 
motos  ad  parietem  eommunem,  sicuti  nee  parietem  quidem  super  pari- 
etem eommunem.  De  tubulis  eo  amplius  hoc  juris  est,  quod  per  eos 
fiamma  torretur  paries.  Sen.  Ep.  90.  Qucsdam  nostra  demum 
memoria  scimus — tit  suspensuras  balneorum  et  impressos  parietibus 
tubos,  per  quos  circumfunderetur  color,  qui  ima  simul  et  summa  fove- 
ret  csqualiterJ] 

It  will  be  observed  that  scarcely  anything  was  placed  in  sym- 
metry with  the  centre  ;  the  circular  window  in  the  alcove,  with  its 
ornamental  dolphins  in  stucco,  being  to  the  left,  and  the  two  side- 
windows  in  the  vault  being  neither  equal  in  size  nor  situation. 

The  most  striking  object  in  the  apartment  is  the  labrum,  14, 
placed  in  the  centre  of  the  alcove,  which  forms  one  extremity  of 
the  caldarium,  as  the  hot- water  bath,  alveus,  does  the  other.  This 
consists  in  a  vase  or  tazza  of  white  marble,  not  less  than  eight  feet  in 
diameter,  and  internally,  not  more  than  eight  inches  in  depth.  In 
the  centre  is  a  projection,  or  umbo,  rising  from  the  bottom,  in  the 
middle  of  which  a  brass  tube  threw  up  the  water,  which,  judging 
from  the  customary  process  in  an  oriental  bath,  was  probably  cold, 
or  as  nearly  so  as  was  judged  expedient  for  pouring  upon  the  head 
of  the  bather  before  he  quitted  this  heated  atmosphere. 

The  labrum  was  presented  to  the  therrnae  of  Pompeii  by  a 
private  individual,  whose  name,  together  with  the  value,  is  in- 
scribed in  letters  of  bronze,  yet  remaining  on  the  lip  of  the  basin. 
CN  .  MELISS.EO  .  CN  .  F  .  APRO  .  M  .  STAIO  .  M  .  F  . 
RVFO  .  II  .  VIR  .  ITER  .  ID  .  LABRUM  .  EX  .  D  .  D  .  EX  . 
P  .  I  .  F  .  C  .  CONSTAT  .  HSP  .  (sic !)  C  .  C  .  L  .  [The  au- 
thor is  here  quite  mistaken.  The  inscription  contains  nothing 
at  all  about  a  gift,  and  it  is  not  even  copied  correctly.  Bechi, 
who  copied  it  from  the  rim  of  the  labrum,  gives  it  as  follows, 
(comp.  Orelli,  Inscr.,  n.  3277)  :  CN  .  MELISS^EO  .  CN  .  F  . 
APRO  .  M  .  STAIO  .  M  .  F  .  RVFO  .  II  .  VIR  .  ITER  .  ID  . 
LABRVM  .  EX  .  D  .  D  .  EX  .  P  .  P  .  F  .  C  .  CONSTAT  .  H  . 
S  .  Iq  .  C  .  C  .  L.  Still  Bechi's  explanation — On.  Melissao,  On. 
filio,  Apro,  M.  Staio,  M.filio,  Rufo  duumviris  iterum  jure  dicundo 
labrum  ex  decurionum  decreto  ex  pecunia  publico  faciendum  curarunt. 
Constat.  U.S.  Iq  CCL.,  though  correct  in  the  sense,  is  not  gram- 
matical. B.]  The  position  of  this  labrum  seems  in  some  respects  to 
accord  with  the  instructions  given  by  Vitra  vius  for  the  construction 


Scene  VII.]  THE    BATHS.  381 

of  such  a  va.se  :  Sckolas  autem  labrorum  ita  fieri  oportet  spatiosas, 
ut,  cum  priores  occupaverint  hca,  circumspectantes  reliqui  recte  stare 
possint.  Vitr.  v.  10.  He  says  also  :  Labrum  sub  htmine  faciendum 
vidctur  ne  Staates  circum  suis  umbris  obscurent  lucem.  Even  this,  as 
applied  to  our  labrum,  is  not  very  intelligible.  [On  the  contrary, 
every  thing  agrees  with  Vitruvius,  for  above  the  labrum  is  a  wide 
opening,  through  which  the  light  fell  in.  and  this  is  the  lumen.  B.] 

Andreas  Baccius,  who  has  written  and  collected  much  of  what 
the  ancients  have  left  us  on  the  subject  of  baths,  says  that  some 
labra  existed  made  of  glass ;  and  he  very  sensibly  concludes,  that 
all  the  great  tazze  of  Rome,  lite  that  at  present  on  the  Quirinal, 
were  originally  labra  of  the  public  or  private  baths  of  the  city. 
Ficoroni  mentions  labra  in  Rome  of  basalt,  granite,  porphyry,  and 
alabaster,  and  observes  that  many  of  these  had  a  lion's  head  in  the 
centre.  Mention  is  also  made  of  the  labrum  in  a  private  bath  by 
Cicero,  in  a  letter  to  his  wife  Terentia  :  Labrum  si  rum  est  in  balneo, 
fac  id  sit.  [Bechi  too  mentions  many  antique  labra,  and  so  also 
Stratico.  B.]  [Mus.  Horb.  iv.  28,  contains  a  beautiful  marble 
labrum.] 

The  opening  for  the  lamp,  which  has  been  formerly  noticed  as 
giving  light,  on  one  side  to  the  Doric  portico,  and  on  the  other  to 
the  caldarium,  is  visible  above  the  labrum,  and  had,  anciently,  a 
convex  glass  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  cold  air  from  without.  [In 
the  apodyterium  also  there  was  a  similar  opening  in  the  wall  under 
the  large  window,  which  had  probably  a  like  destination.  Bechi 
speaks  of  it  as  if  the  glass  were  still  in  existence.  B.] 

From  the  pavement  of  the  caldarium,  which  was  of  white  tes- 
sera?, with  two  small  borders  of  black,  bathers  ascended  by  two 
steps,  so  as  to  sit  down  conveniently  upon  the  third  or  marble  wall, 
one  foot  four  inches  broad,  which  formed  the  brink  of  the  vase  or 
vat  of  hot  water.  Thence  one  step  dividing  the  whole  depth  of  the 
cistern,  not  exceeding  two  feet  and  half  an  inch,  permitted  them  to 
immerse  themselves  by  degrees  in  the  heated  fluid.  The  whole 
length  of  the  cistern  is  fifteen  feet,  and  the  breadth  four.  About 
ten  persons  might  have  sat  upon  the  marble  pavement  without  in- 
convenience at  the  same  moment,  immersed  in  the  hot  water.  It  is 
evident  from  the  shallowness  of  this  cistern,  that  persons  must  have 
sat  on  the  pavement  in  order  to  have  been  sufficiently  immersed : 
and,  accordingly,  the  side  next  the  north  wall  is  constructed  with 
marble,  sloping  like  the  back  of  a  chair,  in  an  angle  well  adapted 
to  the  support  of  the  body  in  that  position.  Hot  water  entered 
this  bath,  13,  at  one  of  the  angles,  immediately  from  the  caldron,  9, 
which  boiled  on  the  other  side  of  the  wall.   There  appears  to  ha^* 


382  THE   BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

been  a  moveable  stone  in  tbe  pavement,  near  tbis  cistern,  possibly 
for  permitting  the  entrance  of  a  column  of  bot  air  on  certain 
occasions  (?). 

Tbis  chamber,  from  tbe  water  which  must  have  fallen  on  the 
pavement,  and  the  distillation  caused  by  the  vapour  from  so  great 
a  quantity  of  heated  liquid,  must  bave  always  been  wet,  and  must 
have  had  an  outlet  called  fusorium,  to  which  the  floor  inclined. 
[Not  on  tbis  account ;  for  tbe  suspensurce  were  generally  so  laid. 
Vitr.  v.  10,  2.  Suspensurce  caldariorum  ita  sunt  facienda;,  vti  primum 
sesqvipedabilus  tegulis  solum  sternatur  inclinatum  ad  hypocavsim,  vti 
pila  cum  niittatvr  non  possit  intro  resistere.  It  was  intended  that 
the  fire  should  have,  by  tbis  means,  a  better  draught.  B.]  Perhaps 
the  opening  near  the  hot  bath  served  in  part  for  this  purpose.  The 
floor  was  found  much  damaged,  and  broken  in  by  tbe  fall  of  a  part 
of  tbe  arch,  on  its  first  discovery. 

The  seats  in  this  chamber  were  probably  of  wood,  as  the  whole 
must  constantly  have  been  in  a  state  of  humid  heat,  which  would 
have  corroded  furniture  of  bronze,  like  those  of  Vaccula  in  the 
tepidarium.  In  that  portion  of  the  vaulted  roof  still  remaining,  are 
no  fewer  than  four  openings  for  the  admission  of  light,  and  the 
transmission  of  hot  air  and  vapour.  These  must  have  been  glazed 
or  closed  with  linen  windows  called  vela,  for  it  was  probably  pre- 
vious to  that  common  use  of  glass,  which  evidently  prevailed  at 
Pompeii,  that  the  brazen  shields  or  circular  shutters,  mentioned  by 
Vitruvius  as  hanging  by  chains,  for  the  purpose  of  opening  and 
shutting  the  windows  of  the  laconicum  or  sudatorium,  were  neces- 
sary. It  appears  from  that  author,  that  these  shields  were  lowered 
to  open,  or  raised  to  close,  the  circular  apertures  in  the  roof  of  the 
laconicum.  Over  the  labrum  is  seen  one  of  these  circular  windows. 
None  of  these  apartments  could  have  had  a  cheerful  light;  and 
when  the  brazen  shields  were  in  use,  the  darkness  must  have  in- 
creased with  the  increase  of  temperature.  [In  consequence  of  the 
author's  false  conception  of  the  laconicum,  which  he  shares  with 
many  others,  he  could  not  have  formed  any  other  judgment.  Un- 
questionably these  windows  were  glazed,  and  the  baths  were  really 
dark  only  in  ancient  times,  when  tbe  use  of  glass  was  either  not  at 
all,  or  but  very  little,  known,  and  rimse  were  constantly  used.  B.] 
It  may  be  supposed  that  in  an  establishment  so  small  as  this  of 
Pompeii,  the  inner  room,  or  caldarium,  might  unite  in  itself  more 
than  one  of  the  numerous  appellations  in  use  in  the  Roman  capital. 

From  tbe  frigidarium,  17,  a  very  narrow  passage  ran  to  the 
furnace,  9,  upon  which  were  placed  caldrons,  to  the  number  of 
three,  one  above  another,  and,  possibly,  as  may  be  gathered  from  an 


Scene  VII.]  THE   BATHS.  383 

inspection  of  the  ruins,  placed  in  three  columns,  of  three  caldrons 
each  (?),  so  that  the  water  in  the  uppermost  or  ninth  vase,  nearest 
the  cisterns  10  and  11,  would  be  very  nearly  cold. 

The  cauldron  immediately  above  the  flames  was  of  course  boiling, 
and  on  the  water  being  withdrawn  for  use,  it  was  contrived  that  an 
equal  portion  should  replace  it  from  the  tepidarium,  into  which  at 
the  same  time  the  frigidarium  was  discharged.  It  does  not  seem 
improbable,  from  the  appearance  of  the  place,  that  there  were 
three  columns  of  these  caldrons  at  Pompeii,  dependent  on  a  single 
fire,  and  if  so,  the  upper  caldron  of  the  column  nearest  the  cistern, 
10,  contained  water  nearly  cold,  and  hence  that  was  probably  de- 
rived which  rose  in  the  centre  of  the  labruin,  and  must  have  had  a 
higher  level. 

From  one  of  these,  or  the  cisterns  adjoining,  the  circular  bath, 
or  natatorium,  was  also  supplied,  through  tubes  yet  to  be  traced  in 
the  wall. 

This  is  the  most  essential  part  of  GelTs  description.  Next  to 
this  bath,  though  not  in  any  way  communicating  with  it,  was  a 
second,  almost  the  same  in  its  arrangements,  though  on  a  smaller 
scale,  and  generally  considered  to  have  been  the  women's  bath, 
(which  also  agrees  with  Varro,  L.  L.  ix.  41,  Sp.),  so  that  3  is  the 
apodyterium,  2  the  frigidarium,  4  the  tepidariurn,  o  the  caldarium, 
6  the  hot- water  bath,  and  7  the  labrum.  The  rooms  lying  round 
the  regular  bath,  which  have  no  exits  but  towards  the  streets,  and 
are  not  marked  with  figures  in  the  sketch,  were  probably  tabernse, 
in  no  way  connected  with  the  building  composing  the  bath. 

Small  as  this  plan  may  appear  in  comparison  with  the  great 
thermae  of  Rome,  still  the  discovery  of  it  is  of  far  more  moment 
than  all  the  other  ruins  existing,  as  here  we  have  at  least  the 
necessary  parts  tolerably  complete,  and  agreeing  with  the  accounts 
given  by  authors.  The  ruins  of  Badenweiler,  which  Hirt  (251) 
looked  on  as  the  main  source  of  our  knowledge  about  the  ancient 
baths,  appear  very  insignificant  when  compared  with  these.  Next 
to  the  baths  of  Pompeii,  the  painting  from  the  baths  of  Titus  is 
perhaps  of  the  most  importance,  principally  because  the  names  be- 
ing written  leave  no  doubt  about  the  destination  of  the  particular 
cellse  and  other  parts. 

Let  us  now  compare  the  remains  of  ancient  baths  with  each 
other,  and  with  the  accounts  of  Vitruvius,  Pliny,  Palladius,  and 
others,  and  we  shall  find  the  most  essential  parts  of  a  Roman  bath 
to  be  these. 

I.  An  apodyterium  connected  perhaps  with  the  ekeothesiuni  and 
unctorium. 


384 


THE   BATHS. 


[Excubsus  I. 


III. 


Scene  VII.]  THE    BATHS.  385 

II.  A  frigidarium,  or  cella  frigidaria,  by  which  we  must  not 
understand,  with  Gell,  a  mere  unwarmed  room,  but  the  cold  bath 
itself.  Pliny  says  in  his  description  of  the  Laurentian  villa,  (ii.  17, 
11)  :  I/ide  balinei  cella  frigidaria  spatiosa  et  cffusa,  cujus  in  con- 
traria parietibus  duo  baptisteria  vekct  ejecta  sinuantur,  abunde 
capacia,  si  innare  in  proximo  cogites;  aud  of  his  Tuscan  villa,  (v.  6, 
25) :  lade  apodyterium  balinei  laxum  et  liilare  excipit  cella  frigi- 
daria, in  quce  baptisteriurn  amplum  et  opacum.  While  then  in 
Pompeii  the  cella  frigidaria  had  the  basin  in  the  middle,  and  the 
proper  cool-room,  which  also  served  as  apodyterium,  lay  before  it, 
in  the  former  villa  at  least,  the  baptisteria  were  at  the  alcove- 
shaped  ends  of  the  frigidarium,  so  that  what  was  there  separated, 
17  and  18,  seems  here  to  have  formed  one  room.  But  baptisteriurn 
may  be  taken  to  mean  the  same  as  piscina,  according  to  Sidon. 
Ep.  ii.  2  :  Hide  basilica  appendix  piscina  forinsecus,  sen,  si  yrcecari 
mavis,  baptisteriurn  ab  Oriente  connectitur. 

The  frigidarium  in  the  baths  of  Pompeii  and  those  of  Stabife 
has  j  ust  the  same  form :  and  probably  the  rooms  which  appear 
similar,  in  the  sketch  in  the  baths  of  Titus,  and  which  Palladio 
pronounces  to  be  temples,  and  Hirt  laconica,  are  also  frigidaria. 
In  the  baths  of  Constantine  (Palladio,  le  terme  de  Bom.  t.  xiv.) 
there  are  six  such  saloons,  which  are  declared  to  be  baths  of  all 
three  temperatures. 

III.  The  tepidarium :  of  this  division  we  know  least,  and  it 
may  even  be  doubted  whether  the  usual  assumption  that  the  tepid 
bath  was  there,  be  a  correct  one.  In  Pompeii,  at  least,  in  the  room 
which  is  rightly  taken  to  be  it  (n.  15),  there  is  no  apparatus  for 
bathing.  Pliny  says  (v.  6,  26)  :  FrigidaricB  cellce  connectitur  media, 
cui  sol  benignissime  pr<esto  est ;  caldarice  magis ;  prominet  enim. 
In  hac  tres  descensiones,  etc.  The  media  can  only  be  the  tepidaria  ; 
but  whilst  the  baptisteriurn  of  the  frigidarium,  and  the  tres  de- 
scensiones of  the  caldarium  are  mentioned,  no  labruin,  nor  piscina 
of  the  tepidarium,  is  named.  Such  a  receptacle,  with  lukewarm 
water,  was  probably  in  the  middle  of  the  frigidarium  itself:  Si 
nature  latius  aut  tepidius  velis,  in  area  piscina  est ;  in  proximo 
puteus,  ex  quo  possis  rursus  adstringi,  si  pceniteat  teporis.  Thus 
also  in  the  ruins  of  Badenweiler,  a  double  water-bath  only  seems 
to  be  admissible  ;  and  if  in  the  baths  of  Hippias,  one  of  the  rooms, 
perhaps  the  t)ospa  x\uuvöfievoc,  is  to  pass  for  a  tepidarium,  still 
there  were  piscinae  or  descensiones  only  in  the  cold  and  warm  bath. 
In  the  often-mentioned  picture,  it  is  true  that  there  is  a  tepidarium 
next  to  the  sudatio,  but  it  cannot  be  seen  whether  there  was  a 
labruin  in  it  or  not. 

C  C 


386  THE    BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

But  there  are  two  passages  in  Celsus,  i.  3,  which  are  most  cal- 
culated to  raise  doubts  about  that  acceptation.  Communia  deinde 
omnibus  sunt  post  fatigationem  cibum  smnpturis,  ubi  paullum  am- 
bulavenmt,  si  balneum  non  est,  calido  loco,  vel  in  sole,  vel  ad  ignem 
unqi  atque  sudare :  si  est,  ante  omnia  in  tepidario  residere ;  deinde 
ubi  paullum  conquieverunt,  intrare  et  descendere  in  solium.  The 
second  passage  from  c.  4,  which  contains  the  whole  economy  of 
the  bath,  is  still  plainer :  Si  in  balneum  venit,  sub  veste  primum 
paullum  in  tepidario  insudare,  ibi  ungi,  turn  transire  in  calidarium : 
ubi  sudarit  in  solium  non  descendere,  etc.  There  the  tepidarium 
is  a  warm  room,  where  a  person  sits  down  as  in  the  sudatio,  which 
has  only  a  higher  temperature.  Those  who  wished  to  bathe  must 
go  into  another  room,  the  caldarium,  intrare  et  descendere  in  solium. 
"We  may  therefore  assume  that  there  was  not,  at  least  in  all  cases, 
a  tepid  hath. 

IV.  The  caldarium ;  which  was,  at  least  in  later  times,  the 
most  important  part  of  all.  We  must  here,  after  Vitruvius  and 
the  Pompeian  baths,  make  four  distinct  divisions ;  (1)  the  room 
itself,  sudatio  ;  (2)  the  laconicum  ;  (3)  the  labrum ;  and  (4)  the 
basin  for  the  hot  water,  or  the  highest  degree  of  the  warm  bath. 

The  whole  room  had  suspensurse,  that  is,  the  floor  rested  on 
small  pillars,  so  that  underneath  it  the  heat  and  even  the  flame 
from  the  fire-places  might  be  disseminated.  See  Winckelm.  TV.  ii. 
tab.  iv.  ;  Hirt,  tab.  xxiv.  Fig.  III.,  and  in  the  picture  from  the 
baths  of  Titus  (p.  384).  The  walls  were  hollow,  and  usually  the 
warmth  was  conveyed  in  pipes  from  the  hypocausta  between  them, 
as  we  see  in  the  baths  described  by  Fernow.  In  Pompeii  the 
whole  space  between  the  regular  wall  and  the  interior  one  was 
hollow,  and  without  pipes,  which  is  represented  in  the  sketch  by 
the  white  line  running  round  :  the  same  arrangement  appears  in 
the  caldarium  and  tepidarium  of  the  women's  bath. 

At  one  end  of  the  caldarium  was  the  laconicum,  the  part  most 
difficult  to  be  explained.  Schneider  (385)  has  collected  with  great 
diligence  the  passages  relating  thereto,  but  his  explanation  is  not 
perfectly  clear,  and  must  at  least  remain  uncertain,  as  he  has  not 
•taken  into  consideration  any  ancient  monument,  not  even  the 
painting  from  the  baths  of  Titus,  which  is  here  of  special  moment, 
and  which  had  already  put  Galiani  on  the  right  way.  What 
Vitruvius  says,  (c.  11),  proxime  aidem  introrsus  e  regione  frigidarii 
collocetur  concamerata  sudatio,  longitudine  duplex  quam  latitudine, 
qua  habeat  in  versuris  ex  una  parte  Laconicum  ad  eundem  modum, 
ubi  supra  scriptum  est,  compositum :  ex  adverso  Laconici  caldam 
lavatixmem,  entirely  agrees  with  the  arrangement  of  the  caldarium 


Scene  VII.]  THE    BATHS.  387 

at  Pompeii,  though  we  judge  fit  to  assume  that  there  was  no  regular 
laconicum  there,  but  merely  a  common  sudatio.     In  the  painting, 
the  cella,  which  is  designated  as  concamerata  sudatio,  appears  as  a 
small  cupola-shaped  building,  into  which  the  flame  streams  above 
the  floor,  through  a  broad  pipe.     Underneath  is  to  be  found  the 
name  laconicum,  and  under  the  arch,  on  which  two  chains  are 
visible,  the  name  clipeus.     Comparing  with  this  the  passage  of 
Vitruvius  about  the  clipeus  (10)  :  mediumnue  lumen  in  hemisphcerio 
reKnquatur  ex  eoque  elypeum  eeneum  niton's  pendeat,  per  cujus  re- 
duetioneset  demissiones  perficietur  sudationis  temperatura.  we  should 
imagine  a  valve,  which  hung  at  the  orifice  in  the  middle  of  the 
arch,  in  order  to  allow  the  excess  of  warm  air  to  escape ;  but  this 
idea  does  not  at  all  agree  with  the  painting.     Ou  the  contrary,  it 
seems  that  we  must  assume  from  this,  that  the  laconicum  was  by 
no  means  the  semicircular-shaped  recess  where  those  desirous  of 
perspiring  sat,  but  the  cupola-like  hypocaustum,  which  rose  in  this 
alcove  above  the  floor,  and  that  it  was  closed  by  the  clipeus.    When 
this  was  drawn  up  by  the  chains,  or  let  down  within,  the  heat  and 
the  flame  itself  streamed  out  more  vehemently,  and  heightened  the 
temperature  of  the  alcove  ;  and  perhaps  we  must  so  understand 
what  Suet.  Any.  84,  calls  adflammam  sudare,  although  Celsus  (i.  3) 
mentions,   outside  of  the  bath  too,  the  ungi  et  sudare  ad  ignem. 
We  are  further  decided  in  assuming  the  laconicum  to  be  something 
different  from  the  alcove,  where  the  sweaters  sat,  from  the  con- 
sideration that  it  seems  inconceivable  how  this  alcove  could  possibly 
have  another  temperature  than  the  whole  sweating  bath,  as  it  was 
only  a  part  of  the  same,  and  was  separated  from  it  by  no  partition 
wall.   But  if  the  laconicum  were  placed  there  in  the  manner  above 
oiven,  then  the  heat  must  have  been  greatest  next  to  it.     With 
this  idea  of  the  laconicum,  best  agrees  also  what  Vitruvius  ( vii.  10) 
says  about  the  oven  for  the  preparation  of  atrameutum,  which  was 
also  to  be  arranged   idi  laconicum.     Galiani,  too,  has  taken  this 
view  of  the  subject ;  probably  Schneider  likewise  ;  while  Hirt,  Gell, 
and  Bechi,  are  perfectly  at  fault,  and  Stratico  also  as  well  as  Marini 
misunderstand  Vitruvius.      The  error   appears  to  arise  from  the 
word  heinisphperiurn,  which  suggested  to  them  the  alcove,  in  which 
at  Pompeii  the  labrum  is.     But  Vitruvius  means  the  cupola  above 
the  laconicum,  as  it  is  in  the  picture,  and  this  is  a  hemisphserium. 
By  this  means  everything  is  clear,  and  we  see  that  the  clipeus  did 
not  hang  on  the  opening  in  the  arch  of  the  alcove,  in  order  by 
opening  it  to   moderate   the   temperature,  but,  on   the  contrary, 
served  to  let  the  heat  confined  in  the  laconicum  stream  out,  and 
increase  the  temperature  of  the  sudatio. 


388  THE   BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

At  Pompeii  no  such  arrangement  is  to  be  found.  In  the  alcove 
is  the  labrum  already  described,  and  on  the  use  of  which  opinions 
are  likewise  divided.  The  explanation  of  Becbi,  that  it  was  de- 
signed for  those  who  wished  to  take  only  a  partial  bath,  does  not 
seem  very  probable  ;  for  the  proper  warm-bath,  which  was  in  the 
same  apartment,  was  so  arranged  with  steps,  that  the  bather  could 
sit  at  any  depth  he  chose.  Gell's  supposition  seems  correct,  that  it 
contained  cold  water,  into  which  a  person  plunged  after  the 
sweating-bath,  or  with  which  he  was  sprinkled. 

Lastly;  at  the  opposite  end  of  this  room  was  the  hot-water 
bath  already  described.  The  name  we  should  like  to  assign  to  it, 
at  least  in  the  baths  of  Pompeii,  is  alveus,  and  the  proportions 
agree  with  the  plans  given  by  Vitruvius.  [Dio  Cass.  lv.  7,  calls  it 
Ko\vfißi)Ppav  eepi-iov  vSarog.']  And  then  what  Vitruvius  says,  becomes 
explicable:  quanta  longitudo  fuerib,  tertia  demta  latitudo  sit praeter 
scholam  labri  et  alvei ;  and  in  the  like  manner  it  reaches,  in  agree- 
ment with  the  same,  as  far  as  the  wall.  [Others  falsely  suppose 
labrum  and  alveus  to  be  identical,  and  others  that  alveus  is  the 
name  of  warming-pipes  in  the  walls ;  or  of  the  space  round  the 
labrum.  Wüstemann  himself  understands  by  labrum  a  detached 
kettle,  while  alveus  he  takes  to  have  been  a  tank  or  canal  on  the 
ground  for  many  bathers.  Labrum  certainly  would  seem  to  be 
something  standing  high  ;  alveus,  something  low.  See  Auct.  ad 
Her.  iv.  10.  in  alveum  descenderet.~\ 

The  scholce  were  the  free  spaces  between  the  receptacles  of 
water  and  the  wall,  where  those  who  intended  to  bathe,  or  only 
visited  the  bath  for  the  sake  of  amusement,  stood  or  sat. 

The  water  was  warmed,  according  to  Vitruvius,  by  erecting 
three  kettles:  AZnea  supra  hypocaustum  tria  sunt  componenda, 
unum  caldarium,  alterum  tepidarium,  tertium  frigidarium,  et  ita 
collocanda,  uti  ex  tepidario  in  calderium,  quantum  aquce  caldce 
exierit,  inßuat.  De  frigidario  in  tepidarium  ad  eundem  modum. 
This  might  be  effected  in  more  ways  than  one.  The  simplest 
was  to  place  the  kettles  one  over  the  other,  and  join  them  by 
means  of  pipes,  and  we  thus  find  them  in  the  bath  discovered  at 
the  country-house  of  Diomedes  at  Pompeii.  See  Voyage  pitt.  de 
Naples,  livr.  10  et  11,  pi.  79  ;  Fernow  on  Winck.  ii.  tab.  iv.  C.  n.  2 ; 
although  there  are  only  two  kettles  there  ;  but  we  find  it  different 
in  the  painting  from  the  bath  of  Titus. 

There  are  two  expressions  still  requiring  explanation.  Firstly, 
the  solium  is  often  mentioned,  and  by  some  understood  to  mean  an 
apparatus  in  the  caldarium,  by  which  single  persons  might  sit  and 
take  a  shallow  bath.     Festus,  298 :  Alvd  quoque  lavandi  gratia 


Scene  VII.]  THE    BATHS.  389 

instituti,  quo  singuli  descendant,  (solla)  solia  dicimtur.  See  Martial 
ii.  42.  Hence  also  Celsus  says,  ii.  17,  and  elsewhere,  in  solio  desi- 
dendum  est.  [The  magnificence  of  these  solia  is  shown  by  Pliny, 
H.  X.  xxxiii.  12,  54:  feminee  Inventur  et  nisi  argentea  solia fastidiant. 
The  sella  balnearis,  in  Pauli,  in.  6,  83,  is  doubtless  the  same  thing.] 
See  Burmaun,  ad  Petron.  73. 

Martial's  Epig.  ix.  76,  has  also  caused  offence  : 

Non  silice  duro  struetilive  casmento, 

Nee  latere  cocto,  quo  Semiramis  longam 

Bal  ■  ylona  cinxit,  Tucca  balneum  fecit  ; 

Sed  strage  nemorum  pineaque  compage, 

Ut  navigare  Tucca  balneo  possit. 

Idem  beatas  lautus  exstruit  thermas 

De  marmore  omni,  quod  Carystos  iuvenit, 

Quod  Phrygia  Synnas,  Afra  quod  Nomas  mittit, 

Et  quod  virenti  fonte  lavit  Eurotas. 

Sed  ligna  desunt ;  subjice  balneum  thermis. 

[In  Orell.  Ins.  4326,  balnea  and  thermce  are  again  opposed.] 

To  the  question,  how  is  the  balneum  distinguished  from  the 
thermce?  people  are  accustomed  to  answer,  that  balneum  means 
the  cold  bath,  or  the  cella  frigidaria,  and  thermce,  the  heated  rooms. 
Still  this  seems  quite  inadmissible  ;  for  balneum  is  especially  used 
of  the  warm  bath  in  opposition  to  the  cold.  Cels.  i.  1 :  Prodest 
etiam  tnterdum  balneo,  interdum  aquis  frigidisuti ;  modo  ungi,  modo 
id  ipsum  negligere.  iii.  24  :  Per  omne  tempus  utendum  est  exercitatione, 
fricaiione  et,  sihyems  est,  balneo;  si  cestas,  frigidis  natationihus.  In 
the  painting  there  is  a  particular  cella  by  the  side  of  the  sudatio, 
with  the  inscription  balneum  :  unquestionably  a  warm  bath,  for  the 
cella  frigidaria  is  given  in  addition  behind  the  tepidariuni.  We 
may  therefore  suppose  that  common  warm-baths  are  to  be  under- 
stood. Such  a  bath,  into  which  warm  water  only  was  conducted, 
might  very  suitably  have  been  of  wood  ;  not  so  thermae,  which 
presupposed  a  tepidarium  and  caldarium,  and  must  have  had 
hypocausta.  [Balneum,  or  lavatrina,  was  originally  the  proper 
term  for  bath,  which  it  always  continued  to  be,  in  a  general  sense  ; 
Charis.  i.  12.  p.  76:  Balneum  veteres  dixerunt  sire  balineum,  nihil 
enim  differt  publicum  ä  privatis  in  publicis  autem  femin.  gen.  et 
quidem  numero  semper  plurali  frequenter  balneas  et  balineas,  nee 
itnmerito,  nam  parsimonies  causa  uno  igne  duplex  balineum  calfacie- 
batit.  Varro,  L.  L.  ix.  iJS.  Later,  when  those  grand  institutions, 
resembling  the  Greek  gymnasiums,  sprung  up,  they  were  always 
provided  with  baths,  and  were  thence  called  thermce ;  whilst  the 
name  balneum  and  balnea  denoted,  in  a  narrower  sense,  the  regular 
bathing  establishments,  whether  public,  (publicee  balnece,  Varro), 


390  THE  BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

as  at  Pompeii,  or  small  domestic  bath-rooms.  Varro,  L.  L.  ix.  68 ; 
domi  suce  quisque  ubi  lavatur  balneum  dixerunt.  There  were  num- 
bers of  public  balnea  in  every  region  of  Home,  whilst  there  were 
but  few  thermae.  See  Charicles,  translated  by  Metcalf,  p.  123,  re- 
specting the  latter.  In  Dio  Cass.  liii.  27 ;  lxviii.  15,  the  thermce  are 
also  called  gymnasia ;  gymnastic  exercises  being  often  practised  in 
them,  particularly  in  winter.  Orell.  2591  :pila  lusithermis  Trajani, 
therm  is  Agrippce .  ] 

The  remaining  arrangements  and  decorations  of  the  baths  are, 
even  in  Pompeii,  elegant ;  yet  there  the  ornaments  appear  exceed- 
ingly mean,  compared  with  the  splendour  lavished  on  establish- 
ments of  this  sort  at  Rome,  as  may  be  best  conceived  from  the 
eighty-sixth  letter  of  Seneca,  who  after  describing  the  simplicity 
in  the  bath  of  the  great  Seipio,  says  :  At  nunc  quis  est,  qui  siclavari 
sustineat :  pauper  sibi  videtur  ac  sordidus,  nisi  parietes  magnis  et 
pretiosis  orbibus  refulserunt ;  nisi  Alexandrina  marmora  Numidieis 
erustis  distincta  sunt,;  nisi  illis  undique  ope>'osa  et  in  pictures  modum 
variata  camera ;  nisi  Thasius  lapis,  quondam  varum  in  aliquo  specta- 
culum  templo,  piscinas  nostras  circumdedit,  in  quas  multa  sudatione 
corpora  exinanita  demittimus ;  nisi  aquam  argentea  epistomia  fude- 
runt.  Et  adhuc  plebcias  fistulas  loquor :  quid  cum  ad  balnea  liberti- 
norum  pervenero  ?  Quantum  statuarum !  quantum  columnarum 
nihil  sustinentvum,  sed  in  ornamentum  positarum,  impensce  causa ! 
quantum  aquarum  per  gradus  cum  fragore  labentium  !  Eo  delicia- 
rum  pervenimus,  ut  nisi  gemmas  calcare  nolimus.  In  order  that  the 
temperature  of  the  water  might  always  continue  the  same,  warm 
water  constantly  flowed  in  :  recens  semper  velut  ex  calido  fonte 
currebat.  Not  less  magnificent  is  the  balneum  Etrusci  described 
by  Stat.  Silv.  i.  5,  of  which  he  says  (v.  47)  : 

Nil  ibi  plebeium  :  nusquam  Temesea  notabis 
JEra,  sed  argento  felix  propellitur  unda, 
Argentoque  eadit,  labrisque  mtentibus  intrat. 

What  Seneca  says  of  the  camera  is  more  clearly  expressed  by 
Statius  ;  vario  fastigia  vitro  in  species  animosque  nitent.  It  was 
mosaic  in  glass ;  also  mentioned  by  Pliny,  xxxvi.  25,  64.  Compare 
the  description  of  the  same  bath  in  Mart.  vi.  42,  and  Lucian's  bath 
of  Hippias. 

In  addition  to  other  things,  the  great  public  thermae  were  well  sup- 
plied with  amusements  of  all  sorts.  Even  libraries  were  introduced 
into  them ;  and  there  is  no  great  bath,  from  the  time  of  Agrippa  to 
Constantine,  in  which  a  place  was  not  assigned  to  them  in  the  plan. 
Nevertheless,  corroborations  from  ancient  writers  are  still  wanting  ; 
for,  with  the  exception  of  a  passage  of  Vopiscus,  in  the  life  of 


Scene  VII.]  THE    BATHS.  391 

Probus  (2),  Usus  aidem  sum—pr<ceipuc  libris  ex  bibliotheca  Ulpia, 
estate  mea  in  t her mis  Diocletianis,  we  do  not  remember  any  other 
mention  of  it.  Hirt  explains  tbe  words  of  Seneca,  De  tranq. 
(in.  9 :  Jam  enim  inter  bahearia  et  thermos  bibliotheca  quoque  ut 
necessarium  Junius  ornamentum  expolitur,  thus  :  '  It  was  considered 
as  a  necessary  ornament  to  have  libraries  between  the  bathing 
saloons  and  thermae ; '  bat  this  is  only  a  new  proof  of  great 
carelessness;  for  it  evidently  means  that  libraries  served  no  longer 
for  literary  wants  only,  but  it  was  the  fashion  to  have  them  in  the 
house,  and  they  were  considered  quite  as  necessary  appendages  as 
the  bath. 

Little  is  known  of  the  public  baths  of  Rome  in  the  time  of 
Gallus  ;  it  was  not  till  some  years  afterwards  that  Agrippa  built  his 
thermae,  together  with  the  Pantheon,  and  these  were  followed  by 
several  grand  buildings.  Till  that  time,  the  baths  most  likely  be- 
longed to  private  speculators,  and  the  bathers  had  to  pay ;  hence 
they  who  wished  to  curry  favour  with  the  people,  would  sometimes, 
in  addition  to  other  amusements  offer  a  free  use  of  the  baths.  So 
Dio  Cass,  relates  of  Faustus  (xxxvii.  51):  rd  n  Xovrpa  kcu  tXawv 
TrpolKaabroiq-a-apkaxtr:  of  Agrippa,  who  as  aedile  granted  baths  gratis 
all  the  year  through  to  men  and  women  (xlix.  43) ;  and  of  Augustus, 
who  returning  from  Germany,  roZ  ct'ifiip  rrpolKa  rd  re  Xovrpa  koI 
rove  Kovpiac.  n)v  i/pipav  tKiivtjv  nap't(j\(v.  Soon  after,  Agrippa  left 
his  thermae  to  the  people,  CJnrt  -muku  auroic  XovaVai.  Dio  Cass. 
liv.  29.  [Speaking  of  what  Agrippa  did  for  the  baths  at  Rome, 
Plinv  says  (xxxvi.  15,  24),  udjivit  ipse  in  cedilitatis  suce  commemora- 
tione  yratuita  prcebita  balineas  centum  septuagmta,  qua  mate  JRonite 
ad  infinitum  auxere  ntumerum.  The  number  of  these  balnea  publica 
(Orell.  643 ;  Cic.  p.  Ccel.  26 ;  Suet.  Oct.  94)  was  greatly  increased 
by  the  emperors.  Thus  Alex.  Severus,  according  to  Lamprid.  38, 
balnea  omnibus  reaionibus  addidit,  nam  hodieque  multa  dicuntur 
Alexandria  But  even  after  the  Neroniance  and  2W««were  added 
to  these,  the  private  establishments  for  bathing  still  remained  to 
satisfy  the  wants  in  this  respect.  Martial  mentions  four  of  these, 
balnea  quutuor  (v.  70, 4 ).  They  are  probably  those  named  (ii.  14, 11) : 

Nee  Fortunati  spernit,  nee  balnea  Fausti, 
Nee  Gryili  tenebras,  iEoliamque  Lupi. 
Nam  thermis  iterumque,  iterumque,  iterumque  lavatur ; 

consequently  four  times.  See  above.  Besides  these,  there  is  the 
bath  of  Etruscus,  and  the  impudici  balnea  TigelUni,  iii.  20, 16.  But 
tripliees  thermee  (x.  51,  12)  probably  mean  the  three  above-men- 
tioned establishments  ;  for  although  the  thermcc  Ayrippce  were  burnt 
down  under  Titus  (Dio  Cass.  lxvi.  24)  ;  yet  it  is  scarcely  credible 


392  THE    BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

that  Hadrian  was  the  first  to  undertake  to  restore  them  (Spart. 
Hadr.  29);  and  Martial  expressly  mentions  them,iii.  20, 15:  Titine 
thermis  an  lavatur  Jgrippa??  Whether  the  ttpoIkci  \oviaPai  con- 
tinued in  these  public  baths,  cannot  he  determined ;  only  it  must 
appear  strange,  that  everywhere  the  quadram  is  mentioned,  though 
nowhere  the  gratis  lavare.  [Yet  in  Orelli.  3326,  we  read  lavationem 
ex  sua  pecunia  gratuitam  in  perpetuum  dedit ;  also  3325,  a  legacy  is 
left  for  a  similar  purpose :  comp.  3772.]  Hor.  Sat.  i.  3,  137;  Mart. 
iii.  30,  4 ;  viii.  42 ;  Juven.  vi.  447 ;  ii.  152  ;  Sen.  Epist.  86,  balneum 
res  quadrantaria.  Are  we  always  to  refer  this  to  the  balnea  mari- 
tima, or  was  it  only  the  lowest  price  of  admission  for  the  commoner 
class,  or  was  this  trifle  paid  in  the  public  baths  also,  in  order  to 
cover  the  necessary  expenses  ?  It  is  erroneously  concluded  from 
Juvenal  (vi.  47),  that  the  women  paid  nothing;  but  the  above-cited 
passage  from  Dio  Cassius  sufficiently  contradicts  this  notion.  Most 
probably,  Roman  matrons  did  not  visit  such  public  baths  where  the 
quadrans  was  paid,  and  Juvenal  wishes  to  describe  the  customs  of 
the  men.  How  general  such  balnea  meritoria  were,  not  only  in 
Rome,  but  elsewhere  in  Italy  also,  is  seen  from  Plin.  Epist.  ii. 
17,  26. 

As  far  as  regards  bathing,  it  is  probable  that  in  more  ancient 
times  the  use  of  the  cold-water  bath  was  the  prevailing  one.  Hence 
also  Philematium,  in  Plaut.  Mostel.  i.  3,  1,  says  : 

Jam  pridem,  ecastor,  frigida  non  lavi  magis  lubenter, 
Nee  quom  me  melius,  mea  Scapha,  rear  esse  defa^catam : 

and  persons  of  simple  habits  of  life,  such  as  the  elder  Pliny,  adhered 
to  this  (Pliny,  Epist.  iii.  5,  11)  :  Post  solum  phrumque  frigida  lava- 
batur.  Comp.  vi.  16,  5.  Nevertheless,  they  had  caldaria  then  also, 
as  Seneca  mentions  in  the  case  of  Scipio  himself,  but  had  not  yet 
begun  to  think  about  a  temperature,  concerning  which  Seneca  says : 
Similis  incendio,  adeo  quidem,  ut  convictum  in  aliquo  scelere  servum 
vioum  lavari  oporteat.  Nihil  mihi  videtur  jam  Interesse,  ardeat  bal- 
neum, an  caleat.  This  seems  to  be  a  little  oratorical  exaggeration, 
though  Celsus  (i.  3)  mentions  a  fervens  balneum,  and  Trimalchio 
says,  in  Petron.  72,  Conjieiamus  nos  in  balneum.  Sic  calet,  tanquam 
furnus.  Perspiration  and  appetite,  which  earlier  generations  ob- 
tained by  corporeal  exertion,  and  agricultural  labour,  were  attained 
by  a  later  race,  that  lived  for  the  most  part  in  idle  inactivity,  by 
means  of  sudatoria  and  hot  baths.  Thus  Columella  judged  of  his 
time ;  and  after  mentioning  a  Cincinnatus,  Fabricius,  and  Curius 
Dentatus,  complains :  Omnes  enim  patresfamilice  falce  et  aratro  re- 
lictis  intra  murum  correpsimus,  et  in  circis  potius  ac  theatris,  quam  in 
segetibus  et  vinetis  manus  movemus.    Mox  deinde}ut  apte  veniamus  ad 


Scene  VII.]  THE    BATHS.  393 

ganeas,  quotidianam  cniditatem  laeonieis  excoqmmus,  et  exsucto  mi- 
dore  sitim  quterimus,  noctesque  libidinibus  et  ebrietatibus,  dies  ludo  vel 
somno  consumimus,  ac  nosmetipsos  ducimus  fortunatos,  quod  nee  orien- 
tem  so/em  vidimus,  nee  occidentem.  Comp.  Juven.  i.  1 43 ;  Sen.  Epist. 
51.  They  who  desired  to  use  the  hath  through  all  degrees  of  tem- 
perature, sought  first  to  give  their  hody  the  preparation  which  was 
considered  necessary,  by  some  sort  of  lighter  gymnastics,  hall-play, 
halteres,  and  the  like ;  and  the  baths  were  always  provided  with 
rooms  suitable  for  this  purpose.  On  the  arrival  of  the  hour  for 
opening  the  thermag,  a  signal  was  given  with  a  bell,  as  we  see 
from  Mart.  xiv.  163,  where,  under  the  Lemma  tintinnabulum,  he 


Redde  pilam  :  sonat  ses  thermarum  :   ludere  pergis  ? 
Virgine  vis  sola  lotus  abire  domum. 

Such  a  person  betook  himself,  most  probably,  into  the  tepidarium, 
in  order  not  to  be  exposed  suddenly  to  the  heat  of  the  caldarium, 
where  they  were  anointed  with  oil,  as  Celsus  expressly  says ;  and  it 
is  probable  that  this  was  the  place  generally  assigned  to  that  opera- 
tion, although  we  read  also  of  s]  ecial  unctoria.  It  is  strange  that 
in  the  Tuscum  of  Pliny,  where  there  was  a  cella  media  or  tepidaria, 
no  unctorium  is  mentioned,  as  is  the  case  in  the  Laurens,  where,  on 
the  other  hand,  there  seems  to  have  been  no  tepidarium.  The 
anointing  with  oil  took  place  both  before  and  after  the  bath,  and 
even  after  they  had  already  stepped  into  the  bath,  they  sometimes 
left  it  again,  to  be  anointed  a  second  time,  after  which  they  again 
betook  themselves  to  the  bath.     Celsus,  i.  3. 

They  took  the  oil  with  them  to  the  bath  (or  rather,  the  slave 
carried  it),  as  well  as  the  strigiles  and  lintea  to  dry  themselves. 
Hence  Varro  says  (JR.  R.  i.  55,  4)  :  (Olea)  dominum  in  balnea  sequi- 
tur.  Though  the  simplicity  of  earlier  times  was  content  with  the 
pure  oil  only,  this  at  a  later  period  was  changed  for  costly  salves,  of 
which  we  have  already  spoken.  No  doubt  people  anointed  them- 
selves at  other  times  besides  at  the  bath,  in  order  to  reek  of  per- 
fume the  whole  day  through.  Sen.  Epist.  86  :  Parian  est  sumere 
unguentum,  ni  bis  die  terque  renovetur,  ne  evanescat  in  cotpore.  Quid 
quod  odore,  t  inquam  suo,  gloriantur.  See  Boettig.  Sab.  i.  146  ;  and 
concerning  he  alabastra,  his  Die  Aldobrand  Ilochz.  47 '.  [Even  the 
clothes  were  anointed  with  aromatic  oils,  Juv.  iii.  2(33 :  Jain  lavat 
et  pleno  componii  lintea  gutto.  Mart.  viii.  3, 10  ;  Clem.  Alex.  Pcedag. 
ii.  8,  p.  207.] 

The  strigiles,  or  scrapers,  are  known  to  us  from  the  gymnasia. 
In  the  baths  they  were  used  for  scraping  away  oil  and  impurities 
from  the  skin  [defricare].     In  the  Mus.  Borb.  we  have  a  whole 


194 


THE   BATHS. 


[Excursus  I. 


bathing  apparatus,  consisting  of  four  strigiles,  an  unguentarium,  for 
the  form  of  which  the  name  ampulla  olearia  {ampulla  cosmiance, 
Mart.  iii.  82,  26  ;  xiv.  110),  seems  tobe  very  suitable,  and  a  patera, 
with  handle,  or  by  whatever  name  this  pan-like  utensil  is  to  be 
called,  an  engraving  of  which  follows.  All  these  utensils  hung  on  a 


ring,  which  could  be  opened,  to  let  them  be  taken  off,  and  bring  to 
mind  the  passage  of  Appuleius,  Florid,  ii.  9,  34,  where  we  read  of 
Ilippias  :  Qui  magno  in  catu  prcedicamt  fabric.atam  sibimet  ampullam 
quoque  oleariam,  quam  gestabat,  lenticular i forma,  tereti  ambitu,  pres- 
sula  rotunditate  ;  juxtaque  honestam  strigileeulam,  recta  fastigatione 
clausula,  Jlexa  tubtdatione  ligtdce,  utet  ipsa  in  manu  capulo  motaretur, 
et  sudor  ex  ea  rivulo  laberetur.  Thus  also,  just  after,  he  connects 
both  :  strigilem  et  ampidlam,  cateraque  balnei  utensilia  nundinis  mer- 
cari.  [Comp.  Suet.  Oct.  80;  Juv.  iii.  262.]  The  description  of  the 
strigiles  quite  agrees  with  the  form  of  those  at  Pompeii,  and  that 
in  the  painting  from  the  baths  of  Titus  ;  for  they  all  have  a  hollow, 
in  which,  when  scraped  over  the  body,  sweat,  oil,  or  water  collected, 
and  ran  off  as  it  were  by  a  gutter.     Boettiger  supposes  that  the 


Scene  VII.]  THE    BATHS.  395 

strigiles  of  the  athletes  were  different  from  those  used  at  the  hath, 
which,  however,  cannot  easily  he  shown  to  have  been  the  case  from 
the  existing  monuments. 

The  third  utensil  is  explained  to  be  a  vas  potorium,  because  it 
was  customary  after  the  bath  os  calida,  or  frigida  fovere  (Celsus,  i. 
3),  and  frequently.  If  we  compare  what  the  parasite  (in  Plaut. 
Pers.  i.  3,  43)  says : 

Cynica  esse  e  gente  oportet  parasitum  probe : 
Ampullam,  strigiles,  scaphium,  soccos,  pallium, 
Marsupium  habeat; 
we  might  perhaps  apply  the  name  scaphium  thereto,  though  we 
gather  nothing  from  thence  respecting  its  use. 

To  the  bath-utensils  belong,  lastly,  the  lintea,  the  linen  cloths 
for  drying  with.  That  linen  ones  only  were  used  for  this  purpose, 
has  been  shown  by  Becker  {Nachträge  zum  Augusteum,  45),  and  the 
use  by  Trimalchio  (in  Petron.  28)  of  woollen  cloths  for  that  purpose, 
is  an  eccentricity.  So  also  in  Appul.  Met.  i.  17,  72:  Ac  simul  ex 
promtuario  oleum  unctui  et  lintea  tersui  et  ccetera  hide  eidem  usui 
prof  er  ociter,  et  hospilcm  meum  produc  ad  proximas  balneas  ;  Plaut. 
Cure.  iv.  4,  22,  linteumque  extersui.  These,  and  not  cloths,  are  meant 
by  Martial,  xiv.  51  : 

Pergamus  has  misit,  curvo  destringere  ferro : 
Non  tain  ssepe  teret  lintea  fullo  tibi. 

After  this  process  was  over,  they  passed  into  the  caldarium,  and 
took  their  place  on  the  seats  that  ran  up  towards  the  wall  in  the 
manner  of  steps,  probably  by  degrees  higher  and  nearer  to  the  laco- 
nicum,  then  again  farther  off,  according  to  the  degree  of  heat 
desired.  After  having  succeeded  in  causing  perspiration,  they 
stepped  either  into  the  hot-water  bath,  or  got  themselves  sprinkled 
with  water,  generally  perhaps  cold,  or  retired  immediately  into  the 
frigidarium,  in  order  to  brace  the  relaxed  skin  by  the  cold  bath. 
Petron.  28:  Itaque  intravimus  balneum,  et  sudor e  calefacti  momento 
temporis  ad  frigidam  eximus,  where  Erhard  cites  Sidon.  Carm.  19 : 
Intrate  algentes  post  balnea  torrida  flue  I  us, 
Ut  solidet  calidam  frigore  lympha  eutem. 

So  Martial,  vi.  42,  16 : 

Ritus  si  placeant  tibi  Laconum 
Contentus  potes  arido  vapore 
Cruda  Virgine  Martiave  mergi. 

This  manner  of  bathing  was  of  course  not  always  pursued 
throughout,  many  contenting  themselves  with  the  cold,  others  with 
the  warm-bath.  The  women,  even  the  noblest  of  them,  visited  the 
public  baths  as  well  as  the  men.     [No  doubt  they  had  separate 


396  THE    BATHS.  [Excursus  I. 

rooms.  Yarro,  L.  L.  ix.  68 ;  Orell.  3324,  bal.  virilia  and  bal.  midiebre. 
See  above.]  This  we  see  from  the  narrative  of  Atia,  tlie  mother  of 
Octavian,  who,  after  the  fabulous  rencontre  in  the  temple  of  Apollo, 
had  borne  on  her  person  ever  after  the  indelible  mark  of  a  serpent: 
adeo  id  mox  publicis  balneis  perpetuo  abstinucrit.  This  led  afterwards 
to  the  gross  immorality  of  men  and  women  bathing  together,  often 
alluded  to  by  Juvenal  and  Martial ;  but  we  must  not  believe  that 
this  impropriety  was  general.  On  the  contrary,  they  were  no  doubt 
impudicce  midieres  who  did  so,  the  number  of  whom  at  Rome  was 
very  great.  Hence  Quinctilian  says,  Inst.  v.  9  :  Signum  est  adulterce, 
luvari  cum  viris ;  but  still  he  could  not  have  been  living  at  the 
time  when  this  licentiousness  was  interdicted;  for  Hadrian  was  the 
first  to  put  an  end  to  the  disorder,  though  only  for  a  brief  period. 
Dio  Cass.  lxix.  8.  Spartian.  Hadr.  18 :  Lavacra  pro  sexibus  sepa- 
ravit.  The  renewal  afterwards  of  these  interdicts  shows  that  the 
evil  could  not  be  eradicated.  [Capit.  M.  Ant.  Phil.  23 ;  Lamprid.  Sev. 
Alex.  24.  Heliogabalus  actually  allowed  it;  Lamprid.  Heliog.  31.] 
The  hour  for  bathing  was,  as  is  well  known,  that  preceding  din- 
ner-time, but,  like  that,  it  varied  partly  on  account  of  the  different 
length  of  the  hours  of  the  day,  partly  because  persons  much  engaged 
in  business  could  not  spare  time  for  repose  so  easily  as  those  who 
were  idle.  Pliny  says  of  Spurinna,  Ep.  iii.  1,  8  :  Ubi  hora  balinei 
nuntiata  est — est  autem  hieme  nana,  cestate  octava — in  sole,  si  caret 
venio,  ambidat  nudus.     On  the  contrary,  we  have  in  Mart.  iii.  36 : 

Lassus  ut  in  thermas  deeima,  vel  serius,  hora 
Te  sequar  Agrippse,  cum  laver  ipse  Titi ; 

and  x.  70,  13,  Balnea  post  decimam  lasso  pctuntur.  We  have  there- 
fore only  to  consider  which  hour  was  the  most  usual.  This  point 
has  been  treated  of  at  length  by  Salmas.  ad  Spartian.  Hadr.  22 ; 
Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev.  25;  Vopisc.  Florian.  6;  but  the  result  he  arrives 
at  on  the  passage  of  Lampridius,  Thermce  apud  veteres  non  ante 
nonam  aperiebantur,  cannot  possibly  be  considered  correct.  It  is 
true  that  the  most  usual  hour  for  bathing  was  the  eighth,  as  is  cor- 
roborated by  many  passages,  which  need  not  be  repeated  ;  but  it  is 
also  evident  that  persons  bathed  earlier  too,  and  this  was  not  only 
the  case  with  the  private  baths,  but  the  thermas  also  were  open. 
Mart.  x.  48 : 

Nunciat  octavam  Phariae  sua  turba  juvencse, 

Et  pilata  redit  jamque  subitque  cohors. 
Temperat  hsec  thermas  ;  nimios  prior  hora  vapores 

Halat,  et  immodico  sexta  Nerone  ealet. 

From  which  we  certainly  see  that  persons  might  bathe  in  the  public 
baths  at  the  seventh  and  even  at  the  sixth  hour.  Moreover,  Juvenal, 


Scene  VII.]  THE    BATHS.  397 

xi.  205,  cannot  be  otherwise  understood  :  Jam  nunc  in  balnea  saint 
Fronte  licet  vadas,  quamquam  solida  hora  supersit  Ad  sextam  ;  and 
j  ust  as  unequivocal  are  tlie  words  of  Vitruvius,  v.  10 :  maxime  tempus 
lavandi  a  meridiano  ad  vesperum  esst  constitutum.  When  therefore 
Spartian  says  of  Hadrian  (c.  22)  :  Ante  horam  octavam  in  publico 
neminem  nisi  cegrum  lavari  •passu*  est,  this  was  nothing  but  a  new 
arrangement,  and  shows  that  the  matter  was  differently  arranged 
before.  At  a  later  period  the  time  of  bathing  was  extended  to  night- 
time also.  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev.  24:  Addidit  et  oleum  luminibus  ther- 
marum,  quum  antea  nun  ante  auroram  paterent,  et  ante  soli's  occasion 
claudcrentur.  A  remarkable  passage,  if  the  reading  non  ante  auro- 
ram were  to  be  relied  on ;  but  it  appears  strange  that  before  the 
time  of  Alexander  the  therrnse  in  Rome  were  shut  after  sunset, 
whilst  the  lamps  discovered  in  Pompeii,  and  the  traces  of  smoke  in 
the  hollows  made  for  them,  establish  the  fact,  that  people  bathed 
by  lamp-light.  Tacitus  again  restricted  the  time  to  the  length  of 
the  day.  Vopisc.  Tac.  10  :  Thermas  omnes  ante  lucernam  claudi 
jussit,  ne  quid  per  noctem  seditionis  oriretur.  But  probably  this  did 
not  continue  long  in  force,  and  later  we  find  a  certain  sum  allotted 
to  defray  the  cost  of  lighting.  Cod.  Justin,  viii.  12,  19  :  Quia  phi- 
rimce  domus  cum  officinis  suis  in  porticibus  Zeuxippi  esse  memorantur, 
reditus  memoratorum  locorum  pro  quant  it  ate  qua  placuit  act '  prcebenda 
luminaria  et  cedißcia  ac  tecta  reparanda  regies  hujus  urbis  lavacro 
sine  aliqua  jubemus  excusatione  conferri.  In  the  relief  first  commu- 
nicated by  Mercurialis,  the  bathing  is  evidently  represented  as 
going  on  at  night-time,  for  above  the  labrum,  a  lucerna  trimyxos 
burns  on  the  wall.     [Liban.  Orot.  xxii.  t.  ii.  p.  3.] 

The  baths  became  by  degrees  places  of  the  most  foolish  de- 
bauchery ;  and  although  what  is  related  by  Suetonius  of  Caligula, 
c.  37,  Commentus  novum  balnearum  usum,  portentosissima  genera  cibo- 
rum  atque  ccenarum,  ut  calidis  friyidisque  unguentts  lavaretur,  etc., 
and  by  Lampridius  of  Heliogabalus,  c.  19,  Hie  non  nisi  unguento 
nobili  aut  croco  piscinis  infectis  natucit,  may  be  reckoned  among  the 
particular  follies  of  these  foolish  persons,  still  this  much  is  certain, 
that  even  without  these,  there  was  a  most  inordinate  display  of 
luxury  at  these  places.     [Orell.  Inscr.  4810  : 

Balnea,  vina,  Venus,  corrumpunt  corpora  nostra.] 
Especially  was  this  the  case  with  the  ladies,  as,  for  instance,  the 
women  of  Nero  used  to  bathe  in  asses'  milk.     See  Boettig.  Sab. 
i.48. 


EXCUESUS   II.     SCENE  VII. 


THE  GAME  OF  BALL  AND  OTHER  GYMNASTIC 
EXERCISES. 

THE  daily  bath,  and  previous  to  it  strong  exercise,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  causing  perspiration,  were  inseparable,  in  the  minds  of 
the  Romans,  from  the  idea  of  a  regular  and  healthy  mode  of  life. 
They  had  a  multitude  of  exercises,  more  or  less  severe,  which  were 
regularly  gone  through  every  day  before  the  bath,  thus  rendering 
the  body  strong  and  active,  and  exciting  a  greater  appetite  for  the 
meal  that  was  to  follow.  [The  exercitatio  preceded  the  bath.  Mart. 
xiv.  163 ;  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6,  125 : 

Ast  ubi  me  fessum  sol  acrior  ire  lavatum 
Admonuit,  fugio  campuni  lusumque  trigonam. 

Lamprid.  Sev.  Alex.  30.     See  below.] 

Of  course  these  exercises  were  confined  to  the  male  sex,  as 
gymnastics  were  considered  unbecoming  and  indecent  for  women 
(Mart.  vii.  67,  4 ;  Juven.  vi.  246,  419),  and  in  Greece  the  Spartan 
unfeminineness  ( lihidinosce  Lacedcemonis  jxdeestree,  Mart.  iv.  55,  6), 
afforded  great  cause  for  ridicule.  See  Aristoph.  Lysistr.  81  [Plato, 
de  Leg.  vii.  12,  p.  806] ;  although  Proper!  iii.  14,  and  Ovid.  Her.xvi. 
149,  for  reasons  easily  understood,  dwell  with  pleasure  on  this  vir- 
ginea  palaestra. 

These  antique  gymnastics,  or  rather  those  of  the  Romans,  which 
will  alone  form  the  subject  of  our  present  inquiry,  differed  in  many 
respects  from  those  of  modern  times,  in  which  they  are  confined  to 
the  period  of  youth.  In  Rome,  on  the  contrary,  there  was  not  the 
slightest  idea  of  impropriety  when  the  consul  or  triumphator,  the 
world-ruling  Caesar  himself,  sought  in  the  game  of  ball,  or  other 
kinds  of  gymnastics,  an  exertion  wholesome  for  both  body  and  mind ; 
and  they  who  omitted  such  exercises  were  accused  of  indolence. 
Suetonius  thus  characterises  Augustus'  increasing  attachment  to 
ease:  Exereäationescampestres  equorum  et  armorum  statim  postcivdia 
bella  omisit,  et  ad  pilam  primo  foUicidumque  transiit:  mox  nihil  aliud 
quam  vectabatur  et  deambulabat.  Aug.  83.  [Val.  Max.  viii.  8, 2, says 
of  the  famous  Q.  Mucius  Scaavola,  Augur  :  optime  jyila  lusisse  tra- 
ditio-. Lamprid.  Sev.  Alex.  30.]  No  other  passages  need  be  adduced, 
for  of  all  the  men  of  consequence  at  Rome,  few  only  (as  Cicero,  pro 
Arch.  6)  formed  exceptions  to  the  general  rule. 


Scene  VII.]        THE    GAME    OF   BALL,    &c.  399 

One  of  the  most  favourite  exercises  for  young  and  old,  the 
advantages  of  which  had  been  extolled  by  Galen  in  a  treatise  Tipi 
jjtKpäf;  (Toaloac,  was  the  game  of  ball,  which,  from  its  frequent  men- 
tion, and  the  various  ways  of  playing  it,  deserves  a  particular  expo- 
sition. The  passages  referring  to  it  will  not,  however,  admit  of  our 
arriving  at  a  distinct  idea  of  the  method  of  play,  as  is  the  case  in 
most  descriptions  of  such  matters,  which  must  have  been  supposed 
to  have  been  known  to  contemporaries.  [See  Sidon.  Apoll.  Ep.  v. 
17,  ii.  9.     Adults  in  Italy  frequently  play  at  ball  now.] 

Roman  authors  mention  numerous  varieties  of  the  game  of  ball, 
as  pila  simply,  fottis  or  folliciilus,  trigon,  paganica,  harpastum,  spar- 
siva,  in  addition  to  which  we  have  the  expressions,  datatim,  expulsim, 
rapUm  ludere;  geminare,  revocare,  reddere pilam.  [Comp.  Poll.  ix. 
104.]  But  it  seems  that  we  can  only  admit  of  three  different  kinds 
of  ball ;  pila,  in  the  more  confined  sense,  the  small  regular  ball, 
which  however  might  be  harder,  or  more  elastic,  for  different  kinds 
of  play  ;  follis,  the  great  ballon,  as  the  name  indicates,  merely  filled 
with  air  (like  our  foot-ball),  and  paganica.  Concerning  the  use  of 
the  last  we  have  the  least  information ;  Martial  mentions  it  only  in 
two  passages,  vii.  32  : 

Non  pila,  non  follis,  non  te  paganica  thermis 
Prseparat,  aut  nudi  stipitis  ictus  hebes. 
and  xiv.  45 : 

Usee  quse  difficili  turget  paganica  pluma, 
Folle  minus  laxa  est,  et  minus  arta  pila. 

As  the  paganica  is  opposed  in  both  places  to  the  follis  and  the  pila, 
and  no  fourth  kind  is  mentioned  in  addition  to  them,  we  must  sup- 
pose that  one  or  other  of  these  three  balls  was  used  in  all  varieties 
of  the  game.  The  words  paganica,  folic  minus  laxa,  minus  arta 
pila,  are  incorrectly  explained  by  Rader  and  Mercurialis,  as  applying 
to  the  contents  of  the  ball.  The  use  of  both  adjectives  leaves  no 
doubt  that  the  size  of  the  ball  is  spoken  of,  and  in  this  respect  it 
stood  between  the  follis  and  pila.  No  doubt  it  also  so  far  differed 
from  the  former,  that  it  was  stuffed  with  feathers,  and  was  conse- 
quently somewhat  heavier ;  this  is  all  that  we  know  about  it.  The 
poet  gives  no  hint  concerning  the  origin  of  the  name,  nor  about  the 
game  for  which  it  was  used.  On  an  intaglio  in  Beger  (  Thes.  Brand. 
139),  a  naked  male  figure  sits  holding  in  each  hand  a  ball,  supposed 
to  be  the  paganica,  because  apparently  too  small  for  the  follis,  and 
too  large  for  the  pila,  for  they  are  not  clasped  within  the  hand. 
But  this  is  evidently  a  very  insecure  argument,  and,  as  regards  the 
game,  nothing  would  follow  from  it. 

The  follis,  the  great  but  light  ball  or  ballon,  was  struck  by  the 


400  THE    GAME   OF   BALL,  [Excursus  II. 

fist  or  arm.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  words  of  Trachalio,  in 
Plaut.  Rial.  iii.  4,  10,  Extemplo,  hercle,  ego  te  follem  pugillatorium 
faciam,  et pendentem  incur sabo pugnis,  refer  to  this  ;  for  a  distended 
skin  may  also  be  understood,  by  which  the  pugiles  practised  them- 
selves, as  the  gladiatores  did  with  a  post.  If  we  may  trust  the  copy 
given  by  Mercurialis  (de  Arte  Gymnast.)  of  a  coin  of  Gordian  III., 
the  right  arm  was  sometimes  equipped  with  a  kind  of  glove,  to 
assist  in  striking.  The  game  did  not  require  any  veiy  severe  exer- 
tion, on  which  account  Martial  (xiv.  47)  says : 

Ite  procul  juvenes  ;  mitis  mihi  convenit  astas  : 
Folie  decet  pueros  ludere,  fülle  senes. 

The  diminutive  fulliculus  is  sometimes  used,  but  there  is  not 
sufficient  ground  for  supposing  it  to  have  been  the  paganica  ;  pila 
and  follis,  however,  denote  in  general  the  whole  science  of  sphae- 
ristic,  and  therefore  included  the  paganica,  as  being  intermediate 
between  them. 

The  other  games  were  all  played  with  the  pila,  and  whenever 
follis  and  paganica  are  not  expressly  designated,  we  must  always 
understand  the  small  ball.  Hence  Martial,  in  the  Apophoretce,  has 
no  particular  epigram  upon  it ;  for  it  is  already  meant  under  the 
trigon  and  harpastum.  The  special  mention  of  both  these  appears 
to  be  grounded  on  the  difference  of  the  games,  of  which  we  shall 
hereafter  speak. 

Before  we  proceed  to  discuss  the  regular  games,  the  expressions 
datatim  and  expulsim  ludere  must  be  explained.  By  the  first  seems 
to  be  meant  the  most  simple  use  of  the  pila,  in  which  two  persons 
opposite  each  other,  either  threw  a  ball  alternately  to  one  another, 
or  perhaps  each  threw  a  ball  simultaneously,  and  caught  the  other 
thrown  to  him.  [Non.  ii.  213,  datatim,  i.  e.  invicem  dando.~\  This 
took  place  even  in  the  streets,  as  we  see  from  Plaut.  (Curcul. 
ii.  3,  17),  where  the  parasite  says  threateningly  to  all  who  meet 
him: 

Turn  isti  qui  ludunt  datatim  servi  scurrarum  in  via, 
Et  datores,  et  factores,  omnes  subdam  sub  solum. 

Comp.  Nov.  ap.  Non.  ii.  268  [in  molis  non  ludunt  raptim  pila,  data- 
tim morso.  Enn.  in  Isidor.  i.  25]  ;  the  commentators  Burm.  adPetr. 
27 ;  and  especially  Grronovius'  note  to  the  passage  in  Plautus.  We 
find  this  simple  kind  of  spkseristic,  though  in  conjunction  with 
orchestic,  in  the  case  of  Homer's  Pha>aciau9.     Odyss.  viii.  374  : 

t\)V  €TfpOS  ptlTTatTKi  7TOTI  l>4<pta  (TKlSfVTa 

iSvccöels  oiriau  ■   6  8'  airb  ^Soj/bs  vtyöo'  äepdels, 
pT)'i8iu)s  jUe0e'A.6(TK€  irapos  irocrlv  ovSas  iicitrBai. 

And  the  words  in  the  fragment  of  Damoxenos,  in  Athen,  i.  26, 


Scjbnb  VII.]     AND  OTHER  GYMNASTIC  EXERCISES.       401 

?7  Xapßävwv  Tt)v  oQatpuv  ij  didoiic,  appear  to  mean  the  same  thing. 
But  Seneca  (de  Benef.  ii.  17),  certainly  alludes  to  such  throwing 
and  catching  (Pilam)  cadere  non  est  dubiunx,  aid  miitentis  vitio,  aut 
accipientis.  Tunc  cursum  mum  served  ubi  inter  manus  xitriusqxie  apte 
ab  utroque  et  jactata  et  excepta  versatur.  This  will  be  made  still 
more  clear  by  the  passages  to  be  quoted  below. 

But  although  this  expression  can  be  explained  without  difficulty, 
the  second,  expxilsim  ludere,  is  obscure,  if  we  are  to  understand  it 
as  a  .special  variety  of  the  game.  Varro  says,  Non.  ii.  281 :  Videbis 
in  foro  ante  lanienas  pueros  pila  expidsim  ludere  ;  and  similarly  in 
Petron.  27,  we  have  lusu  expellente.  From  neither  of  these  passages 
is  it  clear  what  kind  of  game  can  be  meant ;  it  is  certain  only  that 
the  notion  of  striking  or  striking  back,  without  catching  it,  is  not 
necessarily  contained  in  expellere.  This  is  apparent  from  its  being 
also  used  of  trigon.     Mart.  xiv.  46  : 

Si  me  mobilibus  scis  expidsare  sinistris, 
Sum  tua  :  si  nescis,  rustice,  redde  pilam. 

But  it  is  certain  that  the  trigon  was  meant  to  be  caught.  Still  more 
erroneous  is  the  opinion  of  Wüstemann  (Pal.  d.  Scaur.  192),  that 
the  ball  was  struck  with  a  racquet.  It  rests  on  a  misunderstood 
passage  of  Ovid's  Art.  Am.  iii.  361 : 

Retieuloque  pilae  leves  fundantur  aperto  ; 
Nee,  nisi  quam  tolles,  ulla  moveuda  pila  est. 

A  glance  at  these  words  is  sufficient  to  show  that  they  contain  no 
allusion  to  sphaeristic,  and  that  reticulum  means  an  open  net  or 
purse  into  which  a  number  of  balls  were  shaken,  in  order  to  be 
taken  out  again  one  by  one,  during  which  process,  no  other  ball, 
but  that  which  was  to  be  taken  out,  might  be  moved. 

Apart  from  the  passage  in  Varro,  from  which  we  are  not  able  to 
gather  the  meaning  of  the  word  expellere,  expidsare  seems  (at 
least  in  trigon)  only  to  signify  generally  the  throwing  of  the  ball. 
So  also  Seneca  uses  the  stronger  expression,  reperexdere  (see  the 
passage  quoted  above).  Pila  xxtcunque  venerit,  manus  illam  expedita 
et  ay  ills  repercutiet.  Si  cum  tirone  negotium  est,  non  tarn  rigide,  nee 
tarn  excusse,  sed  languidius  et  in  ipsam  ejus  dirigentes  manum,  remisse 
occurramus.  Here  he  speaks  of  the  datatim  ludere,  as  indeed  is 
requisite  from  the  nature  of  the  comparison  ;  for  dare  et  accipere 
beneßeium  and  mittere  et  excipere  pilam,  are  opposed  to  each  other. 
It  is  quite  clear  from  the  following  passage,  that  reperexdere  does 
not,  as  might  be  supposed,  signify  to  strike  back,  and  that  on  the 
contrary,  a  game  between  two  only,  in  which  the  ball  was  thrown 
back  and  caught,  is  mentioned  (32)  :  Sicxd  in  Ixmi  est  aliquid,  pilam 

D  D 


402  THE   GAME    OF   BALL,  [Excobsus  II. 

scite  ac  diligenter  excipere,  sed  non  dicitur  bonus  lusor,  nisi  qui  apte  et 
expedite  remisit,  quam  exeeperat ;  and  immediately  after,  nee  tarnen 
ideo  non  bonum  lusorem  dieam,  qui  pilam,  id  oportebat,  excepit  si  per 
ipsum  mora,  quominus  remitteret,  non  fuit.  [The  word  expulsim 
must  mean  something  more  than  remitiere  ;  not  to  mention  that 
otherwise  there  would  he  no  difference  hetween  the  two  sorts  of 
playing,  datatim  and  expulsim.  Remitiere,  as  Seneca  says  (c.  32), 
denotes  the  throwing  hack  the  ball  which  has  been  actually  caught 
(excipere),  and  is  the  characteristic  of  the  datatim  ;  on  the  other 
hand,  expidsare  and  repercutere  must  mean  the  striking  back  the 
ball  thrown  to  one,  either  towards  the  thrower,  or  further  on,  to  a 
third  player ;  and  this  is  the  expulsim  ludere,  whereof  Seneca  speaks 
in  the  first  passage.  In  the  trigon,  both  the  datatim  and  the  expul- 
sim may  be  used  (see  Martial) ;  since  all  that  is  required  is  three 
active  players,  who  first  agree  as  to  the  method  of  throwing  to  be 
used.     Thus  Herzberg  explains  Prop.  iii.  12,  5  : 

Cum  pila  veloci  fallit  per  brachia  jactu, 
of  the  ball,  which  is  thrown  or  struck  on  rapidly  from  arm  to  arm.] 
Amongst  the  more  intricate  kinds  of  play,  the  trigon,  pila  trigo- 
nalis,  appears  to  have  been  by  far  the  most  popular  and  common, 
although  it  is  not  till  a  later  period  that  we  obtain  intelligence  of 
its  existence.  The  name  itself  seems  to  explain  the  nature  of  the 
game,  in  which  three  players  were  required,  who  stood  in  a  triangle, 
iv  Tpiyüvq).  [Isid.  xviii.  69.]  We  know  simply  that  the  expert 
players  threw  and  caught  only  with  the  left  hand,  as  Martial  says 
in  more  than  one  epigram ;  for  instance,  in  the  above  mentioned 
Apophoretum : 

Si  me  mobilibus  seis  expulsare  sinistris, 
Sum  tua :  si  neseis,  rustice,  redde  pilam. 

Also  (vii.  72,  9)  : 

Sic  palmam  tibi  de  trigone  nudo 
Unctse  det  favor  arbiter  coronse, 
Nee  laudet  Polybi  magis  sinistras. 

The  passage  xii.  83,  where  the  parasite  Menogenes  is  laughed  at  by 
the  poet,  because  he  caught  the  ball  with  the  right,  as  well  as  with 
the  left  hand,  might  almost  lead  us  to  the  supposition  that  each 
person  numbered  the  balls  caught,  for  it  runs  thus  : 
Captabit  tepidum  dextra  lsevaque  trigonem, 
Imputet  exeeptas  ut  tibi  ssepe  pilas. 

He  hoped  by  this  means  to  obtain  a  claim  on  the  table  of  the  per- 
son playing  with  him.  [Herzberg  explains  this  also  of  expulsim 
ludere,  but  exeeptas  would  seem  rather  to  refer  to  the  datatim.] 
The  word  tepidum,  applied   to  the  trigon  here  (and  iv.   19,  5) 


Scene  VIT.]     AND  OTHER  GYMNASTIC  EXERCISES.        40 S 

doubtless  refers  to  the  heating  nature  of  the  game  ;  hut  we  must 
not  suppose  that  it  means  the  hall  warmed  in  the  hand,  hut  hy  a 
usual  metonymy  of  the  effect  produced.  No  artistic  representations 
of  such  sphasristic  have  come  down  to  us.  That  which  Mercurialis 
copies  from  coins  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  and  a  perfect  resemblance  of 
which  is  to  be  found  in  a  painting  on  a  ceiling  (see  Descr.  d.  Bains 
de  Titus,  pi.  17),  is  another  game  with  several  balls. 

The  liar  past  um  was  unquestionably  a  more  severe  exercise,  the 
chief  passage  respecting  winch  is  to  be  found  in  A  theme  us  (i.  25, 20), 
with  the  fragment  of  Antiphanes.  Though  there  may  be  some 
obscurity  respecting  it,  it  is  certain  that  a  ball  was  thrown  amongst 
the  players,  of  which  each  one  tried  to  obtain  possession ;  for  he 
says,  Tvepi  fUKpac  otyaipag  (c.  ii.  902)  :  orav  yap  avvidTafievoi  irpbg 
aWijXovg  ical  cnroKuAvovreg  ixfapiräoai  rbv  /itraKv  eiairovÜHJi,  /usyi- 
arov  aiiTÖ  icai  atyoCpÖTarov  Kaßiararai,  TroWolg  piv  rpa\r)\iajxoig  tto\- 
Acrie  S"  äi'TiKijtlKTt  TrakaiaritcmQ  ivaftt/ityfisvov.  Hence  in  Martial 
(iv.  19),  harpasta  pulverulenta.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  not 
only  there,  but  also  xiv.  48,  Harpasta, 

Hsec  rapit  Antsei  velox  de  pulvere  draucus, 
Grandia  qui  vano  colla  labore  facit. 

the  plural  is  used,  whilst  follis,  paganica,  trigonalis,  are  in  the  sin- 
gular. We  may  almost  believe  therefore  that  sometimes,  if  not 
always,  the  contest  was  for  several  balls.  It  is  moreover  very  pro- 
bable that  the  proverb  in  Plaut.  True.  iv.  1,  8,  mea  pila  est,  may 
refer  to  such  a  game.  That  this  game  was  boisterous  enough,  is 
evident  from  Athenseus ;  hence  Martial,  too,  mentions  participation 
in  it  as  one  of  the  improprieties  of  Philsenis,  vii.  07  :  Harpasto  quo- 
que  subligata  ludit. 

The  verses  of  Saleius  Bassus,  Paneg.  in  Pis.  173, 
Nee  tibi  mobilitas  minor  est,  si  forte  volantem 
Aut  geminare  pilam  juvat,  ant  revocare  eadentem, 
Et  non  sperato  fugientem  reddere  gestu  ; 
cannot  be  referred  either  to  the  harpastum  or  the  trigon.     Here, 
in  point  of  fact,  a  striking  of  the  ball  backwards  and  forwards  seems 
to  be  spoken  of,  but  whether  the  paganica  be  alluded  to  or  not,  we 
shall  not  attempt  to  determine.     In  no  case  is  the  follis  meant ;  for 
it  was  not  caught ;  and  yet  the  words  revocare  eadentem  {in  mantis) 
si°nify  this.     But  geminare  pilam  and  reddere  fugientem  appear  to 
be  understood  of  striking,  as  Manil.  v.  165  : 

Hie  pilam  celeri  fugientem  reddere  planta, 

Et  pedibus  pensare  manus,  et  ludere  saltu. 

With  just  as  little  probability  can  we  venture  to  explain  the  ^7« 

sparsiva  in  Petron.  27,  as  even  the  reading  is  doubtful.     Thus  much 

D   D   2 


404  THE    GAME    OF   BALL,  [Excursus  II. 

only  is  apparent,  that  the  game  was  played  by  many  persons,  and 
with  many  balls.  Besides  these  most  usual,  and  therefore  to  us 
better  known  games,  it  is  very  natural  to  suppose  that  there  were 
many  other  varieties. 

Anotber  species  of  gymnastics  was  the  swinging  of  the  kälteres, 
weights,  which,  in  practising  to  leap,  were  held  in  the  hands.  .Repre- 
sentations of  this  exercise  are  to  be  found  on  gems  and  in  paintings. 
See  Tassie,  Catal  pi.  46,  7978 ;  Descr.  d.  Bains  de  Tit.  pi.  17.  Paus. 
i.  25,  26,  ii.  3,  adduces  statues  with  Judteres;  and  on  the  base  of  a 
restored  statue  of  a  boxer,  in  the  Dresden  collection  (Aug.  t.  109), 
hang  the  halteres  as  well  as  the  cestus.  [Pausan.  v.  27,  8.]  In  the 
Roman  gymnastics,  these  masses  of  lead  served  not  only  as  spring- 
ing-weights,  but  were  held  in  the  hand  and  swung  in  various  direc- 
tions with  the  arms.  This  bodily  exercise  is  mentioned  by  Seneca, 
Ep.  15  :  Sunt  exercitationes  et  faciles  et  breves.  C'ursuset  cum  aliquo 
pondere  maims  motes  ;  and  (Ep.  56)  where  he  is  describing  the  noise 
in  the  spheeristenum  of  the  baths  of  Baire  :  Cumfortiores  exercentur 
et  manu*  plumbo  graves jaetant,  cum  aid  laborant,  aut  laborantem  irni- 
tantur,  gemitus  audio.  Mart.  xiv.  19,  also  mentions  them  : 
Quid  pereunt  stulto  fortes  haltere  lacerti  ? 
Exercet  melius  vinea  fossa  viros. 

and  Philsenis  says  (vii.  67,  6)  :  gravesque  draucishcdterasfeicilirotat 
lacerto.  Comp.  Juven.  vi.  420.  Mercuriabs,  in  explanation,  has  given 
several  copies  of  halteristee,  taken  from  gems,  and  says :  ut  possit 
certior  former'  hujusce  exereitationis  notitia  haberi,  adponendas  cura- 
vimus  halteristarum  imagines,  quas  ex  gemmis  antiquis  sculptis  accep- 
tas  adnos  misit  Pyrrhus  Ligorius  ;  which  words  are  expressiv  quoted 
that  the  whole  copy  may  not  be  considered  a  mere  fancy,  as  unfor- 
tunately is  often  the  case  with  similar  representations.  Besting 
upon  this,  in  Becker's  Nachtr.  ad  Aug.  429,  the  Dresden  sphesristes, 
as  they  are  called,  are  surmised  to  have  been  rather  halteristaj. 

A  third  sort  of  exercise  was  the  sham  fight  with  the  pains,  a  post 
fixed  in  the  ground,  and  against  which  they  fought  with  a  wicker- 
work  shield,  and  wooden  sword,  as  against  a  Hving  adversary. 
This  game  served  originally  as  practice  for  the  tirones,  in  order  that 
they  might  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the  use  of  their  weapons.  Veget. 
i.  11,  gives  us  a  full  explanation  of  it :  Antiqui,  sicid  invenitur  in 
libris,  hoc  genere  exercuere  tirones.  Scida  de  limine  in  modum  cra- 
tium  corrotundcda  texebatd,  ita  ut  duplum  pond  us  cratis  haberet, 
quam  scutum  publicum  habere  consuevit,  iidemque  clavas  ligneas  dupli 
esque  ponderis  pro  gladiis  tironibus  dabant,  eoque  modo  non  tantum 
mane,  sedetiampost  meridiem  exercebantttr  ad  pahs.  Palorum  autem 
usus  non  solum  militibus,  sed  etiam  gladiatoribus  plurimum  prodest. 


Scene  VII.]     AXD  OTHER  GYMNASTIC  EXERCISES.        405 

.  I  singulis  tironibus  singuli  pali  defigebantur  in  terrain,  ita  ut  nutare 
non  possent,  et  sex  pedibus  eminereni.  Contra  ilium  palum,  tanquam 
contra  adeersarium,  tiro  cum  crate  ilia  et  clava  velut  cum  gladio  sc 
exercebat  et  scuto,  ut  nunc  quasi  caput  aut  faciem  pcteret,  nunc  lateri- 
bus  minarettir,  interdum  contenderet  poplites  et  crura  succidere,  acce- 
deret,  rcccderct,  assultaret,  insi/iret,  et,  quasi  präsentem  adversarium. 
sic  palum  omni  impctu,  omni  bellandi  arte  tentarct.  In  qua  medita- 
tion» servabatur  ilia  cautela,  ut  ita  tiro  ad  inferendum  vidnus  insur- 
geret,  ne  qua  parte  ipse pateret  adplagam.  This  kind  of  fight  was 
however  practised  not  only  as  a  study,  but  also  for  exercise  pre- 
vious to  the  bath.     This  is  what  Martial  means  (vii.  32,  7 ), 

Non  pila,  non  follis,  non  te  paganica  thermis 
Prseparat,  aut  nudi  stipitis  ictus  hebes  : 

where  stipes  means  simply  the  post,  and  ictus  hebes,  the  wooden 
sword.  So  also  Juven.  vi.  247,  in  reprobation  of  the  vicious  habit 
of  women  practising  such  gymnastics  : 

Endromidas  Tyrias  et  femineum  ceroma 
Quis  nescit  ?  vel  qiiis  non  vidit  vulnera  pali  ? 
Quem  cavat  adsidnis  sudibus  scutoque  lacessit. 

Comp.  v.  267,  where  Lipsius,  Mil,  Rom.  v.  14 ;  Saturn,  i.  15,  would 
read  rudibus  instead  of  sudibus. 

Besides  these,  especially  in  the  public  baths,  the  more  severe 
exercises  of  the  palaestra,  as  the  lucta  (whence  frequent  mention  of 
the  ceroma,  and  flavescere  hapbc),  the  discus,  &c.  were  practised. 

Running  and  leaping  were  very  common  exercises.  Augustus 
himself,  after  reducing  his  gymnastics  to  ambulatio  alone,  used  to 
do  this.  Suet.  Aug.  83,  deambulabat,  ita  ut  in  extremis  spatiis  sub- 
sultim  decurreret.  Seneca,  Ep.  15,  divides  leaping  into  three  kinds. 
saltus,  vel  Me  qui  corpus  in  altum  levat,  vel  Me  qui  in  longum  mittit, 
vel  Me,  id  ita  dicam,  saliaris,  aut  ut  contumcliosius  dicam,  fullonius. 
The  latter  was  not  so  much  to  be  called  leapiüg,  as  a  species  of 
dancing  after  the  fashion  of  the  Salii.  [Plautus,  Baceh.  iii.  3,  24, 
mentions  all  the  exercises  together,  though  he  is  referring  chiefly 
to  Greek  customs : 

Ibi  cursu,  luctando,  hasta,  disco,  pugilatn,  pila, 
Saliendo,  sese  exercebant. 

So  Ovid.  Trist,  iii.  12,  19 ;  Art.  Am.  iii.  383.] 

Old  or  indolent  people,  who  wanted  either  the  power  or  the  in- 
clination for  more  severe  exercises,  restricted  themselves  to  the 
ambulatio  or  gestatio  only,  partly  on  horseback,  partly  in  a  car- 
riage or  on  the  lectica.  Still  there  are  many  instances  in  which 
men  of  advanced  age  did  not  renounce  the  game  of  ball.     Pliny 


406  THE   GAME   OF   BALL,  [Excursus  II. 

relates  of  Spurinna,  Ep.  iii.  1  :  Tibi  hora  balinei  nuntiata  est,  in 
sole,  si  caret  vento,  ambulat  nudus.  Deinde  movetur  pila  vehementer 
et  diu  ;  nam  hoe  quoque  exercitationis  genere  pugnat  cum  senectute. 

For  the  purpose  of  practising  these  gymnastics,  they  had  in 
their  own  residence  a  sphceristerium,  which  derived  its  name  from 
the  game  of  ball,  as  being  the  most  favourite  and  general  exercise, 
although  it  was  fitted  up  for  other  games  also.     [Stat.  Silv.  iv. 
prsef.     Sed  et  sphceromachias  spectamus  et  pilaris  lusio  admittitur. 
Comp.  Suet.  Vesp.  20 ;    Orell.  Inscr.  57.]     So  Pliny,  Ep.  v.  6,  27, 
says  :  Apodyterio  superpositum  est  sphceristerium,  quod plura  genera 
exercitationis  pluresque  circulos  capit.     There  then  the  sphceristerium 
was  situated  on  the  first  floor,  for  Hirt's  conjecture,  apodyterio  sup- 
position estsph.,  which  is  as  much  as  to  say,  'under  the  windows  of 
the  apodyterium  lies  the  sphseristerium,'  is  neither  necessary,  nor  in 
conformity  with  the  usages  of  language,  as  we  may  say  subjacet,  but 
not  supponitur.     Probably  a  stair  led  from  the  apodyterium  into 
the  sphseristerium,  which  might  nevertheless  be  a  much  larger  room 
than  the  other.     The  circuit  are  not  divisions  of  the  spha3risterium, 
for  the  different  games,  or  parties  of  players,  but  the  latter  them- 
selves.    The  expression  could  best  be  explained  from  Petronius, 
where  we  read  (27)  :  JVos  interim  vestiti  errare  ccepimus  (in  balneo), 
imojocari  magis  et  circuits  ludentum  decedere.     The  word  is  the  more 
suitable,  as  most  probably,  at  the  public  baths,  a  circle  of  specta- 
tors used  to  collect  round  the  players.     Hence  Mart,  vii.  72,  10, 
says : 

Sic  palmam  tibi  de  trigone  nudo 
Unctse  det  favor  arbiter  coronse. 

Celsus,  i.  2,  prescribes :  Exercitationis  plerumque finis  esse  debet  sudor, 
out  certe  lassitudo,  qua  citra  fatigationem  sit.  And  for  this  reason 
the  place  of  exercise  was  erected  in  sunny  spots  in  the  open  air, 
and  if  inside  the  house,  was  so  made  as  to  admit  of  being  warmed. 
So  Statius  says  of  the  Balneum  Etrusci,  v.  57,  seqq. : 

Quid  nunc  strata  solo  referam  tabulata,  crepantes 
Auditura  pilas,  ubi  languidus  ignis  inerrat 
JEdibus,  et  tenuem  volvunt  bypocausta  vaporem. 

Comp.  Gevart.  Led.  Papin.  c.  38.  From  this  passage  we  might 
conclude  that  the  sphseristeria  were  sometimes  boarded,  strata  solo 
tabulata,  but  after  considering  the  words  immediately  succeeding, 
ubi  languidus  ignis  inerrat,  etc.,  we  can  only  arrive  at  the  conviction 
that  we  must  not  read  tabidata  but  tabulata,  as  has  been  shown 
above.  Pliny,  Ep.  ii.  17, 9:  Adhceret  dormitorium  membrum,  transitu 
interjacente,  qui  suspensus  et  tubulatus  conceptum  vaporem,  salubri 
temperamento  hue  illucque  digerii  et  ministrat.     The  matter  becomes 


Scene  VII.]     AND  OTHER  GYMNASTIC  EXERCISES.        407 

still  plainer  through  Seneca,  Up.  90:  Qucedam  nostra  demumpro- 
disse  memoria  scimus — tit  suspensuras  balneorum  et  imprcssos  parieti- 
bus  tubos,  per  quos  circumfimderetur  calor,  qui  ima  simul  et  summa 
foveret  ccqualiter.  In  Statius  then,  we  must  suppose  the  floor  to  have 
been  warmed,  which  is  not  extraordinary,  for  they  used  to  exercise 
perfectly  naked,  and  the  solcce  were  naturally  taken  off.  Petr.  27, 
adduces  it  as  something  particular  that  Trimalchio  soleatus  pila  exer- 
cebatur.     Also  in  Martial,  xii.  85,  3,  we  have, 

Colliget  et  referet  lapsum  de  pulvere  follem, 
Et  si  jam  lotus,  jam  soleatus  erit. 

As  the  exercitatio  always  preceded  the  hath,  it  is  natural  to  suppose 
that  the  sphasristeria,  both  at  the  public  balnea,  and  in  private 
houses,  were  immediately  adjoining  the  bath.  So  they  are  placed 
by  Pliny  in  both  the  villas.     Ep.  ii.  17,  12 ;  v.  6,  27. 


EXCUESUS    I.       SCENE    VIII. 


THE  DEESS  OF  THE  MEN. 

AS  the  costume  of  the  Roman  ladies  remained  till  a  late  period 
essentially  the  same,  so  the  men  wore  one  distinguishing  dress 
which  first  hegan  to  grow  obsolete  after  the  downfall  of  the  Re- 
public, when  the  indifference  respecting  the  cultivation  of  national 
habits,  equalled  tbat  about  the  public  affairs  of  the  country.  It  is 
true  that  other  articles  of  dress  were  worn  as  well  as  the  simple 
robe  of  early  days,  and  even  this  was  folded  with  greater  nicety 
and  amplitude  than  before  ;  but  we  must  look  on  those  habits  as 
genuine  Roman  which  were  in  vogue  at  the  most  blooming  period 
of  the  Republic. 

Among  the  writings  ou  this  subject,  the  laborious  compilation  of 
Ferrarius  {De  re  Vestiaria,  ii.  vii.)  will  always  stand  chief.  Differing 
from  him,  are  Rubeni,  De  re  Vest,  prcecipue  de  lato  clavo,  and  on  the 
other  side,  Ferrarii,  Analccta  de  re  Vest. ;  Dandre  Bardon,  du 
Costume,  etc.  des  andern  peuples ;  Martini,  Das  Kostüm  der  meisten 
Völker  des  Alterth.  ;  Malhot  and  Martin,  Recherehes  sur  le  Costume, 
etc.  des  anc.  peuples,  t.  i. — iii. ;  Seckendorf,  Die  Grundform  der  Toga ; 
Thom.  Baxter,  Description  of  the  Egyptian,  Greek,  and  Roman 
Costumes ;  Bartholini,  de  pcenida.  Compare  also  Ottfr.  Müller, 
Ufa-usher,  i.  260.  See  Becker's  Cliaricles,  translated  by  Metcalfe. 
The  chief  sources  of  information  are  Quinctil.  Inst.  xi.  3 ;  the 
grammarians,  especially  Nonius,  De  genere  vestim. ;  Gellius,  vii.  12; 
Tertull.  De  pallio,  v. ;  and  the  numerous  statues  in  Roman  costume. 

In  speaking  of  the  dress  of  every-day  fife,  we  shall  exclude  the 
costume  belonging  to  particular  offices,  or  to  public  positions 
generally,  as  well  as  the  un-roman  habiliments  which  came  into 
use  after  the  second  century ;  nor  shall  we  describe  the  tunica 
palmata  and  toga  picta  of  the  Triuraphatores,  or  tbe  paludamenturn 
of  the  general,  or  the  caracalla,  the  hracca,  &c.  The  regular  dress 
of  the  Romans,  both  male  and  female,  consisted  of  only  two  or 
three  articles,  the  tunica  interior  and  exterior,  and  the  toga,  to  which 
were  added  certain  others,  as  the  pcenula,  and  later  the  fascia,  for 
travelling,  or  defence  against  the  inclemency  of  the  weather. 

THE  TOGA. 

"Whether  the  word  toga,  ryßevvoc,  be  rightly  derived  by  Yarro, 
v.   23,  and  Nonius  i.  2,  from  tegere  corpus,  is  immaterial,  though 


Scene  VIII.]       THE    DRESS    OF   THE    MEN.  409 

this  derivation  is  a  pretty  obvious  one.  It  must  be  mentioned 
first,  as  it  is  said  by  Gellius  (vii.  12)  to  have  been  the  oldest,  and 
indeed  at  one  time  the  only  garment.  Though  this  can  only 
apply  to  appearing  in  public,  for  mention  is  made  of  tbe  tunica 
from  the  very  earliest  times.  The  toga  was  worn  in  the  house  ; 
and  at  work,  perhaps  only  a  subligaculum,  Dionys.  x.  17,  of  Cin- 
cinnatus,  axirutv,  irtptZwfuartov  Zxw.  Liv.  iii.  2(3.  Even  later  the  toga 
was  worn  without  the  tunica ;  so  of  Cato  ;  Plut.  Cat.  min.  6.  a\iTiav 
tg  tu  drifioatov  irpoyu.  Asc.  ad  Cic.  p.  Scaur,  p.  80.  So  also  the  can- 
didaii  were  avtv  x<-t&voc,  according  to  Plut.  Cor.  14.  Qu.  Rom.  40. 
"Whether  its  origin  is  to  besought  forin  Lydia,  or  whether  the  custom 
passed  from  Etruria  to  Lydia,  and  thence  to  Rome  (see  Müller,  Etr. 
i.  262),  is  a  disputed  point,  and  not  capable  of  proof;  but  there  is 
no  doubt  that  it  was  used  by  the  Etruscans  earlier  than  by  the  Ro- 
mans, and  it  is  among  the  former  nation  that  we  find  it  worn  on  the 
bare"  body  on  statues.  Besides  which,  the  toga  prcetexta  is  distinctly 
mentioned  as  derived  from  the  Etrurians.  Liv.  i.  8.  Plin.  viii. 48, 74 : 
Prcetextce  apud  Etruscos  originem  in  venere.  It  was  peculiarly  the  vest  is 
forensis.  Thus  Cincinnatus  puts  it  on,  before  receiving  the  embassy 
of  the  senate.  Consequently  it  was  laid  aside  when  one  returned  to 
his  house,  or  left  Rome.  Cic. p.  Mil.  10.  Milo  cum  in  senatu  fuisset 
— dorrmm  renit — calceos  et  vestimenta  mutat.  Hence  it  is  called 
amitci)  sfffiijc,  Dio  Cass.  fr.  145.  lvi.  81 ;  and  the  dress  of  peace,  in 
opposition  to  the  sagum,  xli.  17,  trjv  sa6rjra  n)v  siptivuet}v. 

It  was  then  the  distinguishing  garment  of  the  Roman,  and  only 
worn  by  those  who  had  the  right  of  civitas  ;  hence  exiles,  at  least 
under  the  emperors,  were  not  permitted  to  wear  it.  Pliny  relates  of 
Valerius  Licinianus,  who  lived  in  banishment  in  Sicily,  as  a  teacher 
of  rhetoric  (Epist.  iv.  11)  :  Idem,  cum  GrcecopaUio  amictus  intrasset, 
(parent  enim  toga-  jure,  quifous  aqua  et  igni  interdictum  est )  postquam 
se  composvit  circumspexitque  habitum  swim  :  Latine,  inquit,  declama- 
turus  sum.  Strangers  did  not  presume  to  wear  the  toga,  as  we 
learn  from  the  laughable  decision  of  Claudius.  Suet.  Claud.  15 : 
Pereqrinitatis  reum,  orta  inter  advocates  levi  contentionc,  togatumne 
an  paUiatum  dicere  causam  oportcret, — mictare  habitum  scepius,  ct 
prout  accusaretur  defendereturve,  fussit.  The  I  toman  was  not  only 
entitled  to  wear  the  toga,  but  he  was  even  liable  to  a  penalty  if 
he  appeared  abroad  in  foreign  costume  ;  as  minuens  majestatem 
P.  R.  Hence  the  charge  against  Rabirius,  Cic.  p.  Rab.  0,  paUiatum 
fvisse,  aliqua  habuisse  rum  Romani  hominis  insignia.  On  the  other 
hand,  Verr.  v.  33,  stetit  soleatus  prator  P.  R.  cum  paUio  purpureo 
tunieaque  talari.  52.  comp.  iv.  24,  25;  v.  13,  16.  But  in  the  civil 
wars,  the  pallium,  or  some  similar  garment  which  was  more  conve- 


410  THE   DEESS   OF  THE   MEN.       [Excursus  I. 

nient,  got  into  use  ;  so  that  Augustus  issued  a  decree  forbidding  this 
innovation;  but  only  in  regard  to  appearing  in  the  forum  and 
circus.  Suet.  Aug.  40,  Visa  quondam  pro  condone  palliatorum 
turbay  indiynabundus  et  clamitans :  En,  ait, 

Komanos  rerum  dominos  gentemque  togatam. 
Negotium  cedilibus  dedit,  ne  quern  posthac  pateretdur  in  foro 
circove  nisi  positis  lacernis  togatum  consistere.  (The  lacerna  having 
been  worn  over  the  toga:  see  below.)  Hence  the  Romans  were 
denominated  simply  togati,  or,  as  in  Virg.  jEn.  i.  282,  gens  togata. 
[Mart.  xiii.  124.]  In  later  times  it  fell  into  disuse,  and  con- 
tinued to  be  worn  only  by  the  higher  orders,  at  judicial  proceed- 
ings, or  by  clients  receiving  the  sportula,  at  the  salutatio,  and 
at  the  anteambulatio,  and,  lastly,  at  the  theatre  and  public  games, 
in  deference  to  the  presence  of  the  emperors.  Hence  what  Lam- 
prid.  (16)  relates  of  Commodus  is  an  exception :  contra  consue- 
tudinem  pcenulatos  jussit  spectatores,  non  togatos  ad  munus  ton- 
venire.  At  a  later  period  those  invited  to  the  imperial  table,  at 
least,  were  compelled  to  appear  in  it.  Spart.  Sever,  i.  Quam  ro- 
gatus  ad  ccenam  imperatoriam  palliatus  venisset,  qui  togatus  venire 
debuerat,  togam  prcesidiariam  ipsius  imperatoris  accepit.  But  it  mav 
be  doubted  whether  such  a  custom  prevailed  in  the  time  of 
Augustus,  and  the  'author  therefore  may  probably  escape  censure 
for  allowing  Gallus,  in  the  first  scene,  to  wear  the  synthesis.  [But 
after  the  above-mentioned  interdict  of  Augustus,  the  toga  only 
could  have  been  worn  at  court.] 

There  are  three  points  to  which  we  must  direct  our  attention ; 
the  form  of  the  toga,  the  manner  of  wearing  it,  and  the  material  of 
which  it  was  composed.  There  has  been  much  discussion  concern- 
ing the  form,  though  it  is  placed  beyond  all  doubt  by  the  clearest 
testimonies.  Dion.  Hal.,  iii.  61,  says  :  irtpifiöXaiov  j)ixikuk\iov.  rä  Sk 
roiaiira  twv  äptynanäriov  'Pwfiaioi  fxiv  TÖyag,"E\\7)vis  et  Ti'ißtvvov 
KaXovaiv ;  Quinct.  Inst.  xi.  3 :  Ipsam  togam  rotundam  esse  et  apte 
casam  velim ;  Isid.  Orig.  xix.  24 :  Toga  dicta,  quod  velamento  sui 
corpus  tegat  atque  operiat.  Est  aidem  pallium  purum  forma  rotunda 
effusiore  et  quasi  inundante  sinu,  et  sub  dextro  veniens  supra  humerurn 
sinistrum ponitur  ;  and  Athenaeus  (v.  213),  in  mentioning  the  cruelty 
with  which  Mithridates  treated  the  Romans,  says  :  r&v  5'  äWow 
Pw/xaiwv  o'l  fist/  Qilov  äyäXfuicri  TrpoairnrTWKaatv,  ol  Si  Xonroi  fiiTajjupi- 
taafitvoi  TiTpäyioi'a  ifiäria  rag  t$  üpx>l£  iraTpicag  nnXiv  ovufiä'^oucnr. 
They  denied  the  community  with  Romans  by  assuming  an  un- 
roman  square  garment ;  and  the  same  is  the  meaning  of  pallium 
teres,  Tertull.  de  Pall.  i.  in  contradistinction  to  the  proper  square 
pallium.     Many  have,  however,  supposed  that  it  was  square  ;  and 


Scene  VIII.]       THE    DRESS    OF   THE    MEN.  411 

Von  Seckendorf  has  endeavoured  to  prove  that  the  adjustment  of 
the  rohe,  visible  in  statues,  can  he  effected  hy  means  of  a  square 
toga.  But  this  seems  to  require  a  most  distinct  contradiction,  and 
will  be  best  confuted  by  the  following  explanation  of  the  mode  of 
adjusting  the  toga,  by  which  tying  was  out  of  the  question.  It  is 
supposed  that  this  v/ukvkXiov  was  the  segment  of  a  large  circle, 
(Müll.  Etr.  263,  and  Spalding  on  Quinct.  443) ;  but  it  appears 
doubtful  whether  in  that  case  the  width,  which  the  dress  evidently 
possessed,  could  be  attained.  Horace  (Epod.  iv.  8)  designates  a 
toga  of  six  ells,  as  a  very  wide  one  ;  and  if  we  take  the  semicircular 
segment,  with  a  chord  of  six  ells,  the  greatest  breadth  would  be 
three  ells,  with  which  the  breadth  of  fold  that  we  find  under 
Augustus  never  could  have  been  attained  ;  and  Quinctilian,  in  that 
ease,  would  not  have  needed  to  direct  that  it  should  be  apte  ctesa. 
It  was,  on  the  contrary,  round,  but  possessing  a  greater  width  than 
would  have  been  possible  with  the  segment  of  a  circle  ;  and  in  this 
manner  only  can  we  explain  the  adjustment  of  the  toga  in  statues; 
e.g.  in  the  Mus.  Borb.  vii.  43,  and  in  the  Augusteum,  iii.  119 
and  124. 

Concerning  the  manner  of  adjusting  it,  the  chief  passage  is  in 
Quinctil.  xi.  3,  137  :  Est  aliquid  in  amietu  ;  quod  ipsum  aliquatenus 
temporum  conditione  mutatum  est.  Nam  veteribus  radii  sinus;  per- 
quam  breves  post  Mos  fuerunt.  Itaque  etiam  gestu  necesse  est  usos 
esse  in  principiis  eos  alio,  quorum  braehium,  sicut  GrcBcorum,  veste 
continebatur.  Sed  nos  de  preesentibus  loquimur.  Ipsam  togam  ro- 
tunda»} esse  et  apte  ceesam  velitn.  Aliter  enim  multis  modis  Jiet 
enormis.  Pars  ejus  prior  means  cruribus  uptime  tcrminatur,  posterior 
eadem  portions  altius,  qua  cinctitra.  Sinus  decentissimus,  si  aliquanto 
supra  imam  togam  fuerit,  nunguam  certe  sit  inferior.  lUe  qui  sub 
humero  dextro  ad  sinistrum  oblique  ducitur,  velut  balteus,  nee  stran- 
gulet,  nee  float.  Pars  togce,  quce  postea  impo/iitur,  sit  inferior  ;  nam 
ita  et  sedet  melius  et  continetur.  Subducenda  etiam  pars  aliqua  tunica 
ne  ad  lacertum  in  acta  redeat :  turn  sinus  injiciendus  humero,  cujus 
extremam  oram  rejecisse  rum  dedecet.  Operiri  autem  humerum  cum 
toto  jiujulo  non  oportet ;  alioqui  amietus  flet  angustus  et  dignitatem, 
qua;  est  in  latitudine  pectoris,  perdet.  Sinistrum  braehium  eo  usque 
allevandum  est,  ut  quasi  normalem  ilium  angulum  faciat.  Super 
quad  ora  ex  toga  duplex  cequaliter  sedeat.  Spalding's  commentary 
has  done  away  with  most  of  the  difficulties  of  the  text,  but  still  it 
is  not  clear  how  the  whole  was  adjusted,  and  how  the  balteus  and 
the  shots  arose,  and  yet  tliese  are  the  two  points  which  require 
most  explanation.  The  description  of  the  tedi  lus  minuteness  in 
the  adjustment  of  the  toga,  as  compared  with  that  of  the  pallium,  is 


412 


THE    DRESS    OF   THE    MEN.       [Excursus  I. 


perhaps  not  less  instructive.  Tertull.  de  Pallia,  5  :  Prius  etiam  ad 
simplicem  eaptalelam  ejus  nullo  tcedio  constat  (pallium) ;  adeo  nee 
artificem  necesse  est,  qui  pridie  rugas  ah  exordio  formet  et  inde 
deducat  in  tilias  totumque  contracti  umbonis  figmentum  custodibus 
forcipibus  assignet,  dehinc  diluculo  tunica  prius  cingulo  correpta, 
quam  pr&stabat  moderatiorem  texuisse,  recognito  rursus  umbone,  et,  si 
quid  exorbitavit,  reformato  partem  quidem  de  kevo  promittat,  ambitum 
vero  ejus,  ex  quo  sinus  nascitur  jam  deficientibus  tabidis  retrahat  a 
seapulis  et  exclusa  dextera  in  leevam  adhuc  conger  at  cum  alio  pari 
tabulato  in  terga  devoto,  atque  ita  hominem  sarcina  vestiat. 


Figure  showing  the  simple  method  of  arranging  the  Toga. 


Scene  VIII.]      THE    DKESS   OF   THE    MEN.  413 

We  must  especially  distinguish  between  two  different  ways  of 
adjusting  the  toga;  the  older  and  more  simple,  and  the  later,  when 
it  was  broader,  and  the  folds  more  ample.  We  see  an  instance  of 
the  first  in  the  above  engraving,  copied  from  a  statue  in  the 
Dresden  collection,  Augusteum,  117.  The  robing  of  four  other 
statues  in  the  same  collection  is  precisely  the  same,  and  in  a  sixth, 
the  toga  is  far  more  voluminously  folded,  but  the  way  of  putting  it 
on  the  same.  In  this  figure,  the  adj  ustment  is  very  simple ;  the  one 
end  is  thrown  over  the  left  shoulder  to  the  front,  so  that  the  round 
side  falls  outwards ;  the  robe  is  then  conducted  behind  the  body, 
and  over  the  right  shoulder,  so  that  the  arm  rests  in  it,  as  in  a  sling, 
whilst  the  whole  remaining  portion  being  drawn  across  the  front  of 
the  person,  is  thrown  over  the  left  shoulder.  The  second  end  hangs 
down  the  back,  and  the  left  arm  is  concealed  by  the  robe  falling- 
over  it.  We  here  see  plainly  what  Quinctilian  means  by  brachium 
veste  continebatur ;  for  the  hand  only  is  free,  and  if  we  take  the 
folds,  in  which  the  arm  reposes  for  a  sinus,  it  is  at  all  events  a 
perquam  brevis  one. 

A  description  of  the  second  mode  of  adjustment  is  far  more 
diificult.  It  is,  however,  here  represented  after  a  statue  of  Lucius 
Mammius  Maxinius,  found  in  Herculaneum,  and  copied  in  the  Mus. 
Borb.  vi.  41,  and  with  which  the  similarly  draped  statues  in  the 
August.  119  and  124,  and  Mus.  Borb.  vii.  43  and  49,  may  be  com- 
'  pared.  The  parts  named  by  Quinctilian  are  clearly  visible,  and  it 
is  easy  to  point  out  the  velut  batteus,  the  sinus,  and  the  ora  duplex, 
although  it  is  very  difficult  to  unravel  the  robe  in  one's  mind,  or  to 
produce  a  similar  adjustment.  After  manifold  experiments  with 
square  and  round  cloths,  the  author  became  convinced  that  it  re- 
quires a  half-round  and  very  long  robe,  but  broader  or  wider,  in 
proportion  to  its  length,  than  the  segment  of  a  circle  would  be. 
This  garment  was  also  first  thrown  across  the  left  shoulder,  but  the 
portion  with  the  point  depending  in  front,  was  brought  down  much 
lower,  (in  our  statue  as  low  as  the  feet ;  in  those  in  the  August.  124, 
and  in  the  Mus.  Borb.  vii.  49,  it  even  falls  on  the  ground),  and  this 
of  itself  covered  the  left  arm  entirely.  The  toga  was  then  drawn 
behind  the  back,  and  so  on  to  the  front  of  the  body,  and  then 
doubled  together  in  a  fold  at  about  the  middle  of  its  breadth,  so 
that  the  upper  part  fell  down  as  a  sinus,  and  the  lower  part  covered 
the  body  and  the  legs ;  thus  arose  the  bundle  of  folds  crossing  ob- 
liquely i'rom  under  the  right  arm,  athwart  the  breast,1  and  which  is 


1  Probably  the  following  remarks  by    I    the  magnificent  statue  of  Tiberius  in 
M.  Le  Cte.  de  Clarac,  in  connexion  with        the    Louvre,    may   serve   to    illustrate 


414  THE    DRESS    OF   THE   MEN.       [Excursus  T. 

generally  understood  by  the  term  umbo ;  the  remaining  part  was 


Figure  showing  the  second  and  more  elaborate  mode  of  adjustment  of  the  Toga. 

then  thrown  over  the  left  shoulder  and  arm,  which  was  thus  doubly 
covered.     On  the  extremities  we  find  tassels,  or  buttons,  which 


this  difficult  subject  :  "  D'apres  des  ,  il  parait  positif  que,  dans  sa  longueur, 
recherches  sur  les  statues  vetues  de  la  sa  forme  etait  une  ligne  droite  qui  sous- 
toge  et  les  essais  qu'en  ont  f  aits  des        tendait  une  courbe  qui  n'gtait  pas  tout 

peintres,  des  sculpteurs  et  des  acteurs,  I    a  fait  circulaire,  mais  un  peu  elliptique. 


Scene  VIII.]       THE    DKES3   OF   THE   MEN.  415 

served  either  for  ornament,  or  to  keep  down  the  garment  by  their 
weight ;  lastly,  one  part  of  the  robe  depending  in  front  was  drawn 
forward,  or  some  of  the  width  of  the  sinus  was  drawn  over  to  the  left 
and  this,  in  connexion  with  the  bunch  of  folds,  was  probably  called 
umbo.  In  several  statues  the  toga  reaches  almost  to  the  media 
crura,  and  the  sinus  nearly  as  far  ;  but  a  little  more,  and  it  would 
fall  lower  than  the  undermost  border  of  the  robe. 

It  is  hoped  that  this  explanation  may  prove  intelligible.  The 
principal  point  to  be  understood  is,  that  the  garment  which  was 
drawn  behind  the  back  towards  the  right  into  the  front,  when  it 
depended  in  its  width,  was  caught  up  in  the  middle,  and  thus 
divided  into  two  halves,  one  of  which  formed  the  sinus,  whilst  the 
other  fell  down  over  the  body  and  legs.  This  will  be  made  more 
clear  bv  comparing  such  statues  as  the  Concordia,  (in  Visconti,  Man. 
Gab.  34),  where  the  palla  is  caught  in  the  same  manner,  and  a 
similar  oblique  bunch  of  folds  is  caused,  and  the  upper  half  of  the 
garment,  as  the  sinus  in  the  case  of  the  toga,  hung  over.  We 
shall  find  everything  in  Tertullian  in  agreement  with  what  we 
have  said. 

They  who  valued  this  intricate  method  of  adj  listing  the  robe, 
used,  before  putting  it  on,  to  have  it  ingeniously  folded,  and  this 
operation  took  place  every  evening.  Thin  little  boards  were  laid 
between  the  folds,  (tabula;  and  tabidata,)  to  keep  them  in  their 
places,  qui  pridie  rugas  ab  exordio  formet  et  inde  deducat  in  tilias, 
(not  talias  as  Salinas,  reads) ;  and  the  umbo  was  kept  together  by 
a  pair  of  forceps,  which  merely  prevented  the  folds  getting  out  of 
their  order,  but  did  not  produce  the  umbo  ;  they  were  only  custodes. 
We  see  from  Macrobius  (Sat.  ii.  2)  what  great  care  was  lavished 
upon  the  adjustment  of  the  toga. 

The  colour  of  the  toga  was  white,  and  hence  it  is  called  pura, 
vestimentum  purum,  and  only  boys  carried,  till  the  tirocinium  fori, 


La  longueur  de  la  toge  etait  de  trois 
fois  la  hauteur  de  l'homme,  prise  des 
epaules  jusqu'ä  terre.  La  largeur,  ä 
l'endroit  le  plus  saillant  de  la  courbe, 
n'avait  qu'une  hauteur.  Pour  se  vetir 
de  la  toge,  on  placait  la  partie  droite 
sur  Vepaule  gauche,  de  maniere  qu'il 
tornbat  un  tiers  de  la  longueur  en  avant 
entre  les  jambes.  La  ligne  droite  se 
tournait  vers  le  cou.  La  toge  passait 
ensuite  obliquement  sur  le  dos  par-des- 
sous  le  bras  droit,  et  le  dernier  tiers  de 
la  longueur,  ou  un  peu  moins,  se  rejet- 


tait  par-dessus  1'epaule  gauche  et  retom- 
bait  en  arriöre.  Celui  qui  etait  sur  le 
devant  et  interieurement  eüt  genu  par 
sa  longueur  ;  on  le  relevait  par  le  haut, 
et  en  se  rabattant  il  fasait  sur  la  poi- 
trine  des  plis  dont  la  masse  se  nommait 
-umbo.  Ceux  qu'ils  recouvraient  et  qui 
traversaient  obliquement  sur  la  poi- 
trine,  formaient  des  baltei  (baudriers), 
et  on  donnait  le  nom  de  sinus  ä  ceux 
qui  couvraient  le  milieu  des  corps,  Sac." 
Transl. 


416  THE    DRESS    OF    THE    MEN.       [Excimsns  I. 

those  bordered  with  purple,  toga  prcetexta.  The  prcetexta,  used  by 
magistrates,  and  the  Candida,  or  splendens,  the  tor/a  picta,  and  the 
tunica  palmata,  do  not  enter  into  our  present  discussion.  Of  the 
sordida,  and  pulla,  more  hereafter.  In  later  times,  a  toga  purpurea 
was  a  distinction  of  the  emperors,  and  Cfesar  was  probably  the  first 
who  wore  it.     Cic.  I'hil.  ii.  34. 


THE  TUNICA 

was  worn  under  the  toga,  and  was  a  sort  of  shirt,  originally,  perhaps, 
without  sleeves,  like  the  Doric  chiton,  colobium.  Usually,  how- 
ever, it  had  short  sleeves,  covering  the  upper  half  of  the  arm,  as  is 
seen  in  most  statues.  Later,  these  sleeves  reached  to  the  hand, 
tunicce  manicatce,  ^apiiWoi,  but  they  are  seldom  met  with,  not  even 
in  the  case  of  women.  In  the  paintings  and  relievos  at  Pompeii 
and  Herculaneum,  representing  comic  scenes,  all  the  actors  have 
tunicas  xeipiS&rovg,  (Gell.  Pompdana,  new  ed.  ii.  t.  76 ;  Mus.  Horb. 
iv.  t.  18,  33),  but  they  are  not  Roman  costume.  Cicero  inveighs 
against  this  effeminacy.  Catil.  ii.  10 ;  in  Clod,  et  Cur.  5  ;  and 
Ca?sar  wore  the  tunica  laticlavia  ad  manus  fimbriata.  Suet.  Cces.  45. 
Gell.  vii.  12  :  Tunicis  uti  virum  prolixis  ultra  brachia  et  usque  in 
primores  manus  ac  prope  digitos  Pomce  atque  omni  in  Lotio  inde- 
corum fuit.  Eas  tunicas  Grceco  vocabulo  nostri  ^eipiJwroüc  appella- 
verunt ;  feminisque  solis  vestem  longe  lateque  diffusam  decorum  existi- 
maverunt,  ad  ulnas  cruraque  adversus  oculos  protegcnda. 

Although,  according  to  Gellius,  the  toga  only  was  worn  in 
former  times,  and  that  next  the  skin,  yet  they  afterwards  were  not 
content  with  one  tunica  only,  but  the  men,  like  the  women,  wore  a 
tunica  interior.  With  the  women  it  was  called  intusium,  with  the 
men,  subucula,  says  Boettiger  (Sab.  ii.  113)  ;  but  tbis  nevertheless 
appears  erroneous.  The  fragment  of  Varro  (De  Vita  Pop.  Pom.), 
is  well  known :  Postquam  binas  tmncas  habere  coeperunt,  instituerunt 
vocare  subucidam  et  intusium.  It  is  this  passage  that  has  given  rise 
to  the  blunder  borrowed  by  Ferrari  from  Manutius,  and  by  Boetti- 
ger from  Ferrari.  Varro,  on  the  contrary,  wishes  to  say  that  the 
under  tunica  was  called  subucula,  the  upper  intusium,  as  is  clear 
from  his  treatise  De  Ling.  Lat.  v.  30  :  Prius  dein  indutui,tum  amictui 
qua  sunt,  tangam.  Capitium  ab  eo,  quod  capit  pectus,  id  est,  ut 
antiqui  dicebant,  comprehendit.  Lndutui  alterum  quod  subtus,  a  quo 
subucula ;  alterum,  quod  supra,  a  quo  supparus,  nisi  id  quod  item 
dicunt    Osce.      Alterius    generis  item   duo :    unum    quod  foris   ac 


Scene  VIII.]       THE    DRESS    OF   THE    MEN.  417 

palam,  palla  ;   alterum  quod  intus,  a  quo  intusium,  id  quod  Plautus 
dicit  : 

Intusiatam,  patagiatam,  caltulam,  crocotulam. 

The  phrases  explained  by  Varro  were  obsolete.  Gell.  xvi.  7, 
censures  Laberius  for  using  the  expression  capitium.  Supparus 
in  such  a  sense  is  also  inadmissible.  We  gather,  however,  from 
Varro,  that  he  understands  capitium  as  a  general  term  for  over  and 
under  tunic  ;  the  over  being  further  called  supparus,  the  under 
subucula.  Of  the  supparus  he  then  mentions  two  sorts,  the  in- 
dusium and  the  palla.  This  agrees  but  ill  with  Nonius  ;  but  Varro 
evidently  wishes  to  define  indusium  as  a  particular  hind  of  the 
over-coat  supparus.  Moreover,  he  speaks,  apparently,  of  the 
female  dress,  having  already  discussed  the  toga  and  tunica  of  the 
men ;  and  subucula  would  therefore  also  denote  the  under-tunic  of 
the  women.  Perhaps,  later,  the  word  subucula  was  restricted  in  its 
sense  to  the  men's  dress  only  ;  but  Varro  says  not  a  word  about  the 
indusium  being  the  inner  tunic  of  the  women. 

Persons  susceptible  of  cold  wore  several  tunics  over  one  another. 
So  Augustus,  Suet.  82  :  Hieme  quaternis  cum  pingui  toga  tunicis  et 
subucula  thorace  laneo  muniebatur.  From  whence  it  would  seem 
that  the  subucula  fitted  tight  to  the  body. 

The  cluvis  latus,  or  angustus,  was  a  particular  distinction  for  the 
senatorial  or  equestrian  order ;  hence  tunica  laticlavia,  or  angusti- 
clavia.  There  is  no  longer  any  doubt  that  the  latus  clavus  was  a 
strip  of  purple  in  the  middle  of  the  tunic  in  front,  running  down 
from  the  neck  to  the  lower  border,  while  the  angustus  consisted  of 
two  such  smaller  strips.  See  Ruben.  De  re  Vest.,  and  Spalding  on 
Quinctilian,  441.  These  strips  were  woven  into  the  cloth,  as  we  see 
from  Plin.  viii.  48  :  Nam  tunica  lati  clam  in  modum  gausapce  text 
nunc  primum  incipit.  The  phrase  nintare  vestem  was  no  doubt 
restricted  to  the  act  of  laying  aside  these  insignia  ;  [which  always 
happened  in  public  mourning.]  The  expression  sordidatus  is  never 
xised  of  soiled  clothing.  Dio  Cass,  xxxviii.  14,  xl.  46;  Cic.  p. 
Plane.  41 ;  Liv.  Ep.  cv.  [But  when  the  whole  people  is  said 
mutare  vestem,  as  Cic.  in  Pis.  8 ;  Liv.  vi.  16 :  Conjecto  in  carcerem 
Manlio  satis  constat  magnam  paHem  plebis  vestem  mutasse  ;  this  must 
signify  that  they  laid  aside  the  toga,  as  the  characteristic  dress  of 
the  Roman  citizen.  This  is  further  clear  from  Sen.  Ep.  18,  where 
he  speaks  of  the  Saturnalia,  when,  as  is  well  known,  the  toga  was 
laid  aside  :  quod  fieri  nisi  in  tumxdtu  et  tristi  tempore  civitatis  non 
solebat,  voluptatis  causa  ae  festorumdicrum  vestem  mutavimus  ;  where 
the  last  words  mean  the  same  as  togam  exuere  just  before.     In 

E  E 


418  THE   DRESS    OF   THE    MEN.       [Excursus  I. 

domestic  mourning,  on  the  contrary,  vestem  mutare  is  to  put  on 
mourning  habiliments.     See  Excursus,  Sc.  XII.] 

The  tunica  was  girded  under  the  breast  {cinctura)  ;  those  however 
who  wore  the  latus  claims,  girded  only  the  under  one  ;  but  to 
this  rule  Csesar  was  an  exception.  Suet.  Cas.  45.  The  disputed 
passage,  Macrob.  Sat.  ii.  3,  contains  a  mistake,  and  the  emendation 
tunica  pracingebatur  will  not  at  all  accord  with  laciniam  trdhere. 
Quinctilian  directs  with  respect  to  the  length  of  the  garment :  Cm 
lati  clam  jus  non  erit,  ita  cingatur,  ut  tunica  prioribus  oris  infra 
genua  pauUum,  posterioribus  ad  medios  poplites  usque  perveniant. 
Nam  infra  mulierum  est,  supra  centurionum.  Ut  purpura  recte 
descendant,  levis  cura  est.  Notatur  interim  negligentia.  Latum 
habentium  clavum  modus  est,  ut  sit  pauttum  cinctis  summissior. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  cinctis  is  in  the  ablative  in  the  last  words, 
but  it  is  not  necessary  that  it  should  be  referred  to  the  cinctura  of 
the  angusticlavia,  as  it  can  also  mean,  that  the  laticlavia  must  hang 
down  somewhat  lower  than  the  tunica  inferiores,  which  were  always 
girded.  We  might  inquire  the  purpose  of  this,  as  the  toga  which 
was  thrown  over  it  quite  concealed  the  under  portion  of  the  tunica  ; 
but  we  must  not  forget  that  the  toga  was  only  worn  in  public,  and 
that  on  arriving  at  home  it  was  immediately  put  off.  Men  who 
wore  low  falling  tunica,  talares,  were  always  censured.  The  upper 
tunica  had  not  long  sleeves,  but  the  subucula  had. 

The  toga  was  the  Roman  robe  of  state,  and  the  tunica  was  the 
household  garment ;  but  in  bad  weather  and  out  of  Rome,  on  a 
journey  for  instance,  some  other  article  of  dress  was  necessary  as  a 
defence  against  the  dust  and  rain. 

This  deficiency  was  supplied  by 

THE   P^ENULA, 

a  hind  of  mantle  worn  by  all  classes,  and  even  by  women.  Ulp. 
Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  23 ;  Lips.  Elect,  i.  13,  25 ;  Salm,  ad  Spart.  Hadr.  3, 
p.  25 ;  Lamprid.  Comm.  16,  p.  517  ;  Diadum.  2,  p.  774  ;  Alex.  Sev. 
27,  p.  926 ;  and  Barthol.  De  Panula. 

This  garment  has  been  so  much  discussed,  that  it  will  be 
sufficient  to  mention  here  the  chief  points  about  its  use  and  sup- 
posed nature.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  long  simple  mantle  without 
sleeves,  and  having  probably  only  a  hole  for  the  neck.  It  was 
drawn  on  over  the  head,  and  so  covered  the  whole  body,  from  the 
neck  downwards,  including  the  shoulders  and  arms.  If  the  statues 
made  known  by  Bartholmi,  of  one  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy, 
can  be  referred  to  this  kind  of  dress,  it  would  appear  to  have  been 


Scene  VIII.]       THE    DRESS   OP   THE    MEN". 


410 


sewed  together  in  front  down  the  hreast.  This  seam,  however, 
sometimes  goes  lower,  and  at  others  stops  on  the  breast,  and  then 
the  mantle  falls  down  beneath  it  in  two  halves,  which  might  be 
thrown  back,  and  so  leave  the  arms  free,  as  in  the  figure  given 
above.  The  most  striking  monument,  perhaps,  is  a  libertus  on  a 
tomb  in  the  Lapidarium  of  the  Vatican.     The  pcenula  was  made  of 


Figure  of  a  man  supposed  to  be  dressed  in  the  Pcenula. 

a  thick  strong  cloth,  especially  if  intended  for  winter  use,  and  after 
the  introduction  of  woollen  gausapa,  they  were  probably  used  for 
the  purpose.     Mart.  xiv.  145,  Pcenala  gausapina : 

Is  mihi  candor  inest,  villorum  gratia  tanta, 
Ut  me  vel  media  sumere  messe  velis. 

Comp.  vi.  59.  Such  gausapina  came  into  use  only  a  short  time 
before  Pliny,  who  says  (via  48)  :  Gausapa  (lanea)  patris  met 
memoria  ccepere.  Gausapa  was  originally  a  linen  cloth,  rendered 
rough  by  a  particular  process.  See  Becker's  Nachträge  zum  August. 
p.  46.  The  peenulce  were  also  made  of  leather,  scortea.  Mart.  xiv. 
130,  Pcenula  scortea : 

Ingrediare  viam  coelo  licet  usque  sereno ; 
Ad  subitas  nunquam  scortea  desit  aquas. 

E  E    2 


420  THE   DRESS    OF   THE    MEN.       [Exclksüs  I. 

The  use  of  the  psenula  is  at  least  as  old  as  the  most  ancient 
Roman  literature  known  to  us ;  for  in  Plautus  it  is  frequently 
alluded  to  as  something  quite  usual.  When  Pliny  (xxxiv.  5),  among 
the  effigies  habitu  novitias,  reckons  those,  quce  nuper  prodiere  pcennlis, 
it  only  applies  to  the  artistic  representations,  for  which  the  psenula 
was  but  little  adapted.  It  existed  along  with  the  toga,  the  place 
of  which  it  never  usurped,  although  the  lacerna  doubtless  did.  It 
was  worn  next  to  the  tunica,  and  chiefly  on  journeys ;  Cicero^). 
Mil.  20,  cum  hie  cum,  uxore  veheretur  in  rheda  pcenidatus.  Ad  Attic. 
xiii.  33.  Hence  it  was  the  dress  of  the  mulio.  Cic.  p.  Sest.  38, 
■midionica  pcenula.  It  was  also  used  in  the  city  in  rainy  weather. 
Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev.  27,  pcenulis  intra  urbem  frigoris  causa  uterentur 
permisit,  on  which  Salm.  quotes  Seneca.  Quast.  Nat.  iv.  6.  The 
toga  was  then  worn  underneath  it.  It  was  likewise  worn  at  games. 
Dio  Cass,  lxxii.  21. 

A  similar  mantle,  likewise  worn  over  the  toga,  was 

THE  LACERNA, 

or  lacerna;,  and  often  confounded  by  later  writers  with  the  psenula. 
It  differed  from  the  latter,  however,  in  not  being  a  vestimentum 
clausuni,  through  which  the  head  was  inserted,  but,  like  the  Greek 
pallium,  an  open  mantle,  usually  fastened  together  over  the  right 
shoulder  by  aßbula.  The  lacerna  is  unquestionably  of  later  origin 
than  the  psenula,  and  Cicero  thus  complained  of  Antony  (Phil.  ii.  30) : 
Nam  quod  qucerebas,  quomodo  redissem  :  primum  luce,  non  tenebris  ; 
deinde  cum  calceis  et  toga,  nullis  nee  Gallicis  nee  lacerna ;  and  then  : 
cum  Gallicis  et  lacerna  cucurristi.  As  early  as  the  first  emperors  it 
was  in  common  use  in  winter  at  the  public  games,  as  we  learn  from 
Suetonius'  description  of  the  honours  paid  to  Claudius  by  the  ordo 
equester.  Claud.  6,  Quin  et  spectaculis  advenienti  assurgere  et  lacernas 
deponere  solebat  (ordo  equester).  It  was  not  designed  solely  for 
protection  against  the  weather,  and  was  therefore  worn  of  more 
elegant  form  than  the  psenula.  White  lacernse  only  were  proper 
costume  for  the  theatre,  when  the  emperor  was  expected  to  be  pre- 
sent, as  we  see  from  Mart.  iv.  2, 

Spectabat  modo  solus  inter  omnes 

Nigris  munus  Horatius  lacernis, 

Cum  plebs  et  minor  ordo  maximusque 

Cum  sancto  duce  candidus  sederet. 

and  xiv.  137,  Laccrnce  alba  : 

Amphitheatrales  nos  commendamur  in  usus, 
Cum  tegit  aleentes  alba  lacerna  togas. 


Scene  VIII.]      THE    DRESS   OF   THE    MEN.  421 

The  lacernae  of  the  poorer  classes  were  sufficiently  unbecoming,  as 
we  may  naturally  suppose.     Juven.  ix.  27, 

Pingues  aliquando  lacernas 

Muninienta  toga?,  duri  crassique  coloris, 

Et  male  percussas  textoris  pectine  Galli 

Accipimus. 

Mart.  i.  93.  The  higher  ranks,  however,  displayed  considerable 
luxury  in  this  article,  and  as  the  rest  of  the  dress  was  obliged  to  be 
white,  took  care  not  to  have  any  lack  of  colours  in  the  lacerna. 
Hence  lacernce  coccinece,  Mart.  xiv.  181,  amethystince,  etc.  A  purple 
lacerna  sometimes  cost  ten  thousand  sesterces.  Mart.  viii.  10. 
Darker  colours  were  also  used. 

THE  SYNTHESIS. 
The  toga,  on  account  of  the  exuberance  of  its  folds,  and  the 
manner  of  adjusting  it,  was  too  uncomfortable  a  garment  to  wear 
in  common  household  avocations,  or  at  meals  [Spart.  Hadr.  22 ;  Sen. 
Ep.  18],  at  which,  however,  it  would  have  been  improper  to  appear 
in  the  bare  tunic.  Hence  there  were  regular  meal-dresses,  vestes 
camatoriai,  or  cc&natoria,  Mart,  x  87, 12,  xiv.  135.  [Cap.  Maxim,  jun. ; 
Dio  Cass.  lxix.  18 ;  Pompon.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  33,  muliebria  cosnatoria.] 
Petr.  21,  accubitoria ;  ib.  30,  also  called  syntheses.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  say  with  certainty  what  the  form  of  this  synthesis  was. 
It  is  usually  assumed  to  have  been  a  mantle,  similar  to  the  pallium. 
Ferrar.  de  re  Vest.  [Stuck.  Antiq.  Conviv.  ii.  26.]  Malliot  and  Mar- 
tin, Recherches  sur  les  Costumes,  say,  "  They  generally  came  from  the 
bath  to  the  coma,  and  then  put  on  the  synthesis,  an  exceedingly 
comfortable,  short,  and  coloured  garment."  What  Dio  Cassius,  xiii. 
13,  says  of  Nero,  appears  at  variance  with  this  assertion.  Tovq  ok 
ßovXtvrät;  xitwviop  ti  h'CtcvKioc  avBivov  Kai  mvdöviov  TTi.pl  top  ahxtva 
tX")v  yairäoaro,  if  we  compare  it  with  Suet.  Nero  51  :  circa  cultum 
habitumque  adeo  pudendus,  ut  plerumque  synthesinam  indutus  Ugato 
circum  colhtm  sudario prodierü  in  publieimi  sine  cinctuet  discalccatus  ; 
for  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  x"""-"'""'  ävdivov  answers  to  the 
synthesis,  as  the  mvcöviov  does  to  the  sudarium.  In  which  case  the 
synthesis  would  not  be  any  kind  of  amivtus,  but  an  indumentum, 
Nothing  of  certainty  can  be  gathered  from  the  reliefs  and  pictures 
representing  Triclinia,  and  Biclinia ;  for  in  these,  at  one  time  a 
bare  ungirded  tunic  is  visible  ;  at  another,  the  upper  part  of  the 
body  is  quite  uncovered  :  but  whatever  its  form,  it  was  an  elegant, 
and,  at  least  in  later  times,  a  coloured  garment.  Martial  ii.  40  : 
Florida  per  varios  ut  pingitur  Hybla  colores 
Cum  breve  Sicanise  ver  populantur  apes  : 


422  THE    DRESS    OF   THE   MEN.       [Excursus  I. 

Sic  tua  suppositis  pellucent  prsela  lacernis, 
Sic  micat  iunumeris  arcula  synthesibus. 

So  x.  29,  etc.  The  colours  most  frequently  named  are  coccinus, 
prasinus,  amethystinus,  ianthinus.  Pliny,  xxi.  8.  The  name  came 
probably  from  their  being  carefully  folded  up  and  placed  in  a  press. 
Martial,  and  Senec.  de  Tranq.  An.  c.  i.  Men  who  were  particular 
about  their  appearance  changed  them  in  the  middle  of  a  meal. 
Mart.  v.  79 : 

Undecies  una  surrexti,  Zoile,  ccena, 
Et  mutata  tibi  est  synthesis  undecies. 

The  synthesis  was  never  worn  in  public,  except  during  the  Satur- 
nalia, when  its  use  was  universal,  even  by  the  highest  classes, 
Mart.  xiv.  1,  141 ;  it  was  reckoned  absurd  to  put  on  the  toga  at 
that  time.     Mart.  vi.  24: 

Nil  lascivius  est  Charisiano  ; 
Saturnalibus  ambulat  togatus. 

Synthesis  is  also  used  in  a  totally  different  sense,  namely,  as  an 
entire  wardrobe,  or  complete  suit  of  apparel.  Salmasius,  ad  Vopisc. 
Bonos.  15,  p.  772.     [Stat.  Silt:  iv.  9;  44 ;  Mart.  iv.  46.] 

THE   L.EXA,  ABOLLA,  EXDROMIS. 

The  names  that  are  mentioned  of  usual  articles  of  dress,  as 
kena  and  abolla,  can  hardly  be  determined  on  with  certainty.  It 
seems  almost  as  if  they  were  nearly  similar  to  the  lacerna.  Of  the 
former  indeed  Martial  says  (xiv.  136),  Lcena, 

Tempore  brumali  non  multum  lsevia  prosunt : 
Calfaciuut  villi  pallia  vestra  mei ; 

from  which  it  would  appear  to  have  been  a  particularly  warm 
garment  thrown  on  over  the  lacerna  (pallia).  [Varro  L.  L.  v.  133  : 
Lcena  quod  de  lana  multa,  duarum  etiam  togarum  instar.  Pauli, 
p.  117.]  Nonius  calls  it  a  vestimentum  militare,  quod  supra  omnia 
vestimenta  sumitur  ;  and  in  Cicero,  Brut.  14,  we  hud  it  mentioned 
as  a  priestly  robe,  but  in  Persius,  i.  32,  it  again  appears  at  the 
dinner-table.  It  was  hyaeinthina  and  coceina  (Juv.  iii.  283),  not 
less  than  the  lacerna,  and  just  so  is  the  abolla  Tyria  or  saturata 
murice.  Mart.  viii.  48.  [Suet.  Caliy.  '35, purptirece  abolla.']  Perhaps 
at  that  period  they  all  belonged  to  the  coenatoria.     See  above. 

The  endromis,  which  is  mentioned  in  a  few  passages  (Juven.  vi. 
246  ;  Mart.  vi.  19,  xiv.  126),  was  not  a  garment,  but  a  thick  piece 
of  cloth,  forming  a  coverlet,  which  was  thrown  round  the  body 
after  gymnastic  exercises,  to  prevent  cold  being  taken ;  in  the  same 


Scene  VIII.]      THE   DRESS    OF   THE    MEN.  4^0 

manner  Trimalchio,  in  Petron.  28,  after  the  bath,  covers  himself 
with  a  coccina  yausapa. 

THE  COVERINGS   FOR  THE  HEAD. 

In  the  every-day  life  of  cities,  men  never  wore  anything  on  the 
head.  In  particular  cases  they  drew  the  toga  over  the  head.  But 
for  protection  in  bad  weather,  they  had  the  cucullus,  also  cucullio, 
a  kind  of  cape,  which  on  a  journey,  or  when  they  wished  to  be 
unknown  (obvoluto  eapite,  Lamprid. -He&cp.  33.  Juv.  vi.  118,  noctur- 
nos  cucidlos),  they  used  to  fasten  to  the  lacerna  and  psenula. 
Martial  calls  them  libumicos  or  bardaicos,  iv.  4,  5 :  also  bardocu- 
eulbs,  xiv.  128.  See  Salmas.  ad  Jid.  Cap.  Pertin.  8,  p.  551.  We 
see  from  Mart.  xiv.  139,  Cuculli  liburnici, 

Jüngere  nescisti  nobis,  o  stulte,  lacernas  : 
Indueras  albas,  exue  callainas, 

that  they  were  of  dark  colour,  and  that  the  cucullus  had  stained 
the  white  lacerna.  We  also  learn  from  Epig.  xiv.  132,  that  it 
belonged  to  the  lacerna  : 

Si  possem,  totas  cuperem  misisse  lacernas  ; 
Nunc  tantum  capiti  miuiera  mitto  tuo. 

It  is  true  he  sends  not  a  cucullus,  but  a  pileus  ;  but  had  he  been 
able  to  send  totas  lacernas  (i.  e.  with  the  cucullus),  the  hat  would 
have  been  unnecessary.  [See  Mart.  xi.  98,  v.  14,  x.  76. — The 
cuculli  were  often  worn  by  slaves  and  common  people  as  a  protec- 
tion against  the  weather  ;  Colum.  i.  8.  Lamprid.  Hel.  33,  tectus 
cuculKone  muUonico.~] 

They  wore  hats  on  a  journey ;  [hence  given  to  fishermen  and 
sailors  generally,  Plaut.  Mil.  iv.  4,  41 : 

Facito,  ut  venias  hue  ornatus  ornatu  nauclerico 
Causiam  habens  ferrugineam. 

Mus.  Borb.  iv.  55],  and  even  in  the  theatre,  as  a  shelter  against 
the  sun.     Dio  Cass.  lix.  7.     [Mart,  xiv.  29,  Causia : 
In  Pompeiano  tectus  spectabo  theatro  : 
Nam  ventus  populo  vela  negare  solet.] 

Augustus  generally  wore  a  petasus,  Suet.  82 :  Solis  vero  ne  hiberni 
quidem  patiens  dornt  quoque  non  nisi  petasatus  sub  divo  spatiabatur. 
[The  pileus  and  petasus  were  made  of  felt.  Yates,  textrinum 
antiquum.] 

THE   COVERINGS   OF   THE  LEGS. 

Trowsers,  braccce,  were  quite  unknown  to  the  Romans,  until  the 
time  of  the  later  emperors.     They  belonged  to  the  Barbarians,  who 


424  THE    DRESS   OF   THE   MEN.       [L.cursus  I. 

wore  them  mostly  in  the  shape  of  wide  pantaloons,  which  were  tied 
just  above  the  foot ;  so  we  see  them  on  the  Columna  Trajana,  and 
in  the  figures  of  the  prisoners  belonging  to  it.  See  the  great  work 
of  Piranesi,  and  the  pillar  itself.  Comp.  Cas.  ad  Suet.  Aug.  82  ; 
Salm.  ad  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev.  40,  p.  977 ;  Böttiger,  Vaseng.  iii.  p. 
184.  The  Barbarians  were  ridiculed  for  wearing  them,  Cic.  in  Pis. 
23  ;  p.  Font.  11 ;  ad  Fam.  ix.  15.  [Ovid,  Trist,  v.  10,  33.]  It  was 
not  till  the  time  of  the  un-roman  emperors,  or  those  who  had 
grown  up  among  the  Barbarians,  that  trowsers  came  into  fashion, 
coccinece  braccce,  instead  of  which  Alexander  chose  white  ones. 
Men  who  had  served  long  in  war  against  the  Northern  nations, 
assumed  their  dress,  and  likewise  trowsers.  Tac.  Hist.  ii.  20,  of 
Ceecina,  versicolore  sagulo,  braccas,  tegmen  barbarum,  indutus  togatos 
attoquebatur.  But  this  was  not  allowed  publicly  at  Borne,  and 
Honorius  forbade  their  being  worn  in  the  metropolis  :  see  Sal- 
masius.     [Lyd.  de  Mag.  1.  12.] 

Instead  of  these  coverings  for  the  legs,  the  Bomans  had,  how- 
ever partially,  so  early  as  the  Bepublic,  strips  of  cloth,  fascias 
(Varro  De  Lib.  Educ.  in  Non.  ii.  312  ;  Cic.  in  Clod,  et  Cur.  5,  Or.  de 
har.  resp.  21 ;  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3,  255),  with  which  they  protected  the 
thighs  and  shin-bones,  and  thence  called  feminalia  and  cruralia, 
and  also  tibialia.  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  25;  Suet.  Aug.8'2,femi/udi- 
bus  et  tibialibus  muniebatur.  Quinct.  xi.  3,  144.  Many  persons  wore, 
in  addition  to  these,  sashes,  villosa  ventralia  (Plin.  viii.  48),  and 
wrappers  round  the  neck  and  ears,  focalia.  See  Heind.  on  Hor. 
Sat.  ii.  3,  255.  All  these  were,  however,  considered  marks  of 
effeminacy.  [The  word  cubital,  Hor.  ib.  (fasciolas,  cubital,  focalia) 
is  explained  by  some  to  be  a  cushion,  by  others  a  covering  of  the 
lower  arm  corresponding  to  fascia;  and  focalia.  But  then  it  would 
hardly  be  in  the  singular  number.] 

THE   COVEBINGS   OF  THE  FEET. 

These  were  very  numerous,  but  may  be  classed  in  two  sorts, 
the  calceus  and  the  sokes,  which  certainly  both  occur  in  very  dif- 
ferent forms.  It  is  almost  doubtful  whether  the  multifarious 
names  which  are  used  to  designate  these  articles  of  dress  can  with 
certainty  be  applied  to  the  forms  which  occur  on  statues  ;  for  what 
Bubens  [de  Calce  Scnatorio~\  and  Balduin  (Calceus  Antiq.  et  Mgst.) 
have  said  upon  the  subject,  does  not  clear  up  all  the  points, 
[although  Balduin  was  the  son  of  a  shoemaker,  and  understood 
the  matter.]  Bittner's  Diss,  de  Calceis  is  still  less  important. 
[Bassius  de  Gen.  Calceorum.     See  Fabric.  Bibliog.  Antiq.  p.  861,  and 


Scene  VIII.]       THE    DRESS    OP   THE    MEN. 


425 


Charicles,  trans,  by  Metcalfe,  p.  326.]   It  will  therefore  be  sufficient 
to  enumerate  the  chief  varieties. 


a  b  Solece  of  the  ordinary  form. 

c  Half-shoes,  after  a  painting  found  at  Portici. 

d  The  common  shoe. 

e  A  man's  shoe,  perhaps  the  calceus  senatorius. 


The  solccc,  sandals,  were  a  covering  for  the  foot,  which  was  worn 
by  men  only  in  the  house,  or  more  correctly,  in  domestic  life.  [In 
the  oldest  times  they  probably  wore  nothing.]  In  Gellius  xiii.  21, 
T.  Castricius  reproaches  his  former  scholars,  who  were  already 
senators,  for  appearing  soleati  in  public.  Still  this  restriction  can- 
not be  so  far  extended,  as  to  say  that  no  use  at  all  of  the  solea 
was  made  in  the  streets  ;  for  when  they  supped  out  and  did  not 
bathe  in  the  house  of  their  host,  the  soleae  were  the  usual  covering 
for  the  feet,  and  were  taken  off  as  soon  as  they  reclined  for  the 
meal,  and  not  put  on  again  till  they  went  away.  Mart.  iii.  50. 
Hence  they  were  sometimes  lost  in  the  interim ;  Mart.  xii.  88 : 

Eis  Cotta  soleas  perdidisse  se  questus, 
Dum  negligentem  ducit  ad  pedes  vernam. 

Hence  the  common  expression  denie  soleas,  of  the  person  who  takes 
his  place  at  the  table,  and  poscere  soleas,  when  he  rises  to  go. 
Heindorf  ad  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  77.  From  Pliny  Ep.  ix.  17,  it  would 
appear  that  calceus  is  sometimes  a  general  term  for  any  covering 
of  the  foot. 

The  form  of  the  soleae  and  the  manner  of  fastening  them,  are 
gathered  from  Gellius,  and  may  also  be  seen  in  many  antique 
statues,  particularly  of  females,  whose  proper  foot-covering  they 
were.  Generally  a  thong  passes  between  the  great  and  second  toe, 
and  is  there  fastened  to  another  by  means  of  a  ligula,  which  passes 
longitudinally  over  the  upper  surface  of  the  foot,  and  with  the 


426  THE    DRESS    OF  THE   MEN.       [Excursus  I. 

ankle-thong  keeps  the  whole  secure.  Sometimes  this  thong  is 
divided  j  ust  at  the  toe  into  two  parts,  which  run  along  the  instep, 
and  are  fastened  hy  ligulse  to  the  ankle-thong. 

As  they  were  used  in-doors,  and  in  private  life,  so  in  later  times, 
out  of  doors  also,  when  a  person  was  without  the  toga,  wearing 
over  the  tunica  the  lacerna  only,  in  conjunction  with  which  the 
solese  always  occur.  To  the  toga  "belonged  the  calceus,  a  real  shoe, 
which  covered  the  foot  entirely,  or  in  a  great  measure  ;  it  was  the 
only  foot-covering  in  general  use  in  public  life,  and  hence  is  often 
mentioned  as  belonging  to  the  toga.  Thus  Cicero,  Cum  toga  et 
calceis.  Pliny  (Epist.  vii.  3),  charging  Praesens  with  his  long  absence 
from  Rome,  says  :  Quousque  calcei  nusquam,  toga  feriata  ?  Tertull. 
( De  pallio,  5)  :  Caleeos  nihil  dicimus,  proprium  togce  tormentum.  But 
at  home  the  calceus  was  laid  aside  with  the  toga.  Cic.  p.  Mil.  20, 
domum  venit,  caleeos  et  vestimenta  mutat.  It  is  true  that  Suet,  says 
of  Augustus  (Oct.  78),  post  eibum  ita  ut  vestitus  calceatusque  erat 
conquiescebat ;  but  here,  calceatus  is  used  in  a  more  general  sense. 
He  says  (73),  forensia  aidem  et  caleeos  nunquam  non  intra  cubiculum 
habuit  ad  subitos  repentinosque  casus  parata.  So  Plin.  Ep.  ix.  17, 
caleeos  poscunt,  instead  of  soleas.  Comp.  Cic.  de  Hep.  i.  12.  The 
form  of  this  shoe  used  by  the  lower  classes  [called  pero  by  Cato,  in 
Pest.  p.  142,  and  Virg.  JEn.  vii.  690]  is  not  known.  In  a  beautiful 
but  mutilated  picture  from  Pompeii  (Mus.  Borb.  vii.  20).  a  female 
slave  is  divesting  a  sitting  man  of  his  shoes,  which  have  quite  the 
form  of  the  high  shoes  usual  among  us,  and  tied  in  front  with  a 
string ;  see  the  engraving  above.  But  that  this  was  no  common 
shoe,  as  might  be  supposed  from  its  shape,  is  evident  from  the  per- 
son wearing  it,  and  from  the  circumstance  that  most  of  the  charm- 
ing female  dancers  (Mus.  Borb.  33 — 40)  have  the  same  covering  for 
the  feet.  These  shoes  are  sometimes  white,  sometimes  green,  but 
mostly  yellow  (cerince),  tied  with  red  strings  or  narrow  thongs,  and 
must  therefore  be  rather  taken  as  women's  shoes.  On  the  other 
hand,  we  know  that  the  shoes  of  the  senators  differed  in  more  than 
one  respect  from  those  of  others  ;  and  Cicero  alludes  to  this,  Phil. 
xiii.  13.  The  chief  difference  was,  that  the  senator's  shoe  was 
fastened  with  four  thongs  (corrigice),  which  reached  up  to  the  calf, 
and  were  then  turned  round  the  leg  [Lora  patricia,  Sen.  de  Tranq. 
An.  11.]  See  Heind.  on  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6,  27.  The  second  distinction 
was  the  lunula,  a  half-moon,  which  was  attached  to  some  part  of  it. 
Plutarch  (Quast.  B.  76)  gives  the  derivation  from  the  original 
number  of  the  senators,  C.  Comp.  Mart.  i.  50,  31 ;  Juven.  vii.  192. 
[Zon.  vii.  9.]  In  Philostr.  (  Vit.  Herod.  Att.  ii.  8),  this  lunula  is 
called  tmaipvpwv  i\t<pävTivov  n^votiSec,  and  then  he  says,  av  t>)v 


Scene  VIII.]       THE   DRESS    OF   THE    MEN.  427 

fl'yiveiav  iv  roic  äarpayäXoiQ  f'xf'C-     On  the  other  hand,  Martial  says, 

ii.  29 : 

Non  hesterna  sedet  lunata  lingula  planta. 

We  are  not  aware  whether  this  mark  occurs  in  any  statue,  and  yet 
we  might  take  such  foot-coverings  as  occur  in  the  statue  in  Mus. 
Borb.  vii.  49,  for  the  calceus  senatorius  (see  the  engraving  ahove). 
According  to  Cicero,  we  must  believe  that  only  senators  wore  it ; 
and  according  to  Cato  in  Festus,  those  qui  magistratum  curulem 
cepissent.  On  the  contrary,  Plutarch  and  Philostratus  speak  only 
of  the  thyivtia ;  and  the  person  designated  by  Martial  was  anything 
but  a  senator.  Comp.  Isid.  Orig.  xix.  34,  4.  [Probably  there  were 
three  sorts  of  these  shoes,  though  they  differed  but  slightly  from 
each  other:  (1)  Mullens,  or  the  curule  shoe.  Lyd.  de  Mag.  i.  32. 
(2)  The  senatorial  shoe.  Cic.  and  Acron.  ad  Hor.  (3)  The  patri- 
cian shoe.  Plut.  ib. ;  Zon.  ib. ;  Orell.  543,  calceis  patriciis.  Lyd.  i.  17.] 
From  the  words  of  Horace,  id  nigris  medium  impediit  cms  petti- 
bus,  and  of  Juvenal,  nigra  lunam  subtexit  alutce,  it  has  been  inferred 
that  the  shoe  was  black  ;  but  Martial  expressly  adds,  Coccina  non 
Icesum  cingit  aluta  pedem  ;  and  if  this  very  shoe  be  rightly  supposed 
to  have  been  the  midleus,  which  had  passed  among  so  many  other 
things  from  the  Etrurians  to  the  Eomans,  there  is  no  doubt  that  it 
was  red,  and  that  the  above  passage  can  only  be  understood  of  the 
four  corrigise.  See  Salm.  ad  Vopisc.  Aurel.  49, 588 ;  Müller,  Etrusk. 
i.  269.  The  midleus  was  red,  whatever  the  etymology  of  the  word 
may  be.  See  Isid.  Orig.  xix.  34, 10.  [Plin.  H.  N.  ix.  17  :  comp.  Dio 
Cass,  xliii.  43.  The  mulleus  differed  perhaps  in  colour  from  the  two 
other  kinds.  Lyd.  i.  17, 32,  says  the  shoes  of  the  consuls  were  white, 
those  of  the  patricians,  black.]  Otherwise  the  men  wore  only  black 
and  white  shoes,  and  the  latter  only  in  later  times,  when  variously 
coloured  ones  were  also  used.  They  were  borrowed  from  the 
women's  apparel,  and  hence  Aurelian  forbade  men  from  wearing 
them.  Vopisc.  49.  [The  crepidce  were  accounted  un-roman  (Pers.  i. 
127,  in  crepidis  Gfraiorum.  Tertull.  de  Pall.  4  ;  Plin.  xxxiii.  3, 14), 
and  are  always  mentioned  along  with  the  Chlamys  and  Pallium. 
Cic.  p.  Rab.  10;  Liv.  xxix.  19;  Suet.  Tib.  13,  d< posito  patrio  habitu 
redegit  se  ad  pallium  et  crepidas.  Gell.  (xiii.  21)  makes  them  the 
same  as  the  soleae  (so  Heindorf  ad  Hor.  Sat.  i.  3,  127),  but  they 
certainly  differed ;  so  that  his  assertion  is  no  more  to  be  relied  on 
than  that  of  Send  us,  ad  Virg.  JEn.  viii.  458,  who  calls  the  calceus 
senatorius  a  crepida.  Isidor.  xix.  34.  The  caligse  of  a  later  age  were 
chiefly  used  by  the  military  (Brisson,  Antiq.  Sei.  ii.  6),  but  were  also 
used  in  common  life.  Edict.  Dioclet.  p.  24.  On  Compagus,see  Salman. 
ad  Treb.  Poll.  Gallien.  16;  Lyd.  de  Mag.  i.  17.] 


428  THE    DRESS    OF   THE   MEN.       [Excursus  I. 

The  poorer  classes  generally  were  clothed  in  the  same  manner, 
only  that  there  was  naturally  a  difference  in  the  colour  and  texture 
of  the  materials  used,  and  the  elegance  of  the  garments  of  the 
higher  ranks  was  altogether  wanting.  So  Juvenal  describes  the 
pauperes,  iii.  148 : 

si  foeda  et  scissa  lacerna, 
Si  toga  sordidula  est  et  rupta  calceus  alter 
Pelle  patet ;  vel  si  consuto  vulnere  crassum 
Atque  recens  linum  ostendit  non  una  cicatrix. 

Many  men  in  good  circumstances  also  did  not  go  better  clad,  either 
from  negligence,  as  the  Schol.  Cruq.  on  Hor.  Sat.  i.  3,  31,  relates 
of  Virgil,  or  from  avarice,  as  Scsevola,  who  had  suddenly  become 
wealthy.     Mart.  i.  101 : 

Sordidior  post  hoc  multo  toga,  psenula  pejor ; 
Calceus  est  sarta  terque  quaterque  cute. 

The  labouring  classes  could  not,  of  course,  make  much  use  of  the 
toga. 

The  slaves  wore  only  a  tunica. 

THE   BEAED  AND   HAIR. 

In  ancient  times  the  Romans  wore  beards,  Liv.  v.  41.  Cic.  p. 
Ccel.  14.  The  first  tonsor  is  said  to  have  come  to  Rome  from 
Sicily,  a.  u.  c.  454.  Varro  R.  R.  ii.  11.  Plin.  H.  N.  vii.  59 ;  and 
from  that  time  they  shaved ;  Gell.  iii.  4.  Hence  most  of  the  male 
statues,  down  to  the  second  century,  are  beardless.  The  poorer 
classes  did  not  shave  generally.     Mart.  vii.  95  : 

Dependet  glacies  rigetque  barba 

Qualem  forficibus  metit  supinis 

Tousor  Cinyphio  Cilix  marito. 

xii.  59.  Young  fops  only  shaved  partially,  [Sen.  Ep.  114],  and 
sported  a  neat  little  beard  (bene  burbati,  Cic.  Cat.  ii.  10,  p.  Ccel. 
14  ;  or  barbatuli,  ad  Att.  i.  14,  IG,  p.  Ccel.  14.)  The  day  of  shaving 
the  beard  for  the  first  time  was  observed  as  a  festival,  Dio  Cass, 
xlviii.  34  ;  lxi.  19.  Salm.  ad  Lamprid.  Helioy.  31.  From  Hadrian's 
time,  beards  again  came  into  fashion,  as  is  evideut  from  the  im- 
perial portraits.  Dio  Cass,  lxviii.  15 ;  Spart.  Hadr.  26. — The  hair 
was  worn  cut  short;  in  case  of  mourning  only,  it,  as  well  as  the 
beard,  was  allowed  to  grow.     See  Excursus,  Sc.  XII. 

In  the  tonstrince,  the  hair  was  cut,  the  beard  shorn,  and  the 
nails  cleaned.  The  shearing  of  the  beard  took  place  either  per 
pectinem,  over  the  comb,  wheu  it  was  only  shortened,  tondebatiir,  or 
it  was  shaved  clean  from  the  skin,  7-adebatur,  with  the  razor,  nova- 
cula,  which  the  tonsor  kept  in  a  theca.     Petr.  94.     The  passage  in 


Scene  VIII. ]       THE    DRESS    OF    THE    MEN.  429 

Plaut.  Capt.  ii.  2,  16,  is  amusing  on  account  of  the  play  upon  the 
word  tondere. 

Nunc  senex  est  in  tonstrina  :  nunc  jam  cultros  attinet — 
Ne  id  quidem  involucre  injicere  voluit,  vestem  ne  inquinet. 
Sed  utrum,  strictimne  attonsurum  dicam  esse,  an  per  pectinem 
Nescio ;  verum  si  frugi  est,  usque  admutilabit  probe. 

Many  persons  plucked  out  the  stray  hairs  from  the  face  with  fine 
pincers,  volsellce,  or  destroyed  them  by  means  of  salves,  psilothrum, 
and  drojjax,  as  well  as  those  on  other  parts  of  the  body.  Mart. 
iii.  74 : 

Psilothro  faciem  levas  et  dropace  calvam. 
Num  quid  tonsorem,  Gargiliane,  times  ? 
Quid  facient  ungues  ?  nam  certe  non  potes  illos 
Kesina,  Veneto  nee  resecare  luto. 

comp.  vi.  90,  9.  The  ingredients  of  such  salves  are  given  by  Plin. 
xxxii.  10,  47.  The  volsellse  for  plucking  out  the  beard  are  men- 
tioned by  Martial  (ix.  28),  who  jokes  at  a  man  who  shaved  his 
beard  in  three  ways,  viii.  47.  Almost  all  the  implements  of  the 
tonsor  are  enumerated  by  Plaut.  Curcul.  iv.  4,  21 : 

At  ita  me  volsellse,  pecten,  speculum,  calamistrum  meura 
Bene  me  amassint,  meaque  axicia,  linteumque  extersui. 

Persons  of  wealth  and  distinction  had  their  own  barber  among  the 
slave-family,  who,  if  skilful,  was  much  prized.  Hence  we  read  in 
Martial  an  epitaphium  on  such  a  slave,  Pantagathus  by  name,  who 
is  called  domini  cara  dolorque  sin,  vi.  52.  Still  the  majority  repaired 
to  the  tonstrina;,  which  became  places  of  resort,  visited  by  idlers  for 
the  sake  of  gossiping,  and  where  they  used  to  stop  long  after  the 
tonsor  had  fulfilled  his  duty  upon  them. 


THE  RINGS. 

We  will  now  say  a  few  words  about  the  rings.  The  Romans 
wore  one  signet-ring,  at  least,  and  to  judge  by  the  statues,  generally 
on  the  fourth  finger  of  the  left  hand,  or  the  gold-finger,  as  it  is 
called.  Ateius  Capito  in  Macrob.  Sat.  vii.  13,  gives  another 
account  as  regards  the  more  ancient  period.  It  is  known  that 
these  rings  were  in  the  beginning  of  iron,  and  that  the  golden 
ones  were  among  the  distinctions  of  the  higher  classes,  as  we  find 
in  Forcell.  Thes. ;  and  Pup.  on  Juv.  xi.  43.  Afterwards,  however, 
vain  persons,  desirous  of  displaying  their  wealth,  had  their  hands 
literally  covered  with  rings,  so  that  Quinctilian  (xi.  3)  gives  this 


430  THE    DRESS   OF   THE   MEN.       [Excursus  I. 

special  direction  for  the  speaker,  Manus  non  impleatur  annulis, 
prcecipue  medio»  articulos  non  transeuntibus.     Mart.  xi.  59 : 

Senos  Charimis  omnibus  digitis  gerit, 

Nee  nocte  ponit,  annulos, 
Nee  cum  lavatur.     Causa  qua?  sit  quseritis  ? 

Dactyliothecam  non  habet. 

Some  persons  had.  particular  cases  {dactyliothccce)  for  their  nume- 
rous rings,  which  were  stuck  there  in  a  row.  Comp.  xiv.  123. 
[Ulp.  Dig.  xxxii.  1,  52 ;  Plin.  H.  N.  xxxvii.  1.  A  bronze  dactylio- 
theca  has  been  preserved.]  Rings  of  immoderate  size  were  also 
worn,  as  the  same  poet  says,  with  bitter  satire,  of  Zoilus,  who,  from 
a  slave,  had  become  an  eques  (xi.  37) : 

Zoile,  quid  tota  gemmam  prsecingere  libra 
Te  juvat,  et  miserum  perdere  sardonycha  ? 

Annulus  iste  tuis  fuerat  modo  cruribus  aptus  ; 
Non  eadem  digitis  pondera  conveuiunt ; 

and  the  effeminate  Crispinus  had  lighter  rings  for  the  summer  than 
for  the  winter ;  one  of  the  absurdities  that  made  Juvenal  exclaim : 

Difficile  est  satiram  non  scribere. 


EXCUESUS   II.     SCENE   VIII. 


THE    DEESS    OF  THE   WOMEN. 

AN  antiquarian  would  be  sadly  at  fault,  had  he  to  write  a 
history  of  the  fashions  in  female  dress  at  Rome,  or  even  to 
explain  the  terms  which  occur  in  connexion  with  the  subject. 
The  meaning  of  such  names  generally  vanishes  with  the  fashion 
that  gave  rise  to  them,  and  less  than  a  century  afterwards  there 
is  no  tradition  that  can  give  any  satisfactory  intelligence  about 
the  peculiarity  of  a  stuff  or  a  particular  form  of  dress.  Commen- 
tators must  fail,  for  the  most  part,  in  their  attempts  to  explain 
the  various  articles  of  fashion  mentioned  in  Plaut.  Aul.  iii.  5,  and 
Epid.  ii.  2 ;  and  the  old  grammarians,  who  are  much  too  ready 
to  explain  the  nature  of  such  things  by  the  first  suitable  etymology 
they  can  meet  with,  can  be  but  little  trusted,  since  the  fashions 
of  earlier  times  were  probably  quite  as  incomprehensible  to  them 
as  they  are  to  us. 

Whoever  therefore  intends  to  treat  concerning  the  dress  of 
the  Roman  ladies,  will  do  well  to  confine  himself  to  generalities, 
and  this  is  the  more  satisfactory,  as  the  several  articles  of  dress 
always  remained  the  same  in  the  main,  and  the  modes  appear 
to  have  extended  mostly  only  to  the  stuff  or  quality,  or  to  the  other 
accessories,  which  are  of  no  importance.  If  we  go  through  the 
catalogue  in  Plaut.  Epid.  v.  39, 

Quid  erat  induta  ?  an  regillam  induculam,  an  mendiculam 
Impluviatam  ?  ut  istae  faciunt  vestimentis  nomina. — 
Quid  istae,  quae  vesti  quotannis  nomina  inveniunt  nova: 
Tunicam  rallam,  tunicam  spissam,  linteolum  caesitium, 
Indusiatam,  patagiatam,  caltularo,  aut  crocotulam, 
Supparum,  aut  subminiam,  ricam,  basilicum  aut  exoticum, 
Cumatile,  aut  plumatile,  carinum,  aut  gerrinum ; 

we  may  easily  see  that,  in  spite  of  all  the  obscurity  of  the  names, 
they  refer  almost  throughout  to  a  difference  in  the  stuff.  But  a 
stronger  evidence  of  the  unaltered  condition  of  the  national  dress 
down  to  a  very  late  period,  is  to  be  foimd  in  the  numerous 
monuments  of  art,  which  only  differ  from  each  other  in  the 
selection  by  the  artist  in  each  case  of  the  most  favourable  drapery, 
but  always  exhibit  the  same  leading  articles  of  dress. 

The  complete  costume  of  a  Roman  lady  consisted  of  three 
chief  portions,  the  tunica  interior,  the  stola,  and  the  palla. 


432  THE    DRESS   OF   THE   WOMEN.    [Excursus  II. 

The  tunica  interior,  it  is  erroneously  supposed,  is  also  called,  in 
the  case  of  the  women,  indusium,  or  intusium,  according  as  the  word 
is  derived  from  induere,  or  with  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  30,  from  intus.  In- 
tcrida  appears  to  he  a  word  of  the  latest  period,  and  is  used  of  the 
tunica  hoth  of  men  and  women.  Appul.  J7or.ii.32;  Metam.  viii.  533, 
and  frequently  in  Vopiscus  ;  it  therefore  seems  to  mean  nothing 
more  than  tunica  intima  in  Gell.  x.  15.  Appuleius  also  mentions 
indusiati pueri,  hut  only  in  cases  where  a  deviation  from  custom 
takes  place.  The  tunica  interior  was  a  simple  shift,  which,  at  least  in 
earlier  times,  had  not  sleeves,  any  more  than  originally  the  Greek 
Xitwv.  According  to  Non.  xiv.  18,  it  sat  closely  to  the  hody 
(though  this  must  hardly  he  taken  in  a  strict  sense),  and  was  not 
girded  whenever  the  second  tunica  was  put  on.  Supposing  it  was  only 
worn  within  doors,  this  might  have  heen  the  case,  but  the  assumption 
that  the  semicinctium  was  particularly  destined  for  this  purpose,  is 
entirely  arbitrary.  For  in  Martial  (xiv.  153,  Semicinctmni)  : 
Det  tunicam  dives  ;  ego  te  prsecingere  possum. 
Essem  si  locuples,  munus  utrumque  darem. 

it  is  to  be  taken  as  the  girdle  of  the  tunica  virorum,  and  so  in  Petr.  94. 
Stays  for  compressing  the  form  into  an  unnatural  appearance  of 
slimness,  were  not  known  to  the  ancients,  and  would  have  been  an 
abomination  in  their  eyes.     In  Terent.  Eun.  ii.  3,  21  : 

Haud  similis  virgo  est  virginum  nostrarum,  quas  matres  student 

Demissis  humeris  esse,  vincto  pectore,  ut  gracilse  sient. 

Si  qua  est  habitior  paullo,  pugilem  esse  ahmt ;  deducimt  cibum. 

Tametsi  bona'st  natura,  reddunt  curatura  junceas. 

a  severe  censure  is  conveyed  of  so  unnatural  a  taste,  which  is 
confirmed  by  all  the  monuments  of  art.  Still  we  should  be  in 
error  if  we  supposed  that  a  girl  in  those  days,  even  though  vincto 
pectore,  was  provided  with  stays.  All  they  had  was  a  bosom-band, 
strophium,  mamillare,  for  the  purpose  of  elevating  the  bosom,  and 
also  perhaps  to  confine  somewhat  the  nimius  tumor.  We  must  not 
confound  with  this  what  Martial  calls  the  fascia  pectoralis,  xiv.  134 : 
Fascia  erescentes  dominse  compesce  papillas, 
Ut  sit  quod  capiat  nostra  tegatque  manus. 
Such  fascia,  as  is  evident  from  his  own  words,  were  worn  to  confine 
the  breast  in  its  growth,  and  were  consequently  not  a  part  of  the 
usual  dress.  This  is  also  meant  by  Terence  ;  on  which  see  Stall- 
baum's  note,  and  Seal,  ad  Varr.  L.  L.  iv.  59. 

But  the  strophium  was  placed  over  the  inner  tunica,  as  we  see 
from  the  fragment  of  Turpilius  in  Non.  xiv.  8 : 

Me  miseram  !     Quid  agam  ?     Inter  vias  epistola  cecidit  mihi, 
Infelix  inter  tuniculam  ac  strophium  quam  colloeaveram. 


Scene  VIII.]      THE   DEESS    OF    THE   WOMEN.  433 

It  appears  to  hare  been  usually  of  leather,  at  least  Martial,  xiv.  66, 
alludes  to  this,  MamiUare  : 

Taurino  poteras  peetiis  constrinsrere  tergo; 
Nam  pellis  mammas  non  capit  ista  fcuas. 

and  for  this  reason  is  called  by  Catull.  64,  65,  tereti  strophio  luet an- 
tes vincta  papillas.  Bbttiger's  statement,  that  strophium  was  not 
called  mamillare,  except  when  designed  to  gird  in  the  too  much 
developed  bosom,  is  perfectly  groundless,  and  contradicted  by  the 
same  Epigram  of  Martial,  who  says  that  the  mamillare  of  which  he 
speaks,  is  not  sufficient  for  so  large  a  breast. 

Over  the  tunica  interior  was  drawn  the  stola,  also  a  tunica  but 
with  sleeves,  which,  however,  in  general,  only  covered  the  upper 
part  of  the  arm.  These  were  not  sewn  together,  but  the  opening 
on  the  outer  side  was  fastened  by  clasps,  as  was  frequently  the  case 
with  the  tunica  without  sleeves,  the  parts  of  which  covering  the 
breast  and  back  were  only  fastened  over  the  shoulders  by  means  of 
aflbula.  [Isidor.  xix.  31,  Jibuke  sunt  quibus  pectus femmarutn  ornatur 
vel  pallium  tenetur.  See  Mus.  Borb.  vii.  48.]  The  matter  is  rendered 
clearest  bv  monuments,  such  as  the  bronze  statue  in  the  Mus,  Borb. 
ii.  t.  4,  although  the  dress  be  not  Eoman.  The  girl  there  repre- 
sented is  just  about  to  fasten  the  two  parts  over  the  shoulders,  and 
these,  as  well  as  a  part  of  the  breast,  are  still  uncovered.  Although 
the  stola  generally  had  sleeves,  it  is  sometimes  foimd  without  them, 
as  in  the  statue  of  Livia  represented  in  the  following  engraving 
from  the  Mus.  Borb.  iii.  t.  37,  in  which  the  under  tunica  had  sleeves, 
but  the  upper  none  :  it  is  fastened  high  up,  above  the  shoulder,  by 
means  of  a  riband-like  clasp,  so  that  the  front  and  back  part  have 
no  other  fastening.  The  statue  given  by  Visconti,  Monum.  Gabini, 
34,  seems  to  be  clad  in  the  same  manner.  In  the  half-bronze  figure 
in  the  Mus.  Borb.  viii.  t.  59,  the  under  tunica  only  has  sleeves, 
while  the  upper  is  provided  with  arm-holes,  without  clasps.  What 
distinguished  this  upper  tunica  from  the  lower  one,  and  rendered  it 
a  stola,  or,  at  all  events,  was  never  absent,  was  the  instita ;  according 
to  Böttiger  a  broad  flounce,  sewn  on  to  the  lower  skirt.  This  is 
what  in  Poll.  vii.  54,  is  called  <jto\icojtüc  xitwv.  But  this  does  not 
agree  with  the  remarks  of  the  Scholiast  of  Cruquius  on  the  chief 
passage  concerning  this  article  of  dress.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  2,  29  : 
Sunt  qui  nolunt  tetigisse  nisi  illas, 
Quarum  subsuta  talos  tegit  instita  veste. 

He  says :  quia  matrons  stola  utuntur  ad  itnos  usque  pedes  demissa, 
cujus  imam  partem  ambit  instita  subsuta,  id  est,  conjuncta.  Instita 
autem  Greece  dicitur  jrepiirkSiXov,  quod  stoke  subsuebatur,  qua  matronee 
utebantur :  erat  enitn  tenuissima  fasciola,  que  preetextce  adjiciebatur. 

F  F 


434 


THE    DRESS    OF   THE    WOMEN.    [Excursus  II. 


If  the  Scholiast  he  right,  we  must  consider  it  to  have  been  a  narrow 
flounce,  sewn  on  under  the  strip  of  purple.  Ovid,  Art.  Am.  i.  32, 
does  not  disagree  with  this : 

Quaeque  tegis  medios  instita  longa  pedes ; 
for  longa  could  in  no  case  be  understood  of  the  breadth  of  the 
flounce,  but  only  of  its  reaching  far  down.     This,  however,  would 
not  exclude  the  possibility  of  its  having  been  also  worn  broader. 

While  the  under  tunica  did  not  reach  much  beyond  the  knee, 
the  stola  was  longer  than  the  whole  figure,  and  was  consequently 
girded  in  such  a  manner  that  it  made  a  quantity  of  broad  folds 
under  the  breast,  and  the  instita  reached  down  to  the  feet,  which  it 
half  covered.  Hence  Nbn.  xiv.  6  :  omnem  (vestem)  qiue  corpus 
teijcret ;  and  Ennius  in  Nbn.  iv.  40  :  Et  quis  iliac  est,  quce  luyubri 


Scene  VIII.]      THE    DEESS    OF   THE    WOMEN".  435 

succincta  est  stola  ?  In  the  case  of  ladies  of  distinction,  the  stola 
also  was  ornamented  on  the  neck  with  a  coloured  stripe,  but  whether 
it  was  of  purple,  as  Böttiger  asserts,  there  seems  to  be  considerable 
doubt.  Ferrarius  (de  re  Vest.  iii.  20)  has  shewn  (from  Nonius,  xiv. 
19,  Patagium  aureus  clavus,  quipretiosis  vestibus  immitti  solet ;  and 
Tertull.  de  Pcdl  3, pavo est plurna  omnipatagio  inauratior,  quaterga 
fulgent)  that  it  was  a  strip  of  gold,  and  he  defends  this  opinion  also 
in  the  Ancdecta,  2.  It  was  then  a  similar  decoration  to  the  clavus 
among  the  men  :  see  Excursus  on  the  Male  Dress.  See  also  Varro, 
L.  L.  viii.  28 :  quum  dissimiUima  sit  drills  toga  tunica,  rnuliebris 
stola  pallio ;  ix.  48,  x.  27.  The  account  of  Isidor.  xix.  25,  Stola 
matronale  operimentum,  quod  cooperto  capite  et  scapula  a  dextro 
latere  in  leevum  humerum  mittitur,  is  wron°\ 

The  stola  was  the  characteristic  dress  of  the  Roman  matrons  as 
the  toga  was  for  the  Roman  citizens.  The  libertines  and  meretrices 
differed  thus  much  from  them,  that  they  wore  a  shorter  tunica 
without  instita,  and  the  latter  a  dark-coloured  toga.  Hence  in 
Horace  (Sat.  i.  2,  63),  the  togata  is  opposed  to  the  matrona,  and 
the  same  opposition  occurs  in  Tib.  iv.  10,  3, 

Si  tibi  cura  toga  est  potior,  pressumque  quasillo 
Scortum,  quam  Servi  filia  Sulpicia. 

and  in  this  sense,  Martial  says  in  defence  of  his  frivolous  Epigrams 
(i.  36,  8)  : 

Quis  Floralia  vestit,  et  stolatum 

Permittit  meretrieibus  pudorem  ? 
Indeed  the  matrona  found  guilty  of  incontinence  lost  the  right  of 
wearing  the  stola,  and  had  to  exchange  it  for  the  toga.  So  the 
scholiast  of  Cruquius  relates  on  the  above  passage  of  Horace  : 
Matrona  qua  a  maritis  repudiabantur  propter  adulterium,  togam 
accipicbant,  sublata  stola  alba  propter  ignominiam,  meretrices  autem 
prostare  solebant  cum  togispullis,  id  discernerentvr  a  matronis  adulterii 
convictis  et  damnatis,  quce  togis  albis  utebantur.  To  this  refer  the 
passages  adduced  by  Heindorf,  in  Martial,  ii.  39,  and  vi.  64,  4. 

Next  to  this  came  the paUa,  which,  however,  was  only  worn  out 
of  doors,  and  was  to  the  women  what  the  toga  was  to  the  men. 
The  fashion  of  wearing  it  was  similar  to  that  of  the  toga,  and  will 
therefore  be  better  exj  lained  along  with  the  latter.  It  is  reason- 
able to  suppose,  that  as  the  men  were  extremely  particular  in  the 
adjustment  of  the  toga,  the  women  would  be  still  more  so  about 
the  most  ornamental  and  advantageous  way  of  arranging  the  palla. 
It  fell  more  or  less  low,  sometimes  down  to  the  feet,  according  to 
the  pleasure  of  the  wearer,  but  was  not  allowed  to  drao-  alon?  the 
ground.     It  has  been  already  shown  from  Ovid  (Amor.  iii.  13  24) 

f  f  2 


436  THE    DRESS   OF   THE   WOMEN.    [Excursus  II. 

that  Böttiger  goes  too  far  when  he  adds :  '  For  at  the  theatre  alone 
were  trains  allowed  to  the  Heroes  and  Citharoedaj  of  Antiquity. 
Ottfr.  Müller,  Etrusk.  ii.  46,  has  also  explained  the  passage  in  the 
old  and  untenable  manner,  and  we  therefore  proceed  to  a  further 
justification  of  the  explanation  given.  He  says,  in  speaking  of  the 
worship  of  Juno  at  Falerii  (this  is  the  moenia  Camillo  victa  of  Ovid, 
for  at  this  period  the  ruins  only  of  Veii  existed,  Prop.  iv.  10,  27), 
'  A  pompa  was  joined  with  the  annual  great  sacrifices,  the  festive 
path  was  laid  with  carpets.'  For  the  latter  assertion,  Ovid,  v.  12 
and  24,  and  Dionys.  i.  21,  are  referred  to.  But  in  Dionysius, 
nothing  at  all  is  to  be  found  about  such  a  covering  for  the  way,  and 
Ovid's  words  cannot  be  so  explained.     For  when  he  says  (v.  13), 

It  per  velatas  annua  pompa  vias, 
the  velates  via  mean  streets  adorned  with  foliage  and  festoons  of 
flowers,  as  in  Virg.  sEn.  ii.  249,  and  Ovid,  Trist,  iv.  2,  3.     But  the 
second  passage  (v.  23,  seq.), 

Qua  Ventura  dea  est,  juvenes  timidseque  puellse 
Prseverrunt  latas  veste  jacente  vias. 

which  is  the  most  important  one,  admits  only  of  the  explanation 
here  given.  It  is  the  trailing  garments  (vestis  jaccns)  of  those  pre- 
ceding, which  sweep  the  way,  as  it  were.  So  says  Statius  {Achill. 
i.  262)  :  Si  decet  aurata  Bacchum  vestigia  pallet  Verrere.  That 
vestis  jacens  may,  in  the  case  even  of  a  person  walking,  signify  the 
garment  which  touches  the  ground,  is  clear  from  a  passage  in  Ovid 
(Amor.  iii.  1,  9)  : 

Venit  et  ingenti  violenta  Tragoedia  passu  ; 
Fronte  comae  torva  ;  palla  jacebat  humi. 

There  were  therefore  cases  besides  at  the  theatre,  in  which  the  palla, 
contrary  to  the  usual  habit,  was  allowed  to  trail  along  the  ground. 
Though  there  may  be  no  doubts  about  the  essential  nature  of 
these  different  portions  of  female  attire,  still  the  names  stola  and 
palla  have  received  an  entirely  different  interpretation  from  others. 
Rubens,  for  instance,  does  this,  and  the  same  explanation,  in  the 
main,  is  to  be  found  in  Ottfried  Müller's  Handbuch  d.  Archäol.,  475, 
where  the  stola  is  taken  to  mean  the  under  tunica,  the  palla  to  be  a 
sort  of  upper  tunica,  while  in  place  of  the  palla,  as  explained  above, 
the  amiculum  is  substituted.  Probably  this  explanation  is  based  on 
the  obscure  passage  of  Varro,  v.  131,  where  the  palla  is  mentioned 
among  those  articles  of  dress,  quce  indutui  sunt.  But  this  account 
of  Varro's  is  at  variance  with  all  that  is  said  elsewhere,  and  with 
Varro  himself,  de  Vita  Pop.  Rom.  in  Non.  xvi.  13:  id,  dum  supra 
terrain  essent,  ricinis  lugerent ;  funere  ipso  ut  pidlis  pedlis  amictce. 
Without  laying  too  much  stress  on  the  word  amiciri,\smce  amictus 


Scene  VIII.]      THE    DRESS   OF   THE   WOMEN.  437 

and  indittus  are  often  interchanged  by  the  poets,  thus  much  is  clear, 
that  the  palla  took  the  place  of  the  ricinus,  and  belonged  to  the 
aniictus.  It  is  hard  to  reconcile  this  contradiction ;  but  it  has  been 
shown  above,  that  the  palla  in  the  best  Roman  period,  and  even 
later,  was  a  garment  thrown  round  the  person.  This  is  further 
clear  from  Appul.  Metam.  xi.  758 :  palla  splendescens  atro  nitore, 
quce  circumcirca  remeans,  et  sub  dextrum  latus  ad  humerum  Icevum 
recurrens  umbonis  vicem  dejecta  parte  laoinics  muUiplici  contabulatione 
d<  pendula  ad  ultimas  oras  nodulis  finibriarum  decoriter  conßuctuabat. 
It  was  adj  usted,  therefore,  like  the  toga.  Sometimes  the  extremity, 
which  hangs  in  front  over  the  left  shoulder,  was  drawn  under  the 
right  arm  behind,  as  in  the  statue  of  Livia.  It  need  only  be 
further  remarked,  that  it  is  the  upper  tunica  which  in  all  monu- 
ments reaches  to  the  feet,  and  that  consequently  there  would  be 
nothing  visible  of  the  stola  (taken  as  an  under-garment)  with  its 
instita,  which  is  nevertheless  the  distinguishing  garment  of  the 
lioman  matron ;  that  the  wrords  of  Hor.  Sat.  i.  2,  99, 
Ad  talos  stola  demissa  et  circumdata  palla, 
do  not  at  all  allow  of  the  latter  being  explained  as  an  indumentum  ; 
that  amieulum  is  a  general  expression,  which  is  equally  used  of  the 
men  and  of  the  women,  Petr.  11 ;  that  we  cannot  refer  to  Plaut. 
Cist.  i.  1,  117,  and  Pcen.  i.  2,  130,  as  these  passages  do  not  even 
allude  to  the  Roman  dress,  and  the  word  there  used  is  merely  a 
translation  of  the  Greek  ipänav ;  that  Ovid,  Met.  xiv.  263,  affords 
just  as  little  proof  (Comp.  Odi/ss.  v.  230)  ;  and  that  we  cannot  draw 
any  inference  as  to  what  the  palla  was  from  Livy,  xxvii.  4,  regime 
pallam  pictam  cam  amiculo  purpureo.  It  will  therefore  be  necessary 
to  adduce  some  new  and  authentic  arguments,  before  we  can  con- 
sent to  give  up  the  explanation  defended  by  Ferrarius,  and  recog- 
nised by  Böttiger  and  Heindorf  as  a  correct  one. 

We  cannot  assent  to  the  latter,  when  on  Sat.  i.  8, 23,  Vidi  egomct 
nigra  suecinctam  vadere  palla  Canidiam,  he  supposes  that  palla  is 
poetically  used  for  tunica.  Canidia  comes,  palla  suceineta  legendis 
in  sinum  ussibus  herbisque  nocentibus.  [Herzberg  supposes  that  the 
palla  wras  the  upper  tunica  of  the  women,  but  that  it  denoted  like- 
wise, in  a  special  sense,  the  short  over-cloak  which  the  matrons 
threw  over  the  stola,  when  they  appeared  in  public.  At  all  events, 
Becker's  explanation  does  not  accord  with  all  the  passages  of  the 
classics ;  and  the  palla  must  therefore  be  taken  in  a  wider  sense. 
In  the  following  places  palla  is  most  probably  a  kind  of  mantle. 
Hor.  Sat.  i.  2,99;  Varro  in  Nim.  ;  Sidon.  Apoll,  xx.  13.  See  above. 
Likewise  Isidor.  xix.  25,  est  quad-rum  pallium  muliebris  vestis  deduc- 
tion usque  ad  vestigia.     But  elsewhere  it  only  signifies  a  tunica.     So 


438  THE   DRESS    OF   THE    WOMEN.    [Excdesos  II. 

in  the  difficult  passage  of  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  103.  Auct.  ad  Her.  iv.  47. 
XJt  citharccdus  pallet  indurata  indutus,  cum  ehlamyde  purpurea  (where 
palla  signifies  the  tunic,  and  chlamys  the  mantle.)  So  in  Liv. 
xxvii.  4,  palla  and  ainiculum  must  be  so  explained ;  and  Ovid. 
Met.  xiv.  202  : 

Sublimis  solio  pallamque  induta  nitentem 
Insuper  aurato,  circumvelatur  amictu. 
and  vi.  481 : 

Induitur  pallam  tortoque  incingitur  angue. 
where  palla  is  a  tunic,  as  Tisiphone  was  girded  with  a  snake,  which 
would  have  been  impossible,  had  it  been  a  mantle.     In  the  next 
place,  the  palla  is  sometimes  described  as  a  long,  at  others  as  a 
short  garment.     Ovid,  Amor.  iii.  13,  26  : 

Et  tegit  auratos  palla  superba  pedes. 
But  in  Mart.  i.  93  : 

Dimidiasque  nates  Gallica  palla  tegit. 
From  this  twofold  shape,  the  palla  was  thought  by  some  gram- 
marians to  be  something  between  the  mantle  and  tunic.  So  Non. 
xiv.  7,  tunica  pallium;  Sen.  ad  Virg.  JEn.  i.  6;  Schol.  Cruq.  ad 
Hor.  Sat.  i.  2,  99,  tunicopallium.  And  this  is  most  probable.  So 
that  the  palla  would  be  a  broad  upper  tunic  of  greater  or  less 
length,  which  when  ungirded,  resembled  a  pallium ;  but  when 
girded  did  not  in  the  least  differ  from  the  stola.  (Sen.  Troad.  i.  91, 
cingat  palla  tunicas  solutas.)  In  the  latter  case,  a  mantle  might 
be,  also  worn  over  it ;  in  the  first  it  served  as  a  mantle  itself.  This 
garment  was  the  dress  of  Citharcedce,  and  actors,  as  is  plain  from 
the  above  passage  ad  Her.  and  Ovid,  Amor.  ii.  18,  15,  iii.  1,  12 ; 
Suet.  Cal.  54.  Courtesans  and  adulierii  damnata;  were  not  entitled 
to  wear  the  palla  or  the  stola.] 

The  ricinium  was  a  kind  of  veil.  Fest.  p.  277  :  Hices  et  ricuke 
vocanUir  parva  ricinia  lit  palliola  ad  usum  capitis.  Varro,  L.  L. 
v.  132:  ab  rejiciendo  ricinium  dictum,  quod  dirnidiam partem  retror- 
sum  jacitbant.  Non.  xiv.  33:  Ricinium  quod  nunc  Mavortium  dicitur. 
[Isidor.  xix.  25,  calls  it  ricinium  and  Mavors,  and  even  stola, 
which  is  a  mistake.]  These  expressions  [as  well  &sflammeum~\  be- 
longed to  an  earlier  period,  and  continued  to  be  used  only  in  respect 
to  the  flaminica.  But  the  fact,  that  they  covered  the  head  with  a 
veii,  always  remained. 

[Females  used  the  same  sort  of  coverings  for  the  feet  as  men  ; 
only  that  their  soleae  and  calcei  were  more  ornamented,  and  in 
brighter  colours. 

Lastly,  must  be  mentioned  the  fans  and  parasols.  The  former, 
jlabella,  were  used  both  to  keep  off  troublesome  insects,  (for  which 


Scene  VIII.]      THE    DRESS    OF   THE    WOMEN.  439 

purpose  the  muscarium  was  also  used.  Mart.  xiv.  71) ;  aud  also  to 
cool,  as  our  fans.     Ter.  Eun.  iii.  5,  47  : 

Cape  hoc  flabellum  et  ventulum,  huic  sic  facito  dum  lavamus. 
Ov.  Amor.  iii.  2,  27  : 

Vis  tarnen  interea  faciles  arcessere  ventos, 
Quos  faciat  nostra  mota  tabella  manu. 
AI.  faciant—flabella,  comp.  Art.  Am.  i.  161.  They  were  generally  of 
peacocks"  feathers,  aud  other  light  materials,  as  thin  plates  of  wood. 
Prop.  ii.  18,  59  : 

Et  modo  pavonis  caudse  flabella  superbi. 
Claudian.  in  Eutrop.  i.  108 : 

Patricius  roseis  pavonum  Ventilat  alis. 
Parasols,  tonbellce,  often  occur.     Mart.  xiv.  28,  UmbeUa  : 
Accipe  quae  nimios  vincant  umbracula  soles, 
Sit  licet  et  ventus,  te  tua  vela  tegent. 
xi.  73  :  Juv.  ix.  50.     See  Casaub.  ad.  Suet.  Oct.  80 ;  Burmann,  ad 
Anthol.  Lat.  ii.  p.  370  :   and  Paciaudi,  OKiaco^vpin-ia  s.  de  umlelhc 
gestat. 

ORNAMENTS  OF  THE  HAIR. 

The  Roman  ladies  were  very  proud  of  fine  long  hair,  and  its 
ornaments.  Appul.  Met.  ii.  p.  118  :  Quamcis  auro,  veste,  gcmmis 
exornata  midier  incedat,  tarnen  nisi  capillum  distinxerit,  ornata  non 
possit  videri.  Isid.  xix.  23.  Bbttiger  has  spoken  of  the  way  in 
which  they  dyed  the  hair  (with  soap-like  pomade,  spuma  Batava 
and  caustica ;  Cato  in  Charts.  1  :  mulieres  nostra  cinere  capillum 
ungitabant,  at  rutihts  esset  crinis.  Val.  Max.  ii.  1,  5;  Fest.  p.  202; 
Serv.  ad  Virg.  sEn.  iv.  698)  ;  and  also  on  the  false  hair,  aud  blond 
wigs,  Mart.  v.  68,  xii.  23  :  Juv.  vi.  120  : 

Sed  nigrum  flavo  crinem  abscondente  galero. 
Ov.  Art.  Am.  iii.  163  : 

pemina  canitiem  Germanis  inficit  lierbis, 

Et  melior  vero  quseritur  arte  color  ; 
Femina  procedit  densissima  crinibus  emtis, 
Proque  suiß  alios  efficit  sere  suos. 
The  various  methods  of  dressing  the  hair  are  seen  in  the  ancient 
statues.     Sometimes  the  marble  perukes  of  these  were  replaced  by 
others,  to  suit  the  fashion.   See  Ov.  Art.  Am.  iii.  135 ;  Appul.  Met. 
ib. ;  Tertull.  de  Cidtu  Fern.  6.     The  simplest  method  of  wearing 
their  hair  was  in  smooth  braids,  and  a  knot  (nodus)  behind,  in  the 
modern  fashion  ;   Mas.  Borb.  ix.  34 ;    or  the  ends  were  brought 
round  again  in  front  of  the  head.     The  other  extreme  was  the 


440  THE    DRESS    OF   THE    WOMEN.    [Excursus  II. 

tidulus,  a  storied  edifice  of  hair  over  the  forehead.  Fest.  p.  355 ; 
Yarro,  L.  L.  vii.  44 ;  Mus.  Borb.  xiii.  25.  To  keep  the  hair  in 
shape,  bauds  were  used,  tce?iia,  fascia,  fasciola,  called  capital.  Yarro, 
L.  L.  v.  130 ;  but  especially  pius  (acus  discriminalis ;  Lsid.  xix.  31)  ; 
many  of  which  are  preserved,  aud  such  as  are  still  used  in  parts  of 
Italy  to  wind  the  hair  round.] 

A  similar  pin,  though  it  does  not  seem  of  particularly  good 
workmanship,  has  been  found  in  Pompeii,  and  a  copy  of  it  is  given 
in  the  Mus.  Borb.  ii.  tab.  xiv.  Bechi  considers  that  it  was  designed 
to  fasten  the  garments ;  but  Böttiger  has,  and  as  it  appears  rightly, 
explained  the  use  of  these  pins  as  bodkins  or  crisping-pins.  [Other 
costly  head-dresses  were  used.  Isid.  xix.  31,  Diadema  est  ornamen- 
tum  capitis  matronarum  ex  auro  et  gemmis  contextum.  So  also  nitnr 
bus,  ib. ;  Ov.  Amor.  iii.  13,  25  : 

Yirginei  crines  auro  gemmaque  premuntur. 
The  hair  was  dressed  by  ciniflones  or  cinerarii,  with  their  curling- 
irons  (calamistrum,  Yarro,  L.  L.  v.  129),  combs,  and  pomades,  and 
by  the  ornatrices.  Macrob.  ii.  5,  p.  347.  Julia  mature  habere  ccepe- 
rat  canos,  quos  legere  secrete  solebat.  Subitus  interventus  patris  op- 
pressit  ornatrices.  Orell.  2878,  2933.  These  persons  were  regularly 
apprenticed  to  the  art ;  Marcian.  Dig.  xxxii.  1,  65.]  Not  only  by 
night,  but  also  for  convenience  by  day,  and  especially  when  busied 
in  household  affairs,  the  women  drew  a  net  over  the  head,  encircling 
the  hair,  reticulum  [Yarro.  L.  L.  v.  130,  quod  capillum  contineret. 
Non.  xiv.  32;  Isid.  xix.  31],  KetcpifaKog.  Juven.  ii.  96,  reprimands 
the  men  for  indulging  in  this  effeminate  habit.  These  hair-nets 
were  frequently  made  of  gold  thread,  as  we  see  from  engravings  in 
the  M us.  Borb.  iv.  t.  49,  viii.  t.  4,  5,  vi.  t.  18.  Hence  in  Juvenal, 
reticulum  auratum.  [They  also  used  caps  of  thicker  material,  which 
hung  down  like  a  sack  at  the  back  of  the  head,  mitra,  calantica,  or 
calvatica.  Yarro,  ib.  Non.  xiv.  2 ;  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  23.  Sometimes 
they  were  made  of  bladder,  Mart.  viii.  33, 19  ;  and  in  various  shapes. 
They  occur  in  vase-paintings.  See  Becker's  Charicles,  translated 
by  Metcalfe,  p.  336. 

ORNAMENTS. 

These  were  very  rich  and  manifold,  generally  of  gold,  set  off 
with  pearls  and  precious  stones.  Plin.  H.  N.  ix.15,  58:  Paulinam 
vidi  smaragdis  margaritisque  opeHam,  alterno  textu  fulgentibus,  toto 
capite,  criuibus,  spira,  auribus,  collo,  monilibus,  digitisque,  ques  summa 
quadringenties  H.  S.  colligebat.  Lucian.  de  Domo,  7.  The  necklaces 
(monilia)  and  neck-chains  (catell<e),  which  often  reached  to  the 


Scene  VIII.]      THE    DRESS   OF   THE   WOMEN.  441 

breast,  were  very  magnificent.  Isidor.  xix.  13  ;  Plin.  H.  N.  xxxiii. 
2,  12;  Sen.  Med.  iii.  572,  auro  textili  monile  ftdgens.  Pauli.  Dig. 
xxxiv.  2,  32,  Omamentum  mamillarum  ex  cylindris  triginta  quatuor 
et  tympaniis  margaritis  triginta  quatuor.  The  pearls  "were  of  im- 
mense value;  Suet.  Cees.  50,  sexagies  sestertio  margaritam  mercatusest.~\ 
A  necklace  was  foimd  at  Pompeii  consisting  of  one  band  of  fine 
interlaced  gold,  on  which  are  suspended  seventy-one  pendants, 
like  small  ear-drops  :  at  the  ends  of  the  chain  there  is  a  kind  of 
clasp,  on  both  parts  of  which  there  is  a  frog  :  at  the  terminal  points 
where  it  was  clasped  there  were  rubies  in  settings,  one  of  which  is 
still  in  existence,  and  is  copied  in  the  Mus.  Borb.  ii.  14.  [See  also 
xii.  44.  The  ami-bands  were  called  armillce  (Paul.  Diac.  p.  25), 
braehiulia,  spinther.  Fest.  p.  333  ;  Plaut.  Men.  iii.  3, 4.]  Arm-bands 
in  the  form  of  serpents  appear  to  have  been  very  common,  and 
Hesyehius  says,  6;.ig  rb  \pvaoüv  irtpißpaxöviov.  In  Pompeii  too, 
several  of  the  kind  have  been  found.  See  Mus.  Borb.  supra,  and 
vii.  tab.  xlvi.  xii.  44.  The  latter  have  actually  rubies  in  the  place 
of  eyes.  [Ladies  wore  in  their  ears  a  single  great  pearl,  or  other 
ornament.  Isidor.  xix.  31,  Inaures  ab  aurium  foraminibus  nuncu- 
pates, quibus  pretiosa  genera  lapidum  dependuntur.  Sen.  de  Ben.  vii. 
9,  video  uniones  non  singula  singulis  auribus  comparatos,  jam  enim 
exerdtatce  awes  uneri  ferenda  sunt,junguntur  inter  se  et  insuper  alii 
binis  superponuntur.  Non  satis  midiebris  insania  viros  subjecerat, 
nisi  bin«,  ac  tema  patrimonia  auribus  singulis  pependissent.  Plaut. 
Men.  iii.  3,  17;  Hor.  aS^.u.  3,  239;  Pauli.  Big.  xxxiv.  2,32.  The 
rings  have  already  been  discussed  elsewhere.  All  these  ornaments 
were  called  ornamenta  muliebria,  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  5.  In  contra- 
distinction to  which  is  the  mundus  midiebris,  quo  midier  mundior  fit, 
viz.  specula  (looking-glasses;  see  above,  and  Isid.  xix.  31)matulce, 
unguent«,  vasa  unguentaria,  and  other  articles  belonging  to  the  toilet, 
as  combs  (pectines,  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  129),  of  box-wood  or  ivory  ;  in- 
struments for  the  nails  (Böttiger,  Habina ),  and  rouge-boxes.  (They 
were  rich  in  cosmetics.  Lucian.  Amor.  39 ;  Plin.  xxxiii.  12,  50  ; 
Cic.  Orat.  23,  fueati  medicamen  candoris  et  ruboris;  Ov.  Med.  Fac. 
73,  Art.  Am.  iii.  197 ;  Juv.  vi.  477. )  Ointments  and  oils  have  been 
discussed  above.  Some  ladies  spent  great  sums  in  these  essences. 
Mart.  iii.  55. 

Quod  quacumque  venis  Cosmum  migrare  putamus, 
Et  lluere  excusso  cinnama  fusa  vitro. 

In  Mus.  Borb.  xi.  10,  there  is  a  round  ointment-box,  with  a  pointed 
lid,  just  like  a  tobacco-box.  The  larger  chests,  with  mirrors  and 
other  articles,  called  cistce  mysti&e,  and  which  mostly  came  from 


442  THE    DRESS    OF   THE   WOMEX.    [Excursus  II. 

Prpeneste,  are  described  by  Müller,  Arehaeologie  V.  Many  toilet 
scenes  in  vase  and  fresco-painting,  and  on  sarcophagi,  have  been 
preserved. 

APPENDIX. 

THE  MATERIAL,   COLOUR,  METHOD   OP  MANUFACTURING,   AND   OF 
CLEANING  THE   GARMENTS. 

The  garments  were  manufactured  of  wool,  silk,  lineu,  and  cotton. 
Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  23,  lanea,  tinea,  serica,  bombycina.  But  the  mate- 
rial most  used  was  wool ;  and  the  toga  could  not  be  made  of  any- 
thing else.] 

In  Italy,  the  best  was  obtained  in  Apulia,  round  Tarentum. 
Plin.  viii.  48  [Colum.  vii.  2,  4] ;  Mart.  xiv.  1 55 : 

Velleribus  primis  Apulia,  Parma  secundis 
Nobilis  ;  Altinum  tertia  laudat  ovis. 

Of  the  foreign  sorts,  the  Milesian  [Samian]  and  Laconian,  as  well 
as  several  others  mentioned  in  Pliny,  were  celebrated.  [Yates, 
Textrinum  Antiquorum  ;  An  Account  of  the  AH  of  Weaving  among 
the  Ancients.  A  lanarius  negolians,  importer  of  wool,  is  mentioned, 
Orell.  Inner.  4003.]  The  cloth  was  sometimes  thick  and  heavy  ;  at 
others,  thinner  and  lighter.  On  account  of  the  first-mentioned  qua- 
lity, the  toga  is  called  clensa,  pinguis  (Suet.  Aug.  82)  ;  hirta  (Quinct. 
Inst.  xii.  10).  The  latter  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  pexa, 
which  signifies  only  the  new  garment,  or  one  that  was  more  woolly, 
and  not  so  closely  shorn  ;  whence  sometimes  the  trita  (see  Obbar. 
on  Hor.  Epist.  i.  1,  95),  sometimes  the  rasa,  is  opposed  to  it.  The 
lighter  sort  served  for  summer-wear.  Mart.  ii.  85.  According  to 
Pliny  (viii.  48,  74);  it  first  came  into  use  under  Augustus.  Silk 
stuffs  were  not  worn  till  late, and  even  then,serica  signifies  generally 
only  half-silk  cloth,  the  warp  being  linen  thread,  and  the  woof  of 
silk.  When  greater  accuracy  of  expression  is  used,  the  distinction 
is  made  between  subserica  and  holoserica.  [Isidor.  xix.  22,  holoserica 
tota  serica — tramoserica  stamme  tineo,  trama  ex  serico.~\  Lamprid. 
Sev.  Alex.  40.  But  what  he  says  of  Heliogabalus  (20),  Primus 
Romanorum  holoserica  veste  usus  fertur,  quumjam  subserica  in  urn 
essent,  this  can  only  hold  good  of  the  men,  for  the  holoserica  stola 
mulierum  is  mentioned  by  Varro  in  Nonius.  As  such  garments  cost 
enormous  sums,  they  were  always  considered  an  article  of  extrava- 
gance. We  see  from  Quinct.  xii.  10,  that  silken  stuffs  (subserica) 
were  used  for  the  toga  also.  [At  first,  however,  silk  garments  were 
worn  only  by  women,  Dio.  Cass,  xliii.  24 :  men  being  in  fact  for- 
bidden to  use  them.     Tac.  Ann.  ii.  33;  ne  vestis  serica  viros  fecdaret. 


Scrub  VIII.]      THE    DRESS    OF    THE    WOMEN.  443 

Top.  Tac.  10  ;  Dio.  Cass.  lii.  15.  But  the  law  was  often  transgressed, 
e.  g.  by  Caligula,  Suet.  Cal.  52 :  and.  later,  it  became  obsolete.  Solin. 
50.]  On  account  of  tbeir  bigb  price  [Top.  Anrel.  45,  one  pound  of 
silk  cost  a  pound  of  gold],  these  stuffs  were  woven  so  thin  that  the 
famous  Coa  (which  were,  however,  also  composed  of  byssus)  were 
often  censured  by  moralists.  See  Bbttig.  Sab.  ii.  115,  and  Hein- 
dorf on  Hor.  Sat.  i.  2,  161.  The  garment  worn  by  Venus,  in  a  paint- 
ing from  Pompeii  (Mus.  Borb.  iii.  36),  and  that  worn  by  l'hryne, 
as  she  is  called  ( viii.  5 ).  must  be  considered  robes  of  this  sort.  In 
vii.  20,  it  is  not  much  thicker ;  and  of  them  we  may  say  with  Horace. 
pcene  viclere  est  id  nudam.  [Sen.  de  Ben.  vii.  9,  video  sericas  vestes,  si 
vestes  vocandce  sunt,  in  quibus  nihil  est,  quo  defendi  aid  corpus  out 
denique  pudor possit.~\  The  silk  dresses  did  not  come  to  Europe  in 
the  web,  but  the  raw  silk  had  usually  to  be  manufactured  here. 
The  chief  passages  on  this  point  are  Aristotle,  H.  A.  v.  17.  (19.) 
[Isid.  xix.  27.]  Plin.  vi.  17,  20,  Seres  lanicio  süvarum  nobües,  per- 
fusam  aqua  depectentes  frondium  eanitiem  :  wide  geminus  feminis 
nostris  labor,  reordiendi  fila  rursumque  texendi.  The  obscurity  ot 
the  expression  has  induced  many  to  believe  that  the  robes  already 
manufactured  were  taken  to  pieces,  and  then  put  together  again. 
In  Home,  at  least  in  the  time  of  -Martial  (xi.  27, 11),  the  most  cele- 
brated weavers  appear  to  have  lived  in  the  Vicus  Tuscus.  [Silk- 
merchants.  serica.ru  negotiatores,  occur  in  inscriptions.  Orell.  1368, 
4252.  The  sericaria  (2955)  is  a  female  slave,  who  probably  had 
charge  of  the  silk  dresses  of  her  mistress.  On  the  origin  of  silk, 
and  its  manufacture  and  different  names,  see  Becker's  Charicles, 
Eng.  trans,  p.  316,  and  Yates,  Textrin.  Anttq.  L  160—250.  Though 
linen  was  indispensable  in  a  household  (Non.  xiv.  5,  mentions  the 
linen  covers,  plana- :  xiv.  17.  linteolum  aesicium  ;  and  frequently  the 
moppte  and  mantelia,  or  napkins.  See  the  Excursus  on  the  Table 
Utensils.  Gausape  also  was  originally  of  linen,  though  afterwards 
of  wool),  yet  it  was  little  used  for  dress.  Hence  it  is  seldom 
mentioned,  except  in  speaking  of  the  women  (never  in  the  case 
of  the  toga).  Plin.  //.  N.  xix.  1  ;  whence  we  may  infer  that 
women  sometimes  wore  linen  garments.  See  Fest,  and  Paid.  p.  310, 
who  explain  supparus  as  vestimentum  puettare  lineum.  ~Scm.  xiv.  20 ; 
Appul.  Met.  ii.  p.  117  ;  Isid.  xix.  25,  mentions  the  amiculum  as  mere- 
tricium  pallium  lineum,  and  the  anaholadium  as  amictorium  lineum 
femmarum. 

It  is  not  till  later  that  linen  garments  for  the  men  are  met  with, 
(for  the  legio  linteata  did  not  derive  its  name  from  its  dress  ;  Paul. 
Diac.  p.  115  ;  Liv.  x.  38  ;  and  there  was  a  special  cause  for  the 
priests  of  Isis  wearing  linen  robes,  linigera  tut  ba.   Ovid.  Art.  Am.  i. 


444  THE    DRESS    OF   THE    WOMEN.    [Excursus  IT. 

77 ;  Suet.  Oct.  12,)  when  fine  linen  stuffs  became  an  article  of  special 
luxury.  Lamprid.  Sev.  Alex.  40.  The  young  slaves  in  attendance 
wore  robes  of  this  fine  linen.  Suet.  Cal.  lincteo  succinctos ;  Sen.  de 
Brev.  Vit.  12 ;  Heind.  ad  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  10.  In  later  times,  linen 
was  valuable  from  its  fine  quality,  and  the  ornaments  worked  into 
it.  The  finest  came  from  Egypt  and  Spain  (Carbarns,  Plin.  xix.  2 ; 
Non.  xiv.  28  ;  Lucan.  iii.  239. 

Fluxa  coloratis  adstringimt  earbasa  gemmis. 
Virg.  JEn.  viii.  34.)  Often,  however,  linuni  appears  to  mean  cotton, 
byssus,  and  vice  versa ;  as  both  stuffs  were  very  similar,  e.  g.  Isid. 
xix.  22,  Sunt  qui  genus  quoddam  lint  byssum  exist iment,  27, 25 ;  Auson. 
Eph.  Parecb.  2 ;  linteam  da  sindonem  ;  though,  elsewhere,  sindon 
denotes  cotton  stuffs.  See  Plin.  xix.  1 ;  Poll.  vii.  76  ;  Becker's  Cha- 
ricles,  Eng.  trans,  p.  316.  The  weavers  of  linen  stuffs  were  called 
linteones.  Plaut.  Aul.  iii.  5,  38 ;  Forcell.  TTies.;  and  the  sellers  of  it 
lintearii.  Orell.  Inscr.  8, 4215  ;  Ulp.  Dig.  xiv.  3,  5  ;  comp.  Cic.  Verr. 
v.  6.  They  also  manufactured  stuffs  of  wool  and  linen  mixed,  lino- 
stema.     Isid.  xix.  22. 

Here  the  question  arises  as  to  what  were  the  colours  of  these 
stuffs.  Originally,  the  customary  colour  was  white,  which  con- 
tinued to  be  the  only  permitted  one  for  the  toga.  The  poor  slaves 
and  freedmen  wore  dark-coloured  clothes,  it  is  true,  but  this 
was  for  economy's  sake,  as  they  were  less  liable  to  soil.  These 
dark  stuffs,  fusei  color  es,  Mart.  i.  97 ;  xiv.  127  ;  canusince  f usees  ; 
comp.  129 ;  were,  partly,  dark  naturally,  (the  wool  of  the  Boetic 
sheep  was  dark-coloured ;  Mart.  i.  97  ;  xiv.  133,  me  mea  tinxit  ovis ; 
Xon.  xvi.  13;  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxii.  1,  70,  naturaliter  nigrum);  partly 
dyed  so  (color  anihracmus,  Non.  xvi.  14).  From  the  former,  the 
poor  were  called  puUata  ti/rba.  Quinct.  vi.  4,  6,  ii.  12,  10 ;  Plin. 
Dp.  vii.  17 ;  Suet.  Oct.  40,  44.  But  the  higher  classes  also,  when 
in  mourning,  or  under  prosecution,  wore  dark  clothes  (hence  toga 
pulla,  sordida).  See  the  Excursus  on  The  Burial  of  the  Dead.  It 
was  not  till  after  the  extinction  of  the  old  republican  manners  that 
men  wore  coloured  garments,  viz.  lacemce  and  synthesis?^  The  fac- 
tions of  the  Circus  also  influenced  the  choice  of  colour. 

AY  omen,  at  least  in  the  first  century,  frequently  wore  coloured 
robes  ;  and  it  seems  doubtful  whether  this  should  be  applied,  with 
Böttiger  (Sab.  ii.  91,  109),  only  to  girls  and  women  of  a  lighter 
cast.  [Sen.  Nat.  Qu.  vii.  31,  and  Lucian,  de  Domo,  7,  prove  only 
that  immodest  women  usually  wore  glaring  colours.  See  Becker's 
Charicles,  translated  by  Metcalfe,  p.  320.]  In  the  paintings  from 
Herculaneum  and  Pompeii,  even  of  the  grandest  subjects,  we  see  a 
far  less  number  of  white  than  of  coloured  robes,  as  sky-blue  and 


Scene  VIII.]      THE    DEESS    OF   THE    WOMEN.  445 

violet.  See  Zahn,  Ornam.  t.  19 ;  Mus.  Borb.  iii.  t.  5,  6,  and  in  the 
nohle  figures,  (vii.  t.  34,)  the  tunica  and  pallet  are  azure,  covered 
with  golden  stars.  These  are,  it  is  true,  not  portraits  of  particular 
Roman  matrons,  but  still  they  exhibit  the  taste  of  the  period  ;  and 
in  Perron.  G7,  Fortunata.  the  wife  of  Trimalchio,  wears  a  tunica 
cerasina.  Comp.  Diij.  xxxiv.  2,  32,  and  7  :  palla  purpurea  are  often 
mentioned  in  the  case  of  the  first  matrons.  Many  matrons  may  have 
retained  the  white  garment,  and  on  certain  occasions  coloured  ones 
would  probably  not  have  been  becoming,  but  this  cannot  be  assumed 
to  have  been  generally  the  case.     [See  Ov.  Art.  Am.  iii.  1G9,  185 : 

Quot  nova  terra  parit  flores,  cum  vere  tepenti, 

Vitis  agit  gemmas  pigraque  cedit  hyems, 
Lana  tot  aut  plures  succos  bibit,  elige  certos.] 

These  robes  were  made  not  only  of  one  distinct  colour,  as  pur- 
purea, coccinea,  amethystince,  ianthina,  prasina,  [or  after  names  of 
flowers,  as  violet,  mallow  (molochimis)  caltha,  crocus  (also  ltdeus, 
Ov.  Art.  Am.  iii.  179  :  Plin.  xxL  8),  and  hyacinth.  Xon.  xvi.  12,  2, 
11 ;  Isid.  xix. ;  or  iron-coloured,  ferrugmeus,  Non.  xvi.  7  ;  Isid.  ib. ; 
Plaut.  Mil.  iv.  4,  43  ;  sea-coloured,  cumatilis,  Non.  xvi.  1 ;  greenish, 
galbinus,  Juv.  ii.  97 ;  Mart.  iii.  85,  i.  97  ;  Forcell.  v.  yalbanum  ,] 
but  there  were  also,  at  least  in  the  time  of  Pliny,  coloured  prints, 
so  to  speak,  which  appear  to  have  been  produced  much  in  the  same 
way  as  with  us,  and  by  means  of  a  corrosive  preparation  laid  on 
previously,  the  impressed  parts  were  prevented  from  assuming  the 
same  colour  as  the  rest  of  the  piece.  Pliny  himself  is  full  of 
admiration  at  the  process.  [The  vestis  impluviata,  Plaut.  Epid.  ii. 
2,  40,  was  doubtless  a  figured  robe.  Non.  xvi.  3  :  color  quasi 
fumalo  stil/icidio  impletus.  But  the  vestis  undulata, — Plin.  //.  X.  viii. 
48,  74;  Varro  in  Non.  ii.  92(3, — was  equivalent  to  'watered '  with  us 
(Changeant  or  Moire).  (Becker's  Charieles,  Engl,  transl.  p.  321). 
Ovid,  Art.  Am.  iii.  177  : 

Hie  undas  imitatur,  habet  quoque  nomen  ab  undis ; 
Crediderim  Nymphas  hac  quoque  veste  tegi.] 

Although  this  could  not,  of  course,  have  been  regular  printing, 
yet  these  garments  would  seem  to  have  been  something  like  calicos 
they  were  at  all  events  versicoloria.  [These  versicoloria  were  also 
made  so  by  weaving  and  embroidery.  Juv.  ii.  97  :  Ccendea  iudutus 
scutula ;  where  scutula  are  the  figures  woven  into  or  embroidered 
on  the  cloth.     Isid.  xix.  22  ;  Lucan.  x.  141  : 

Candida  Sidonio  perlucent  pectora  filo, 
Quod  Nilotis  acus  compressum  pectine  Serum 
Solvit  et  extenso  laxavit  stamina  velo. 


446  THE   DRESS    OF   THE    WOMEN.    [Excursus  II. 

Stripes  or  borders,  woven  in  or  sewn  on  the  garments,  were  called 
paragaudce.  Cod.  xi.  8,  2.  The  whole  garment  was  also  so  named, 
Lyd.  De  Mag.  ii.  13;  Treb.  Claud.  17;  Vop.  Aurel.  15,  linecepara- 
gaudce,  46 ;  Vop.  Prob.  4.  The  gold-embroidered  vestes  plumatce 
have  been  already  discussed.  Comp.  Stat.  Tlieb.  i.  262,  aurata 
palla.     Heyne  ad  Virg.  JEn.  i.  648. 

The  purple  robes,  as  a  chief  object  of  ancient  luxury,  have  been 
thoroughly  discussed  by  W.  Schmidt,  Forschungen  auf  dem  Gebiet 
des  Alterthums,  pp.  96 — 212.  The  bright  scarlet  colour,  coccum, 
from  an  insect  resembling  the  cochineal  (not  a  vegetable  produc- 
tion ;  see  Plin.  H.  N.  ix.  41,  xvi.  8,  as  Isidorus  says,  vermiculus  ex 
silvestribus  frondibus),  must  not  be  confounded  with  purple,  from 
which  it  was  carefully  distinguished  by  the  ancients.  Suet.  Ner. 
33 ;  Mart.  v.  23 : 

Non  nisi  vel  cocco  madida  vel  niurice  tincta 
Veste  nites. 

Quinct.  xi.  1,  31 ;  Ulp.  Big.  xxxii.  1,  70:  Mart.  xiv.  131.— Of  the 
purples,  (conchilium  in  a  wider  sense,  and  ostrum,  Isid.  xix.  28), 
we  must  take  care  to  distinguish  the  juice  of  the  regular  purple 
snail  (purpura,  pelagia,  also  pctnicum.  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  113,  quod  a 
Poenis  primum  dicitur  allata  Trop$vpn^)  from  that  of  the  trumpet- 
snail  (buccinum,  murex,  KT)pv£)  ;  although  purpura  in  a  wider  sense 
includes  the  second  also,  just  as  murex  and  buccinum,  in  a  wider 
sense,  often  stands  for  purple.  Plin.  ix.  36,  61.  These  two  con- 
ehylia  are  carefully  distinguisned  by  Paul.  v.  tracheal,  p.  367,  al- 
though in  a  mercantile  point  of  view  they  are  often  confounded. 
Plin.  ix.  36,  62  ;  Non.  xvi.  9 ;  Mart.  xiii.  87.  The  two  ground 
colours  of  purple,  red,  and  blackish,  (Plin.  ix.  36,  62,)  were  mixed  so 
ingeniously,  that  thirteen  different  tints  were  obtained.  In  the 
proper  purple,  in  its  stricter  sense,  Schmidt  distinguishes  the  pure 
from  the  diluted.  The  former  was,  in  later  times,  called  blattet, 
(Salmas.  ad  Vopisc.  Aurel.  46  ;  Sidon.  Apoll.  Carm.  ii.  48 ;  Lyd. 
De  Mens.  i.  19),  and  was  divided  into  two  sorts,  the  Tyrian  and 
amethystine,  Plin.  ix.  38,  62 ;  Suet.  Ner.  32 ;  of  which  the  Tyrian, 
which  was  the  dearest,  (the  pound  of  wool  costing  one  thousand 
denarii.  Plin.  ix.  38,  63),  was  twice  dyed  to  give  it  the  magnificent 
dark  brilliancy,  oißa<j>og  and  bis  tinctus.  Pliny.  Mart.  iv.  4,  quod  bis 
murice  vettus  inquinatum.  Hor.  Epod.  12,  21,  iterates  lanes.  Comp. 
2,  16  ;  Ov.  Art.  Am.  iii.  170,  qua  bis  Tgrio  murice  lana  rubes.  Stat. 
Silv.  iii.  2, 139  ;  Lyd.  De  Mag.  ii.  13  ;  also  murex  bis  coctus,  repetitus. 
The  violet  amethystine  purple  (also  called  ianthinum,  violaceum, 
Mart.  i.  97,)  was  second  in  value  ;  the  pound  of  wool  costing  only 


Scene  VIII.]      THE    DKESS    OF   THE    WOMEN.  447 

one  hundred  denarii.  Plin.  ix.  38,  63.  The  diluted  or  pale  purple, 
on  the  other  hand  (jus  temperatur  aqua),  was  called  conchylia; 
hence  Plin.  ix.  39,  Conchyliata  vestis.  Suet.  Cees.  43  :  Cic.  Phil. 
ii.  27,  conchyliata  peristromata.  Pliny  (ib.  audxxi.  8,  22)  discusses 
the  manifold  mixtures  and  dilutions.  The  smell  of  the  purple  gar- 
ments, the  8ißa  a  for  instance,  was  far  from  agreeable;  Mart.  i.  50, 
32,  olidcB  testes  murice ;  iv.  4,  ix.  G3.  Wool  and  silk  were  the  chief 
materials;  they  were  always  dyed  raw,  never  in  the  web;  cotton  was 
never  dyed  purple,  linen  very  seldom.  Plin.  If.  X.  xix.  1,  5.  Dyers 
in  purple,  (the  most  renowned  were  those  of  Egypt  and  Phoenicia,) 
and  dealers  in  it  were  called purpurarii,  Orell.  Liscr.  4271,  4250. 
It  was  spun  and  woven  by  common  spinners  and  weavers. 

The  use  of  purple  in  the  toga  of  the  magistrates,  and  tunica  of 
the  senators  and  knights,  has  been  already  mentioned.  Such 
borders  were  also  worn  by  private  persons,  but,  at  first,  only  of  a 
common,  spurious  purple.  Cic.  p.  Sest.  8.  (Piso)  vestitur  aspere 
nostra  hac  purpura  plebeia  ac  pcene  fusca  ;  where  fusca  is  wrongly 
explained  as  violacea  by  Ferratius ;  whereas  that  belonged  to  the 
genuine  purple  blatta.  This  fusca  and  plebeia  corresponds  to  the 
fiiXatva  of  Cato,  in  Plut.  Cat.  Min.  6,  which  is  the  garb  of  a  com- 
mon man,  and  not  fit  for  a  consul.  Only  magistrates  might  with 
propriety  wear  the  ornament  of  Tyrian  purple,  and  violaceum.  In 
other  persons  it  was  considered  improper ;  and  hence  Cselius  was 
censured  for  wearing  the  genuine  purples,  Cic.  p.  Ccel.  30.  But  as 
luxury  increased  apace,  this  distinction  was  no  longer  observed,  and 
not  only  were  borders  worn  of  the  best  purple,  but  even  whole 
garments  of  it.  The  women  do  not  seem  ever  to  have  made  any 
difl'erence  between  the  various  purples.  Val.  Max.  ii.  1,  5.  But 
Csesar  issued  a  prohibitive  edict,  Suet.  Cces.  43,  against  conchyliatce 
vestes,  nisi  certis  personis  et  cetatibus  perque  certos  dies  ;  which  was 
repeated  by  Augustus.  Dio.  Cass.  xlix.  IG:  -i\v  n  ia->)-a  ti)v 
(Wovpyij  ui/'iv«  äKKov  e^u»  tüv  ßovXevriöp  kvSvtaBai.  As  a\ovoyic  is 
the  same  as  holoverus,  all  purple,  or  genuine  purple,  Isid.  xix.  22,  we 
see  that  the  use  of  the  garments  with  a  purple  border  was  not  for- 
bidden. Nero  modified  this  interdict,  forbidding  only  garments  of 
the  genuine  purple  (blatta) ;  Suet.  Ner.  32.  Women  also  were  liable 
to  a  severe  penalty  for  infringing  the  rule,  and  merchants  were 
forbidden  to  sell  the  article.  But  this  distinction  soon  ceased 
again  ;  Lamprid.  Sev.  Alex.  40;  Yop.  Aurel.  -hi.  ut  blatteas  tunicas 
matronce  haberent,  29.  The  purple  toga  and  robe  were  now  alone 
forbidden  ;  these  being  the  exclusive  insignia  of  the  Emperor. 
Lactant.  iv.  7  :  indumentum  purpura  insigne  regia  dignitatis.  The 
later  interdicts  only  applied  to  the  best  sorts  (blatta),  named  murex 


448  THE   DRESS   OF   THE   WOMEN.    [Excursus  II. 

sacer,  or  adorandm,  which  -were  produced  by  the  imperial  manu- 
factories ;  the  commoner  sorts  continued  to  be  allowed,  and  were 
sold  in  the  shops.     Cod,  xi.  8,  3 ;  Cod,  Theod.  x.  21,  3,  x.  20, 18.] 

As  regards  the  manufacture  of  these  garments,  it  is  generally 
supposed  that  they  came  almost  ready  from  the  loom,  and  therefore 
were  without  sutura.  See  Schneid.  Ind.  od  Scr.  JR.  JR.  s.  v.  tela ; 
Beckmann,  Bear,  iv.  39 ;  Böttig.  Furienem.  36,  and  Sab.  ii.  106. 
Tbis  assumption,  however,  seems  to  require  some  restrictions. 
With  respect  to  the  toga,  it  is  contradicted  by  Quinctilian,  and  it 
seems  even  less  possible  in  the  case  of  the  pcenula  ;  and  if  we  look 
at  a  tunica,  the  upper  part  of  which  consists  of  two  panni,  which 
must  have  been  fastened  together,  before  the  breast  and  back  could 
be  covered,  we  shall  not  easily  be  persuaded  that  it  could  at  once 
have  been  woven  in  that  form.  The  mistake,  perhaps,  consists  in 
taking  what  sometimes  occurred  for  a  general  rule.  The  pieces 
might  have  been  woven  on  purpose  for  each  separate  dress,  and 
first  become  perfect  garments  under  the  hands  of  the  vestiarii,  ves- 
tifici,  pcenularii,  whose  names  frequently  occur  in  the  lists  of  slaves. 
[Spinning  and  weaving  were  performed  by  female  slaves,  who, 
originally,  did  this  in  the  atrium,  under  the  eye  and  with  the 
assistance  of  their  mistress.  See  above.  Later,  the  mistress  seldom 
assisted,  Colum.  xii.  prasf.  9  ;  when  she  did,  it  was  thought  wortby 
of  special  commendation.  Orell.  4639,  lanifica,  pia,  pudica,  4860. 
Auson.  Parent,  ii.  3,  xvi.  3.  In  the  houses  of  the  great  there  was 
a  special  room,  textrinum,  or  textrina,  where  the  female  slaves 
worked,  under  the  surveillance  of  the  lanipendia,  also  lanipens  serva 
and  lanvpendw.  Pompon.  Dig.  xxiv.  1,  31 ;  Alfen.  Dig.  xxxii.  1,  61 ; 
Cai.  xv.  1,  27.  See  the  instructive  passage  in  Sen.  Ep.  90 :  Dum 
mit  describere  primum,  quemadmodum  alia  torqueantur fila,  alia  ex 
molli  solutoque  ducantur,  deinde  quemadmodum  tela  suspensis  pon- 
deribus  rectum  stamen  extended,  quemadmodum  subtemen  insertum, 
quod  duritiam  utrimque  comprimentis  tram<B  remolliat,  spatha  coire 
cogantur  etjungi,  textricum  quoque  artem  a  sapienlibtis  dixi  inventam, 
oblitus  p>ostea  repertum  hoc  subtilius  genus,  in  quo 

Tela  jugo  juncta  est,  stamen  seeernit  arundo. 
Inseritur  medium  radiis  subtemen  acutis, 
Quod  lato  feriunt  insecti  pectine  dentis. 

Juv.  ix.  28  ;  Isid.  xix.  29 ;  Yates,  Textrin.  Antiquorum.~] 

The  Romans  knew  nothing  about  washing  their  clothes  at  their 
own  houses,  and  the  ladies  were  far  better  off  than  the  king's 
daughter  Nausicaa.  The  whole  dress,  when  dirty,  was  handed  over 
to  the  fullo,  whose  business  consisted,  besides  getting  up  cloths 


Scene  VIII.]    THE    DEESS    OF    THE    WOMEN.  449 

fresh  from  the  loom,  in  attending  to  the  scouring  of  those  which 
had  been  worn,  lavare,  interpolare;  hence  they  formed  an  important 
collegium.  Fabretti,  Inscr.  278.  [Orell.  4056,  3291,  4091.]  Schoett- 
gen,  Antiquitatcs  Fullonice ;  Beckmann,  Beitr.  iv.  35.  The  remains 
of  afullonia  excavated  at  Pompeii,  the  walls  of  which  are  covered 
with  paintings  relating  to  the  business  of  the  fullones,  are  more 
instructive  than  all  the  passages  in  which  they  are  mentioned. 
They  are  given  in  the  Mus.  Horb.  iv.  t.  49,  50,  and  partly  in  Gell's 
Pompeiana,  ii.  51. 

In  the  lower  part  of  one  of  these  pictures  we  see  in  a  line,  in 
four  niches,  such  as  are  to  be  found  for  a  like  purpose  in  the  build- 
ing, three  boys  and  an  adult  standing  in  tubs,  for  the  purpose  of 
purifying,  by  treading  with  their  feet,  altemis  pedibus,  the  clothes 
placed  in  them.  As  the  ancients  were  not  acquainted  with  the  use 
of  regular  soap,  they  employed  in  place  of  the  lixivium  another 
alkali,  with  which  the  greasy  dirt  contained  in  the  clothes  com- 
bined, and  by  this  means  became  dissolved.  Of  this  kind  was  the 
nitrum,  which  was  often  used,  and  of  which  Pliny  treats,  xxxi.  10. 
But  the  cheapest  means  was  urine,  which  was  therefore,  as  is  well 
known,  chiefly  used.  The  clothes  were  put  in  this  mixed  with 
water,  and  then  stamped  upon  with  the  feet ;  this  process  was  per- 
formed by  older  persons,  whilst  boys  lifted  the  clothes  out  of  the 
tubs.  Above  these,  in  a  second  compartment,  we  see  the  next  part 
of  the  process.  On  a  pole,  hanging  on  strings,  a  white  tunica  is 
stretched,  and  one  of  the  fullones  is  manipulating  it  with  a  card  or 
brush,  very  like  a  horse-brush,  for  the  purpose  of  rubbing  it  up 
again,  and  giving  it  a  nap.  To  the  right,  a  second  is  bringing  a 
round  frame,  with  wide  bars  like  a  hen-coop,  which  hangs  over  him 
and  through  which  his  head  is  stuck,  whilst  in  his  left  hand  he 
carries  a  vessel  with  handles  ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  about  the 
purpose  for  which  this  apparatus  was  designed.  The  white  gar- 
ments after  being  washed,  were  vapoured  with  brimstone,  and  they 
were  stretched  on  the  frame  whilst  exposed  to  the  fumes  of  the 
sulphur  beneath.  Whether  the  sulphur  was  so  evolved  in  the 
vessel  which  the  workmen  carried,  or  whether  it  contained  water, 
with  which  the  clothes  were  sprinkled  before  being  subjected  to  the 
brimstone,  we  shall  not  attempt  to  determine.  To  the  left  sits  an 
oldish  well-dressed  woman,  who  seems  to  be  examining  a  piece  of 
cloth,  which  a  young  workwoman  has  brought  to  her.  The  golden 
hair-net  which  she  wears,  the  necklace  and  the  armlets  with  two 
green  stones,  show  that  she  is  one  of  the  more  important  personages 
in  the  fullonia.     It  is  remarkable  that  the  young  man  carrying  the 

G  U 


450  THE    DRESS    OF    THE   WOMEN.    [Excursus  II. 

frame  wears  an  olive-garland,  and  above  him  on  the  frame  sits  an 
owl.     This  must  relate  to  Minerva. 

On  a  second  wall  we  see,  in  the  lower  part,  a  young  man  in  a 
green  tunica,  giving  a  dress  or  piece  of  cloth  to  a  woman  wearing  a 
green  under-garment,  and  over  it  a  yellow  one  with  red  serpentine 
stripes.  To  her  right  sits  a  second  female  figure  in  a  white  tunica, 
who  appears  to  be  cleaning  a  card,  or  other  similar  instrument. 
Above  them  several  pieces  of  cloth  are  suspended  on  two  poles. 

Lastly,  in  the  compartment  above  is  a  great  press  with  two 
screws,  to  give  the  dresses  the  finishing  touch.  In  this  manner  all 
the  dresses  were  prepared,  but  the  coloured  ones  had,  of  course,  in 
many  respects  to  undergo  a  different  treatment,  (comp.  Pliny,  xxxv. 
17)  ;  and  thus  they  were  returned  to  their  possessors  with  a  new 
gloss.  A  garment  when  once  washed  did  not,  of  course,  possess  the 
same  value.  Hence  the  dispensator  of  Trimalchio,  in  Petron.  30, 
says  :  Vestimenta  mea  accubitoria  perdidit,  quce  mihi  natali  meo  dims 
quidem  donaverat,  Tyria  sine  dubio  sed  jam  semel  lota :  on  which 
Burmann  quotes  Lamprid.  Heliog.  26  :  Linteamen  lotum  nunquam 
attigit,  mendicos  dicens  qui  linteis  lotis  iderentur.  So  also  Martial,  x. 
11,  lota  terque  quaterque  toga,  is  considered  a  poor  present. 


EXCURSUS   I.     SCENE   IX. 


THE    MEALS. 

fFHE  contrast  between  the  simplicity  of  earlier  times,  and  the 
J-  very  refined  luxury  of  a  later  period,  appeared  most  strikingly 
perhaps  at  the  table.  The  prodigality  of  its  equipments  were  ulti- 
mately made  not  only  with  the  view  of  indulging  the  palate  by  the 
choicest  dainties,  but  also  from  a  desire  of  obtaining  the  rarest 
articles,  at  whatever  price.  These  were  heaped  up  in  dishes,  with- 
out any  regard  to  their  being  agreeable  to  the  taste,  but  simply 
because  they  imparted  an  additional  splendour  to  the  banquet,  on 
account  of  the  immense  sums  they  had  cost.  Besides  which,  the 
grand  object  of  the  Roman  gourmands  was  not  merely  to  eat 
daintily,  but  as  much  as  possible;  and  they  sought  to  increase  their 
capacity  for  so  doing  by  the  most  unnatural  means.  The  golden 
Baying,  II  f  ant  manger  pour  rivre,  et  nonpas  wore  pour  manger,  was 
precisely  inverted  at  Rome.  As  such  importance  was  attached  to 
everything  relating  to  the  table,  there  is  naturally  no  lack  of  mate- 
rials for  a  description  of  the  habits  connected  with  it ;  and  several 
writers  not  only  take  pleasure  in  reverting  frequently  to  the  sub- 
ject, but  have  also  left  us  detailed  accounts  of  grand  banquets. 
Stuckii,  Antiqnitates  Convivales ;  Ciacconius  and  Ursinus,  De  Tri- 
clinia ;  Bulengerus,  De  Comriviis;  are  the  most  complete  writings 
thereon ;  but  we  shall  pay  little  regard  to  them,  as  they  are  rather 
confused  masses  of  collected  passages,  than  lucid  expositions,  and 
also  abound  with  errors.  In  addition  to  these,  are  Meierotto,  Ut  her 
Sitten  and  Lehensart  der  Römer ;  Wüstemann,  Pal.  des  Scaurus ; 
but  the  best  compilation  is  that  of  Professor  Bahr,  in  Creuzer's 
Abriss,  407.  We  shall  here  treat  chiefly  of  the  meals  at  different 
times  of  the  day,  and  make  the  arrangement  of  the  triclinium,  the 
discussion  of  the  utensils,  and  wines,  the  subjects  of  particular 
articles. 

It  is  especially  necessary  to  make  a  clear  distinction  between 
the  later  and  the  earlier  periods,  in  which,  according  to  the  testi- 
monies of  writers,  the  principal  article  of  food  was  a  gruel,  puis, 
far,  odor.  Yarro,  de  L.  L.  v.  22,  De  victu  antiquissimapuU;  Plin. 
xviii.8, 19,  Pultenon  pane  virisse  longo  tempore  Romanos  manifestum  : 
comp.  Val.  Max.  ii.  5,  5.     Juvenal  (xiv.  170)  also  saye  : 

sed  magnis  fratribus  horum 
A  scrobe  vel  sulco  redeuntibus  altera  coena 
Amplior  et  grandes  fumabant  pultibus  ollae. 

C  G   2 


452  THE    MEALS.  [Excursus  I. 

And  it  appears  also  to  have  been  in  a  later  period  a  common  dish 
at  the  frugal  hoard.  Mart.  v.  78,  9,  pultem  niveam  premens  botellus, 
and  the  principal  sustenance  of  the  lower  classes,  to  which  Mart, 
xiii.  8,  alludes. 

Imbue  plebeias  Clusinis  pultibus  ollas. 
But  it  does  not  follow  from  this  passage  that  the  puis  was  the 
national  food  of  Etruria  (Ott.  Müller,  Etrush.  i.  284),  and  it  was 
only  called  clusina,  because  the  far  clusinum,  which  was  the  best 
and  whitest  grain,  was  especially  used  for  this  purpose.  It  is  very 
probable,  however,  that  this  dish  was  commonly  eaten  through  the 
greater  part  of  Italy.  [See  Hauthal  ad  Pers.  p.  183.]  In  addition 
to  puis,  green  vegetables  (olera),  and  legumes,  (legumina),  were  fre- 
quently used,  and  flesh  but  sparingly. 

But  sacrifices  themselves,  and  the  public  banquets,  ccence  popu- 
läres (Plaut.  Trin.  ii.  4,  69),  by  degrees  led  to  the  introduction  of 
better  meals,  and  the  acquaintance  with  the  habits  of  foreigners  no 
doubt  also  exercised  an  influence.  This  became  manifest  chiefly 
after  the  wars  in  Asia,  a.tt.c.  563.  In  earlier  times  no  private 
cooks  were  kept,  there  being  no  occupation  for  them.  Plin.  xviii. 
11,  28  :  Nee  coquos  vero  habebant  in  servitiis  eosque  ex  macello  con- 
ducebant.  And  such  we  find  to  be  the  case  almost  universally  in 
Plautus.  On  the  contrary,  Livy,  in  the  passage  already  often  men- 
tioned (xxxix.  6),  concerning  the  luxury  which  was  introduced  from 
Asia,  says :  epulce  quoque  ipsce  et  cura  et  sumtu  majore  apparari  cceptce  : 
turn  coquus,  vilissimum  antiquis  mancipiuni  et  cestimatione  et  usu,  in 
pretio  esse,  et  quod  ministerium  fuerat,  ars  haberi  ccepta.  Until  the 
year  580,  no  private  baker  also  was  kept,  nor  did  any  follow  the 
trade  of  bakers.  Plin.  supra :  Pistores  Rome?  non  fuere  ad  Persicum 
usque  bellum,  annis  ab  urbe  condita  super  DLXXX.  Ipsi  panem 
faciebant  Quirites,  ntulierumque  id  opus  erat,  sicut  etiam  nunc  in 
plurimis  gentium.  [In  the  country,  even  at  a  later  period,  women 
and  slaves  had  to  do  the  baking.  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiii.  7,  12  ;  comp.  Sen. 
Up.  90.]  And  a  verse  in  Plautus,  Aul.  ii.  9,  4,  where  the  artoptes  is 
mentioned,  might  have  been  considered  spurious,  had  not  Ateius 
Capito  informed  us:  coquos  turn  panem  lautioribus  coqui solitos, pisto- 
resque  tantum  eos,  qui  far  pinsebant  nominatos.  Varro,  De  vit.  pop. 
Pom.  in  Non.  ii.  643.  Nee  pistoris  nomen  erat,  nisi  ejus  qui  ruri  far 
pinsebat.  But  in  Varro's  time,  skilful  pistores  fetched  immense 
prices,  as  we  see  from  the  fragment  of  his  satire  mpi  kW/iärwr,  in 
Gell.  xv.  19. 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  art  of  cookery,  and  taste  for  deli- 
cacies, seem  to  have  made  considerable  advances  in  Rome,  as  early 
as  the  time  of  Plautus,  as  we  see  from  Aul.  ii.  9 ;  Capt.  iv.  2 ;  Mil. 


Scene  IX.]  THE    MEALS.  453 

iii.  1 ;  Cure.  ii.  3;  Mencechm.  i.  1  ;  Pam.  i.  3.  These  passages  were 
doubtless  written  in  allusion  to  Roman  habits,  and  tbe  longing  of 
the  parrsites  would  otherwise  have  been  devoid  of  meaning. 

In  considering  a  later  period  we  must  distinguish  between  the 
various  meals  which  were  taken  at  different  times  of  the  day,  and 
thence  the  expressions,  jentaeulum,  prandium,  merenda,  ccena,  ves- 
perna,  will  require  explanation.  [Dio  Cass.  lxv.  4,  cucpaTiaaffOai — 
i\piar7]nai — Seiirvov — fitracöpTria.  Plut.  Symp.  viii.  6  ;  Suet.  Vit.  13, 
jentacula,  prandia,  ccence,  comissationes.~\ 

Jentaeulum,  also  jantaculum,  was  the  name  of  the  first  meal, 
eaten  early  in  the  morning,  [in  ancient  times  silatum,  quia  jejuni 
rinum  sill  condition  ante  meridiem  absorbebant.'j  Isidor.  Oriff.  xx.  2, 
10  :  Jentaeulum  est  primus  cibtcs,  quo  jejunium  solcitur,  unde  et  nun- 
cupation Nigidius  :  Xos  ipsi  jejunia  jantaculis  levibus  solvimus.  The 
questious,  at  what  hour  this  meal  took  place,  what  it  consisted  of, 
and  whether  it  was  generally  adopted  by  persons  of  all  ages,  are 
difficult  of  answer,  since  the  matter  is  seldom  mentioned,  and  then 
in  a  chance  manner.  Salmas.  ad  Vopisc.  Tacit.  11,  615,  assumes 
tbe  usual  time  to  have  been  the  third  or  fourth  hour,  but  yet  it  is 
scarcely  probable  that  any  fixed  time  was  general,  it  probably 
having  been  regulated  according  to  each  person's  wants,  and  the 
hour  at  which  he  rose.  Hence  it  was  not  always  taken  before 
going  out  of  the  house,  but  when  they  felt  the  want  of  it,  and  even 
in  going  along,  as  Saumaise  has  shown,  and  from  him  we  may 
gather  of  what  it  consisted.  Generally  it  was  bread,  seasoned  with 
salt,  or  some  other  condiment,  and  eaten  with  dried  grapes,  olives, 
cheese,  and  so  forth.  Vopiscus  says  of  Tacitus  (c.  11)  :  Panem 
nisi  siceum  nunquam  comedit  eundemque  sale  atque  aliis  rebus  condi- 
tion, which  is  rightly  referred  by  Saumaise  to  the  jentaeidum.  So 
speaks  Seneca  too  of  his  frugality  (Papist.  82)  :  Panis  delude  siccus, 
et  sine  mensa  prandium,  post  quod  nan  stmt  lavandce  mamis ;  where 
panis  is  by  no  means  to  be  understood  of  prandium.  Others  took 
milk  and  eggs  besides,  and  mulsum.  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev.  30.  This 
passage  seems  to  show  that  the  use  of  the  jentaeidum  was  not  con- 
fined to  children  and  weakly  persons,  and  there  is  no  necessity  to 
draw  inferences  for  the  lloman  custom  from  Plutarch,  Eustathius, 
und  Didjmus.  The  passages  commonly  quoted,  Mart.  xiv.  223, 
Jentacula  : 

Surgite ;  jam  vendit  pueris  jentacula  pistor, 
Cristatseque  sonant  undique  lucis  aves ; 

and  Plaut.  (True.  ii.  7,  46),  hujus  pater  pueri  illic  est  ;  usque  ad 
jentaeulum  jussit  alt,  do  not  justify  any  such  conclusion  ;  for  in 
Martial,  it  is  evident  from  the  Lemma,  jentaeulum,  that  a  particular 


454  THE    MEALS.  [Excursus  I. 

kind  of  pastry  which  served  for  the  boys'  breakfast,  is  meant.     Still 
less  proof  lies  in  the  words  of  Plautus;  for  obere  ad  jentaculum 
means,  to  bring  up  to  that  time  when  the  child  is  no  longer  fed 
with  puis,  but  can  partake  with  others  of  the  ordinary  jentaculum. 
On  the  other  hand,  Vitellius  (Suet.  7)  asks  of  the  soldiers  who 
meet  him, jamne  jentassent?  and  Martial  says  to  Crecilianus,  who 
came  as  early  as  the  fifth  hour  to  the  prandiurn,  (viii.  67) : 
Mane  veni  potius  ;  nam  cur  te  quinta  moretur  ? 
Ut  jentes,  sero,  Cseciliane,  venis. 
Comp,  also  Appul.  Met.  i.  60.     We  may  therefore  assume  that 
such  a  breakfast  was  generally  adopted  solvendo  j'ejunio,  though 
many  might  have  omitted  it  in  the  same  way  as  others  abstained 
from  the  prandium. 

The  prandium  was  not  so  much  a  breakfast  as  the  proper  mid- 
day meal,  though  it,  too,  was  only  looked  upon  as  a  preliminary 
repast,  while  the   more  bounteous  ccena  appeared  in  the   back- 
ground     [The  early  meal  of  soldiers  before  the   battle  was  so 
called,  Isid.  xx.  2;  Liv.  xxviii.  14.]     There  can  be  no  doubt  about 
the  time  at  which  it  took  place ;  it  was  the  sixth  hour,  whence  in 
Martial  (iv.  8),  sexta  quies  lassis ;  consequently  about  mid-day ;  but 
this  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  it  did  not  commence  till  the 
beginning  of  the  seventh  hour ;  for  we  read  in  Suet.  Claitd.  34 : 
Bestiariis  meridianisque  adeo  delectabatur,  ut  etiam  prima  luce  ad 
spectacidum  descenderet,  et  meridie,   dimisso   ad  prandium  populo, 
persederet.     So  that  the  expression  meridie,  is  not  to  be  taken  so 
literally,  and  mid-day  might  doubtless  arrive  durin  r  the  games. 
Many  persons  might,  however,  begin  earlier,  as  Saturio  (in  Plaut. 
Pers.  i.  3,  33)  answers  Toxilus  :  Nimis  pane  mane  est.     Cicero  says 
of  Antony    (Phil.  ii.   41)  :    ab  hora  tertia   bibebatur  ;  and  people 
generally  regulated  the  meal  according  to  circumstances,  as  Horace 
on  the  journey  (Sat.  i.  5,  25),  who  would  scarcely  wait  for  the 
sixth  hour.      The  saying  of  Pauli,  p.  223 :  prandium  ex  Graco 
■n-posvSiov  est  dictum  ;  nam  meridianum  cibum  ccenam  vocabant,  agrees 
very  well  with  his  account  of  the  ccena.     He  meant  to  say  here, 
that  the  name  (prandium)  was,  at  a  later  period,  used  for  it  (the 
mid-day  meal),  and  that  formerly  the  cibus  meridianus  was  called 
ccena.     [So  also  Plut.  Sympos.  viii.  6,  5  j  Suet.  Oct.  78,  post  cibum 
meridianum  ;  Tac.  Ann.  xiv.  2,  medio  die.~] 

The  less  common  term,  merenda,  appears  to  denote  the  same 
thing  as  prandium.  Non.  i.  118  ;  Fest.  Exc.  xi.  92  ;  Isid.  Oriy. 
xx.  2,  12.  Merenda  est  cibus  qui  declinante  die  sumitur,  quasi  post 
meridiem  edenda  et  proxima  ccena.  TJnde  et  anteccenia  a  quibusdam 
vocantur.     What  time  Isidorus  meant  is  not  so  easily  told,  for 


Scene  IX.]  THE   MEALS.  1  V. 

between  prandium  and  coena  there  is  no  place  for  merenda.  But 
the  promulsis  belonged  to  the  ccena  itself.  [Perhaps  he  meant  an 
evening  meal,  which  might  be  taken  by  way  of  exception.  J  In 
Calpurn.  Sic.  Eel.  v.  60,  we  certainly  have 

Verum  ubi  declivi  jam  noaa  tepescere  sole 
Incipiet,  serseque  videbitur  hora  merendse. 
Kursus  pasee  greges. 

But  this  is  of  sheep,  and  merenda  denotes  meal-time  generally. 
But  we  gather  that  the  word  denotes  the  prandium,  without  the 
explanations  of  the  grammarians,  from  a  letter  of  Marc.  Aur.  in 
Fronto,  iv.  6 :  Deinde  ad  merendam  itum.  Quid  me  censes  pran- 
disse?  Pa/iis  tantulum.  Ab  hora  sexta  domum  redimus,  where  me- 
renda and  prandium  are  used  as  synonymes,  and  the  time  is  before 
mid-day.  Further,  in  Plaut.  Most.  iv.  3,  27,  Theuropides  say  -  to 
Phaniscus : 

Vide,  sis,  ne  forte  ad  merendam  quopiam  devorteris. 
Atque  ibi  meliuscule,  quam  satis  fuerit,  biberis. 

Simo  had  shortly  before  come  from  the  prandium.  As  regards  the 
etvniology,  Isidor.  cites  a  second  passage:  Merum  Ju'nc  et  merenda, 
quod  antiquities  id  temporis  pueris  operariis,  quibus  (?)  pants  merus 
dabatur,  etc.  Plow  little  value  is  to  be  attached  to  such  attempts 
at  guessing  the  derivation  of  a  word,  is  at  once  apparent. 

We  learn  from  Plautus  (Meneechm.  i.  3,  25)  of  what  the  pran- 
dium consisted.  Phaedromus  (Cure.  ii.  344)  mentions:  Pernam, 
abdomen,  sumen,  suis  glandium.  It  consisted  of  warm  as  well  aa 
cold  dishes ;  frequently  of  the  remains  of  the  ccena  of  the  previous 
day,  reliquice.  Cure,  supra ;  Pers.  i.  3,  25.  Calefieri 'Jussi  reUquias  ; 
and  to  which  the  parasite  adds :  Pernam  quidemjus  est  apponi  fr>- 
r/idam  postridie.  In  later  times  they  were  not  satisfied  with  these 
dishes,  but  olera,  fish,  eggs,  &c,  were  added,  and  mulsum  [Cic.  p. 
Chi.  joins  prandere  and  mulsum,]  wine,  and  especially  the  seduc- 
tive calda  were  drunk  with  it.  Many  frugal  people  took,  however, 
a  very  simple  prandium,  as  the  elder  Pliny.  Pliu.  Epist.  iii.  5,  10. 
Seneca  called  this  a  prandium  sine  mensa  post  quod  no/i  sunt  lavandcr 
manus. 

The  principal  meal  was  the  last  in  the  day,  coena  [Selirvov,  Pint. 
ib.~\ ;  but  whether  this  applies  to  the  most  ancient  times,  may  seem 
doubtful,  according  to  Festus,  Exc.  iii.  41  :  Coena  apud  antiques 
dicebatur,  quod  nunc  est  prandium ;  vesperna,  quam  nunc  coenam  ap- 
pellamus,  xvii.  149,  and  xix.  157.  If  the  derivation  given  by  Isid. 
Orig.  xx.  11,  24,  ccena  vocatur  a  communione  vescentium  ■  koivöv 
quippe  Graci  commune  dicunt,  be  correct  (and  it  is  more  probable 


456  THE    MEALS.  [Excursus  I. 

than  from  0oiV?;),  this  meal,  whether  later  or  earlier,  must  always 
be  considered  a  principal  one.  If  the  name  scensce  be  correct,  it  had 
not  a  Greek  derivation  at  all. 

Apart,  however,  from  this  account,  which  refers  to  a  period 
reaching  far  beyond  all  written  memorials,  the  proper  time  of  the 
ccena  was  about  halfway  between  mid-day  and  sun-set,  i.  e.  the 
ninth  hour;  but  as  this,  in  winter,  began  at  half-past  one,  the  time 
for  business  would  have  been  too  much  broken  in  upon  thereby, 
and  the  coena  was  then  deferred  till  an  hour  later,  by  which  means 
it  was  brought  to  about  the  same  time  ;  for  in  summer  the  ninth 
began  at  2  hrs.  31  min.,  and  the  tenth,  in  winter,  2  hrs.  13  min. 
Pliny  (Epist.  iii.  1,  8)  says  of  Spurinna  :  TJbi  hora  balinei  nuntiata 
est — est  autem  hieme  nana,  cestate  octava — in  sole,  si  caret  vento,  ambu- 
Int  nudus.  Lotus  accubat.  The  ninth  is  generally  named  as  the 
hour  of  the  coena.  Cic.  Fam.  ix.  2G  ;  Martial  in  his  division  of  the 
day,  iv.  8,  6  : 

Imperat  exstruetos  frangere  nona  toros. 

Of  course  the  time  is  only  reckoned  approximately,  and  no  doubt, 
when  busy,  they  dined  later.  Mart.  vii.  51,  11.  Many,  on  the 
contrary,  began  the  meal  earlier  than  the  ninth  hour,  coenare  de 
die ;  Mitsch.  ad  Hot:  Od.  i.  1, 19  ;  Rupert,  ad  Juv.  i.  49 ;  when  pro- 
tracted till  late  in  the  night,  or  till  morning,  they  were  said,  coenare 
in  lucem.  [Mart.  i.  29,  in  lucem  bibit.~\  Such  con  vi  via  were  called, 
in  both  cases,  tempestiva.  [Cic.  p.  Mur.  6,  tempestivi  convivii.~\ 
Even  with  the  more  frugal  people,  the  ccena  was  of  pretty  long 
duration.  Pliny  {Ejnst.  iii.  5,  13)  admiring  his  uncle's  extraordinary 
parsimonia  temporis,  says :  Surgebat  cestate  a  ccena  luce ;  hieme  intra 
primam  noctis.  This  left  about  three  hours  for  the  meal,  and  yet 
even  such  instances  were  rare.  As  business  was  quite  over,  and  all 
the  rest  of  the  day  belonged  to  recreation,  there  was  no  necessity 
for  curtailing  the  meal. 

The  ccena  consisted  of  three  parts :  1.  Gusttis  (f/usfatio),  or  pro- 
mulsis;  2.ferctda,  different  courses;  3.  mensce  secundce.  The  gustus, 
says  Petronius  (21,  31),  contained  dishes  designed  more  to  excite 
than  to  satisfy  hunger  ;  all  sorts  of  vegetables  to  help  digestion,  as 
lactuca,  Mart.  xiii.  14  : 

Claudere  quae  ccenas  lactuca  solebat  avorum, 
Die  mihi,  cur  nostras  inchoat  ilia  dapes  ? 

See  Heindorf,  on  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  59.  Also,  shell  and  other  fish, 
easy  of  digestion,  with  piquant  sauces,  and  so  forth.  The  sup- 
position that  the  meal  began  with  eggs,  whence  Acron,  on  Hor.  Sat. 
i.  36,  explains  fHe  proverb,  ab  avo  ad  mala,  agrees  very  well  with 


Scene  IX.]  THE    MEALS.  457 

Cic.  Fam.  ix.  20,  Integrum  famem  ad  ovum  affero ;  who  means  that 
his  hunger  lasts  from  the  beginning  to  the  end.  In  Petron.  33,  the 
ova  pavonina  also  belong  to  thegustatio  ;  and  Mart.  xii.  19,  says  : 

In  thermis  sumit  lactucas,  ova,  lacertum. 
This  was  a  gustus,  which  many  took  immediately  after  bathing. 
Appul.  Met.  ix.  p.  656.     [Plin.  Ep.  i.  15 :    Paratce  erant  lactucee 
singula,  cochlea  femes,  ova  bina.     Varro,  R.  R.  i.  2.] 

They  also  generäjly  took  mulsum  (see  the  Excursus  on  Tlie 
Drinks),  as  wine  was  thought  too  heating  for  the  empty  stomach. 
Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  24  : 

Aufidius  forti  miscebat  mella  Falerno, 
Mendose,  quoniam  vacuis  committere  venis 
Nil  nisi  lene  decet ;  leni  prsecordia  mulso 
Prolueris  melius. 

The  gustus  was  called  promulsis ;  but  not  because  the  viands  were 
taken  before  the  mulsum,  but  because  they,  with  it,  formed  the 
whet.     In  the  same  sense  Martial  says,  vpoirivtiv,  instead  of  gustare. 

The  coena,  in  a  stricter  sense,  consisted  of  several  removes  ;  fer- 
cula,  [also  called  missus'],  named  prima,  altera,  tertia  coma,  followed. 
Mart.  xi.  31.  In  earlier  times  people  were  satisfied  with  two  re- 
moves, (Cato,  in  Serv.  on  Virg.  JEn.  i.  637)  ;  afterwards  there  were 
generally  three,  the  chief  dish,  caput  canes  (Mart.  x.  31),  being 
placed  in  the  centre  ;  but  they  did  not  stop  there  ;  and  Juvenal's 
words  (i.  94)  are  well  known  :  Quis  fercula  septem  secreto  ccenavit 
amis?  [Suet.  Oct.  74:  Ccmam  ternis fercudis  aid quum abundantis- 
sime  senis  presbebat.^  There  was  never  a  lack  of  the  dessert,  metis« 
secundce,  which  consisted  of  pastry,  bellaria  (Gell.  xiii.  11),  fresh 
and  dried  fruit,  [Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev.  37],  and  of  dishes  made  only 
to  be  looked  at,  and  called  by  the  Grecian  name  epideipnides. 
Mart.  xi.  31  ;  Petron.  09,  [or  impomenta ;  Paul.  p.  108,  quasi  irn- 
ponimenta,  qua  post  ccenam  mensis  imponebant.~\ 

Bv  the  expression  ccena  recta,  is  meant  a  full  meal  of  this  sort, 
ab  ovo  usque  ad  mala,  but  it  is  obscure,  and  opposed  to  the  sportida. 
[See  above,  and  Suet.  Oct.  74 ;  Vesp.  19.]  Other  expressions,  as 
dubia,  pura,  belong  only  to  particular  cases.  [Before  entering 
into  a  brief  survey  of  the  chief  dishes,]  we  will  give  some  pas- 
sages on  the  subject.     Firstly,  a  simple  meal  is  described,  in  Mart. 

x.  48: 

Exonoraturas  ventreiu  mihi  villica  malvns 
Attulit  et  varias,  quas  habet  hortus,  opes, 

In  quibus  est  lactuea  sedens  et  seetile  porrum: 
Nee  deest  ructatrix  mentha,  nee  herba  salax. 

Seeta  coronabunt  rutatos  ova  lacertos,  | 
Et  madidum  thynni  de  sale  sumen  erit. 


458  THE   MEALS.  [Excursus  I. 

Grustus  in  his.     Una  ponetur  coenula  mensa, 

Hoedus  inhumani  raptus  ab  ore  lupi, 
Et  quae  non  egeant  ferro  structoris  ofellse, 

Et  faba  fabrorum,  prototomique  rudes. 
Pullus  ad  hsec  ccenisque  tribus  jam  perna  superstes 

Addetur  ;  saturis  mitia  poma  dabo. 

And  one  still  more  simple  in  v.  78  : 

Non  deerunt  tibi,  si  voles  irpo-Kivnp, 

Viles  Cappadoese  gravesque  porri. 
Divisis  cybium  latebit  ovis. 

Ponetur  digitis  tenendus  unctis 
Nigra  cauliculus  virens  patella, 

Algentem  modo  qui  reliquit  hortum, 
Et  pultem  niveam  premens  botellus, 

Et  pallens  faba  cum  rubente  lardo. 
Mensae  munera  si  voles  secundse, 

Marcentes  tibi  porrigentur  uvae. 

The  first  three  lines  contain  the  gustus  ;  ponere  is  said  of  the  fer- 
culum.  Comp.  xi.  52.  [Lucian,  Lexiph.  6.]  An  account  of  a 
grand  ccena  pontificalis,  about  the  middle  of  the  period  of  the 
Republic,  will  be  found  in  Macrobius,  ii.  9  :  Ccena  hcecfuit:  Ante 
ccenam  echinos,  ostreas  erudas,  quantum  vellent,  peloridas,  sphondilos, 
turdum,  asparagos.  Subtus  gallinam  altilem,  patinam  ostrearum, 
peloridum,  balanos  nigros,  balanos  albos ;  Herum  sphondilos,  glyco- 
maridas,  utricas,  ficedidas,  lutnbos  caprugitieos,  aprugnos,  altilia  ex 
farina  involuta,  Jicedufas,  murices  et  purpuras.  In  ccena  suinina, 
sinciput  aprugnum,  patinam  piscium,  patinam  suminis,  anates,  quer- 
cedulas  elixas,  lepores,  altilia  assa,  amylum,  panes  Picentes.  The 
guests  amounted  to  fifteen  or  sixteen  persons  in  all. 

Much  about  the  usual  dishes  is  to  be  found  in  Heindorf 's  notes 
on  Horace,  and  Wiistemann's  Pal.  d.  Scaur.  [Nonne,  de  re  ciba?-ia."\ 
We  shall  here  follow  Horace,  Martial,  Juvenal,  Macrobius,  and 
Pliny,  [Plautus  likewise  mentions  several  dishes],  without  referring 
to  the  receipt-book  of  Apicius,  [or  to  the  unnatural  gormandizing 
of  a  later  age,  (pmienta  luxuries.  Sen.  Ep.  110,  luxus  mensce.  Tacit. 
Ann.  iii.  55),  when  innumerable  delicacies  were  procured  from 
distant  lands  at  an  enormous  cost ;  a  state  of  debauchery  which 
was  but  little  curtailed  by  the  numerous  sumptuary  laws.  Comp. 
Sen.  Cons,  ad  Alb.  10.  ep.  78, 95, 114;  Cons,  ad  Helv.  9  ;  Suet.  Vit. 
13 ;  Lamprid.  Heliog.  19,  23 ;  Eutrop.  vii.  18 ;  Dio  Cass.  lxv.  3 ; 
Colum.  preef.  de  hört,  cultu ;  Pacati,  Paneg.  Theod.  14. 


Scene  IX.]  THE    MEALS.  459 

FISH 

were  a  chief  object  of  Roman  epicurism,  though  several  sorts  also 
served  as  the  poor  man's  staple  of  subsistence ;  e.  g.]  Lacertus,  a 
very  common  and  not  particularly  esteemed  sea  fish,  which  on  this 
account  is  often  introduced  in  mentioning  a  simple  meal,  as  Juven. 
xiv.  134;  Mart.  vii.  78.  It  was  eaten  with  eggs,  chopped  small, 
and  rue,  which  were  placed  either  round  or  upon  it,  (Mart.  x. 
48,  11). 

Secta  coronabunt  rutatos  ova  lacertos, 

as  the  cybium,  salted  slices  of  a  fish  of  the  pelamides  species,  ("Mart. 
v.  78,  5),  also  a  cheap  dish,  whence  they  are  mentioned  together. 
Mart.  xi.  27. 

[The  numa  or  menu,  Cic.  de  Fin.  ii.  28,  was  little  valued ;  as 
also  the  sepiola  and  lepas.  Plaut.  Cas.  ii.  8,  57.  At  Venice  the  little 
gobius  was  a  favourite  dish.  Mart.  xii.  88,  Col.  viii.  17.  Of  the 
mugüis  we  know  little.  Plin.  ix.  17,  26.  Col.  viii.  16 ;  Mart.  x.  30. 
Sergius  was  called  after  the  aurata,  or  orata  (Goldbrasse),  from  his 
fondness  for  this  fish.  Macrob.  ii.  11 ;  Col.  viii.  16 ;  Varro,  E.  R.  iii. 
3  ;  Plin.  ix.  16,  25.  But  see  Festus,  v.  orata,  p.  182.  Those  from 
the  Lucrine  lake  were  the  best.  Mart.  xiii.  90.]  The  muUus  [sea- 
barbel,  hence  called  barbatus,  Cic.  ad  Att.  ii.  1  ;  Farad,  v.  2]  was 
one  of  the  most  favourite  and  expensive  fishes,  and  increased  in 
value  according  to  its  size,  and  to  an  almost  incredible  amount,  one 
of  six  pounds  having  been  sold  for  eight  thousand  sesterces.  See 
Heind.  on  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  2,  33 ;  [ Juv.  iv.  15,  v.  92 ;  Mart.  x.  37,  31 : 
Sen.  Ep.  95 ;  Macrob.  Sat.  ii.  12.]  The  smaller  ones  were  not 
much  esteemed.     Mart.  xiv.  97  : 

Grandia  ne  viola  parvo  chrysendeta  mullo  ; 
Ut  minimum,  libras  debet  habere  duas. 

[See  Plin.  ix.  17, 18.]  The  rhombus,  turbot,  a  most  favourite  fish 
with  the  Romans,  especially  when  large,  was  procured  best  from 
Ravenna.  Plin.  xix.  54,  79;  Heindorf  on  Hor.  Sat.  i.  2,  116.  ii.  8, 
30;  [Mart.  xiii.  81,  iii.  60.  The  passer,  flounder,  much  resembled 
it.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8, 29;  Plin.  ix.  20,  36 ;  Col.  viii.  16.  The  murcena 
was  a  kind  of  sea-eel,  Heind.  on  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8, 42.  The  best  came 
from  the  coast  of  Sicily,  and  Tartessus.  Macrob.  Sat.  ii.  11;  Juv. 
v.  99  ;  Col.  viii.  16  ;  Mart.  xiii.  80  ;  Gell.  vii.  16;  Plin.  ix.  54.  The 
conger  and  angxUla  were  of  the  same  species.  Plin.  ix.  20,  37  ; 
Plaut.  Mü.  iii.  1,  165.  The  asettus,  supposed  to  be  the  haddock, 
was  celebrated,  (Varro,  L.  L.  v.  77;  l'etron.  24:  Post  asettum 
diaria  non  sumo,  i.  e.  "  after  delicacies  I  will  not  eat  common  food.' "' 
The  best  came  from  Pessinus,  Gell.  vii.  16),  and  the  lupus,  sea-wolf. 


460  THE    MEALS.  [Excursus  I. 

Plin.  ix.  17,  28  ;  Mart.  xiii.  89.     Those  caught  between  two  bridges 
in  the  Tiber  were  esteemed  most,  Heind.  on  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  2,  31  : 
Unde  datum  sentis,  lupus  hie  Tiberinus  an  alto 
Captus  hiet?  pontesue  inter  jactatus  an  amnis 
Ostia  sub  Tusci :  [i.e.  the  Tiber.] 

But  generally,  the  river-lupus  was  considered  bad  eating.  Colum. 
viii.  16 ;  Macrob.  ii.  12 ;  Mart.  xiii.  17,  22.  The  scams,  which  is 
unknown  to  us,  was  highly  prized  ;  scaro  datus  principatus,  Heind. 
ad  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  2,  22  ;  JEpod.  2,  50  ;  Macrob.  ii.  12  ;  Col.  viii.  16. 
Pliny  relates  that  the  emperor  Claudius  brought  it  from  the  coast 
of  Asia  Minor  to  the  sea  between  Ostia  and  Campania.  Cell.  vii.  16. 
Its  entrails  were  a  chief  delicacy,  Mart.  xiii.  84  : 

Visceribus  bonus  est,  cetera  vile  sapit. 
The  acipenser  (or  elops,  perhaps  our  sturgeon,  Col.  viii.  16),  best 
from  Rhodes,  Gell.  vii.  16  :  Varro,  R.  R.  ii.  6,  was  in  ancient  times 
thought  a  great  ornament  to  the  banquet ;  (Plin.  ix.  17,  27  :  Apud 
antiquos  piscium  nobilissimus  ;)  but  afterwards  fell  much  in  repute 
and  value.     Heind.  ad  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  2,  46 : 

Haud  ita  pridem 
Galloni  prseconis  erat  acipensere  mensa 
Infamis  :  quid  ?  tum  rhombos  minus  sequora  alebant  ? 

See  Schol.  Cruq.  ib.  on  the  prceco  Gallonius,  who  first  sum  mensce 

opposuit  this  fish.     Lucilius  censured  this  luxury,  Cic.  de  Fin.  ii.  8; 

p.  Quinct.  30 ;  Tusc.  iii.  18 ;  Macrob.  ii.  12 ;  Mart.  xiii.  91.     Pauli. 

says  that  its  name  was  properly  aquipenser.     Salmasius  (Exercit. 

Plin.  p.   941)   derives  it  ftom  actis  and  pesna  or  perna.    Ath.  vii. 

p.  294.     The  rich  Romans  had  at  their  villas  magnificent  piscince  or 

vivaria  piscium,  stews,  filled  with  fresh  or  salt-water  fish,  Plin. 

H.  N.  ix.  54,  79 ;  Mart.  x.  30  : 

Piscina  rhombum  pascit  et  lupos  vernas, 
Natat  ad  magistrum  delicata  mursena. 
Nomenculator  mugilem  citat  notum, 
Et  adesse  jussi  prodeunt  senes  mulli. 

Shell-fish  were  also  a  delicacy,  Cels.  ii.  29,  cochlea,  ostrea,  pelorides, 
echini,  musculiet  omnesfere  conchulce.  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  77;  Sen.  Ep. 
95;  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  30: 

Lubrica  nascentes  implent  conchylia  lunse, 
Sed  non  omne  mare  est  generosae  fertile  testae. 
Murice  Baiano  melior  Lucrina  peloris, 
Ostrea  Circeiis,  Miseno  oriuntur  echini ; 
Peetinibus  patulis  jactat  se  molle  Tarentum. 

Heind.  ad  he.  The  murex  was  an  edible  purple  muscle,  Mart.  xiii. 
87,  best  from  Baias.    Macrob.  supra.    Peloris,  (gienmuscbel,)  Ath.  iii. 


Scene  IX.]  THE    MEALS.  461 

p.  90.     Fatua,  Mart.  x.   37,  best  from  the  Lucrine  lake.  Mart.  vi. 
11.     Echinus,  sea-urchin,  Mart.  xiii.  86: 

Iste  licet  digitos  testudine  pungat  acuta, 
Cortice  deposito  mollis  echinus  erit. 
Plin.  ix.  31,  51.  Pecten,  cockle,  Ath.  iii.  88  ;  Plin.  ix.  32,  51, 
xxxii.  53  ;  Gell.  vii.  IG.  Sphondüus  and  balanus,  see  Macrob.  supra. 
The  oysters  and  snails  are  of  much  more  importance.  The  former 
was  an  article  of  great  luxury,  ( palma  mensarum  divitum,  Plin. 
xxxii.  6,  21.)  Those  from  Circeii  were  the  best.  Plin.  his  neque 
dulciora  neque  teneriora  esse  ulla  compertum  est.  The  next  best  were 
the  Lucrine  ;  at  least  they  were  thought  so  by  Sergius  Orata,  no 
mean  connoisseur  in  these  matters  ;  who  was  the  first  to  form  ostre- 
arum  vivaria  at  Baite.  Plin.  ix.  54,  79 ;  Hor.  Epod.  ii.  49  ;  Mart. 
xiii.  82,  Ostrea : 

Ebria  Baiano  veni  modo  concha  Lucrino. 
As  luxury  increased,  they  were  obtained   from  Brundusium,  Ta- 
rentum,  and  even  from  Cyzicum   and  Britain  ;  and  then  fattened 
in  beds  in  the  Lucrine  lake  ;  Plin.  ix.  54,  79  ;  xxxii.  6,  21 ;  Gell. 
vii.  1C  ;  Juv.  iy.  140 : 

Circeis  nata  forent  an 

Luerimim  ad  saxum  Eutupinove  edita  fundo 

Ostrea,  callebat  primo  deprendere  morsu. 
In  Macrob.  ii.  9,  an  express  distinction  is  made  between  ostrece  crudes, 
which  were  handed  to  the  guests,  quantum  vellent,  and  patina  ostr-e- 
arum,  which  was  a  warm  dish  prepared  from  oysters  ;  for  patina 
does  not  signify  the  dish  only  in  which  the  meats  were  served,  but 
a  covered  bowl,  in  which  they  were  cooked,  (Plautus,  ubi  omnes 
patince  fervent,  omnes  aperio),  as  well  as  placed  upon  the  table. 
[A  particular  sort  of  bread  was  eaten  to  oysters,  panis  ostrearius ; 
Plin.  xviii.  11,  27. 

Snails,  cochlea,  Plin.  ix.  32,  51,  were  fed  in  ponds  for  the  pur- 
pose. Plin.  ix.  56,  82 :  Cochlearum  vivaria  instituit  Fidvius  Jlir- 
pinus  in  Tarquiniensi,  paulo  ante  civile  bettum,  distinct  is  quidem 
generibus  earum,  separatim  ut  essent  albce,  qttee  in  lieatino  agro  nas- 
cuntur,  separatim  lllyriccv,  quibus  magnitude  prcecipua,  Africance, 
quibus  fcecunditas,  SolitancB  quibus  nobilitas.  Varro,  R.  H.  iii.  14 
discusses  the  rearing  of  them  at  length.] 

The  garum  was  a  sauce  made  from  the  entrails  and  blood  of 
certain  fishes,  and  probably  was  to  the  ancients  what  caviare  is  to 
us.  See  Heind.  ad  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  46,  [garo  de  succis  piscis  Uteri. 
viz.  the  scomber,  Tlin.  xxxi.  7,  43.  On  the  scomber,  see  ix.  15,  19  ; 
Mart.  iii.  50 ;  Strab.  iii.  4 ;  Mart.  xiii.  102,  Garum  sociorum  : 

Exspirantis  adhuc  scombri  de  sanguine  primu 
Accipe  fastosum  munera  cara  garum.] 


4G2  THE   MEALS.  [Excursus  I. 

There  were  good  and  bad  qualities  of  it,  and  hence  we  find  it 
at  one  time  called  a  delicious  expensive  food,  at  another,  worthless 
and  common.  The  Silenus,  from  whose  skin  it  is  here  made  to 
drop,  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  passage  of  Petronius,  although  in 
c.  36,  he  has  something  similar  :  Circa  angulos  repositorii  notavimus 
Marsyas  quatuor,  ex  quorum  utriculis  garum  piperatum  currebat 
super  pisees,  qui  in  euripo  natabant.  The  garum  was  used  in  various 
ways,  both  in  the  kitchen  and  at  the  table,  and  oysters  even  were 
smeared  with  it.     Mart.  xiii.  82. 

Similar  to  it  was  alec  or  alex,  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  73.  Heindorf, 
after  Plin.  xxxi.  8,  44,  explains  it  to  be  a  sort  of  garum  not  yet 
refined.  Köhler  thinks  it  was  a  combination  of  all  sorts  of  deli- 
cacies, as  oysters,  the  liver  of  the  mullus,  and  other  shell-fish.  The 
muria  was  a  sauce  of  a  like  nature:     Heind.  ad  Hor.  Sat.ii.  4,  65  : 

Quod  pingui  miscere  mero  muriaque  decebit 
Non  alia  quam  qua  Byzautia  putuit  orca. 

The  best  muria  was  made  from  Byzantine  thunnies  (thynni). 
Plin.  ix.  15,  20 ;  Mart.  xiii.  103,  Muria : 

Antipolitani,  fateor,  sum  filia  thynni ; 
Essem  si  scombri,  non  tibi  missa  forem. 

Pliny,  xxvi.  4,  11,  mentions  muria  made  from  other  fish.  Muria, 
(dura  cmda,  matura)  was  also  the  name  for  brine.  Col.  xii.  6,25, 
30  ;  Cato,  R.  R.  105. 

POULTRY. 

The  peacocks  and  fowls  have  been  already  discussed.  See  fur- 
ther, Lamprid.  Sev.  Alex.  37  ;  Mart.  xiii.  62,  Gallina  altilis  : 

Pascitur  et  dulci  facilis  gallina  farina, 
Pascitur  et  tenebris,  ingeniosa  gula  est. 

lb.  63,  64.  On  the  capo,  see  Varro,  iii.  9,  who  also  mentions  the 
fattening  of  chickens  in  the  dark.  Sen.  Ep.  122.  The  altilia  ex 
farina  involuta,  in  Macrob.  denote  a  chicken-pie.  On  the  pheasants 
see  above,  and  Mart.  xiii.  72.  Pigeons,  above,  and  Mart.  xiii.  66, 
67.  Turtur,  Plin.  x.  34,  52.  On  the  duck,  see  Macrob.  above. 
Mart.  xiii.  52: 

Tota  quidem  ponatur  anas,  sed  pectore  tantum 
Et  cervice  sapit:  cetera  redde  coco.] 

Jecur  anseris  was  a  very  favourite  dish,  and  to  make  its  taste 
finer,  the  geese  were  fed  with  figs  and  dates.  See  Eader  on  Mart, 
xiii.  56.  [Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8.  88  j  Juv.v.  114;  Plin.  x.  22,27.  White 
geese  were  considered  best.     Varro,  R.  R.  iii.  10;  Hor.  supra. 


Scene  IX.]  THE    MEALS.  463 

Partridges  and  heath-cocks,  perdix  and  aMagen.     Mart.  xiii.  05, 
Perdue : 

Ponitur  Ausoniis  avis  ha?c  rarissima  meusis — 

Haue  in  lautorum  mandere  saepe  soles. 
7G  and  61 : 

Inter  sapores  fertur  alitum  primus 
Ioniearum  gustus  attagenarum. 
Plin.  x.  48,  68  ;  Gell.  vii.  16.] 

The  field-fare,  turdus,  was  considered  a  great  luxury,  and  was 
not  only  eaten  when  in  season,  but  also  fed  all  the  year  round  in 
ornithones  for  the  purpose.  Even  in  Varro's  time  they  were  sold 
when  fattened  for  three  denarii  (about  sixteen  pence)  a  piece,  and 
one  villa  yielded  in  a  year  5000  head,  consequently  a  revenue  of 
60,000  HS.  (iii.  2, 15).  Columella  .-ays  |  viii.  10),  nunc  eetatis  nostra 
luxuries  quotidiana  fecit  hcecpreUa.  [A  circle  of  roast  turdi  were 
placed  round  the  dish.  Mart.  xiii.  51,  turdorum  corona.  92,  Lepus  : 
Inter  aves  turdus,  si  quis  me  judice  certet, 

Inter  quadrupedes  mattea  prima  lepus. 
Hor.  Sat.  i.  5,  72,  ii.  5,  10 ;  Pers.  vi.  24.  Blackbirds,  merulee,  were 
also  eaten.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  91.  Snipes,  fideculce.  Mart.  xiii.  49 ; 
Gell.  xv.  8  ;  Macrob.  supra  :  sometimes  the  crane,  gras,  and  stork, 
cicoma.  Plin.  x.  23,  30  :  C.  Nepos  cam  scriberet  turdos  paulo  ante 
cceptos  saginarij  addidit,  ciconias  magis  placere  quam  grues.  Hor. 
Sat.  ii.  8,  87  : 

Membra  gruis  sparsi  sale  midto  non  sine  farre. 
ii.  2,  49;  Gell.  vii.  16,  graes  MeUae.'] 

There  is  no  proof  that  the  Phcenicopterus,  which  is  explained  to 
be  the  flamingo,  and  named  in  the  modern  system  Phcenicopterus 
antiquorum,  was  in  the  time  of  Gallus  one  of  the  delicacies  at  the 
tables  of  tbe  great,  but  it  was  introduced  soon  after,  for  Vitellius 
and  Apicius  had  dishes  made  of  the  tongues  of  these  birds.  Suet. 
Tit  ell.  13:  Plin.  x.  48,  68.  Martial  names  them  among  the  turba 
cortis,  iii.  58,  14  : 

Argutus  anser,  gemmeique  pavones, 

Nomenque  debet  quas  rubentibus  pennis. 

Comp.  xiii.  71.  [Juv.  xi.  139;  Sen.  Pp.  110.]  Elagabalus  had 
dishes  prepared  of  the  brains  of  these  birds.     Lamprid.  c.  20.     ' 

[Sometimes,  though  rarely,  they  committed  the  absurdity  of 
eating  singing-birds.  Plin.  x.  51,  72  ;  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3,  245.  Among 
the 

QUADRUPEDS 

the  greatest  favourite  was  the  tame  or  wild  boar.]     It  was  gene- 
rally the  chief  dish  of  a  grand  ccena,  and  came  whole  to  table  ;  [a 


464  THE    MEALS.  [Excursus  I. 

custom  introduced  by  P.  Servilius  Rullus.  Plin.  viii.  51,  78  ;  Juv, 
i.  140: 

Quanta  est  gula,  quae  sibi  totos 
Ponitapros,  animal  propter  convivia  natum. 

v.  115.     Tiberius  bad  only  balf  a  one.     Suet.  Tib.  34]. 

Tbe  practised  gourmand  pretended  to  distinguish  by  tbe  taste 
from  what  part  of  Italy  it  came.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  40,  says  :  Umber 
curvet  aper  lances  ;  nam  Laurens  malus  est ;  at  other  times  tbe  Lu- 
canian,  and  later,  tbe  Tuscan,  was  celebrated.  See  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3, 
234;  8,  6  ;  Stat.  Silv.  iv.  6, 10  ;  Mart.  vii.  27.  [Catull.  39,  11.  The 
Laurentine  were  frequent.  Mart.  ix.  49,  x.  45  ;  Ovid.  Fast.  ii.  231  ; 
Virg.  JEn.  x.  708.]  The  rich  Romans  kept  them  in  vivaria.  Plin. 
viii.  51,  78.]  The  cooking  of  the  boar  also  cost  a  considerable 
sum.  Martial,  who  had  received  a  present  of  a  Tuscce  glantlis  aper 
says, 

Sed  coquus  ingentem  piperis  consumet  acervum, 
Acldet  et  areano  mista  Falerna  garo  ; 

Ad  dominum  redeas  ;  noster  te  non  eapit  ignis, 
Conturbator  aper.     Vilius  esurio. 

On  the  carving,  see  Petr.  40.  [The  flesh  of  the  tame  swine  was 
cooked  in  manifold  ways.  Plin.  viii.  51,  77.  On  the  manner  of 
dishing  it  up,  see  above.  The  sucking-pig  was  also  thus  served. 
Mart.  xiii.  41,  Porcellus  lactens.^ 

Among  the  most  favourite  dishes  of  the  ancients  were  the  womb, 
vulva,  and  the  breast,  sumen,  of  a  porca,  before  it  had  been  sucked  ; 
hence  there  is  no  dish  so  frequently  mentioned  from  Plautus  down- 
wards. [Gierig,  on  Plin.  Ep.  i.  15  ;  Mart.  ii.  30,  xiii.  44,  56 ;  Plin. 
xi.  37,  83.  They  also  liked  the  head,  sinciput  verrimim,  the  liver, 
the  stomach,  abdomen,  Plin.  viii.  51,  77,  and  the  hams,  pernce,  espe- 
cially those  of  Spain  and  Gaul.  Mart.  xiii.  54;  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  60.] 
These  were  often  kept  and  eaten  a  second  day,  Plaut.  Mil.  iii.  1 , 
164.  Mart.  x.  48, 17,  tribus  coenisjam  perna  super stes.  [Plaut.  Pseud. 
i.  2,  33  ;  Capt.  iv.  3 ;  Curcul.  ii.  3,  87 ;  Mencechm.  i.  3,  27 ;  Varro, 
L.  L.  v.  109.] 

Sausages  were  a  favourite  dish  and  used  by  all  classes  of  society, 
and  tbe  fortunate  rival  of  Cleon,  in  the  Knights  of  Aristophanes, 
has  lent  no  small  renown  to  the  trade  in  them.  The  Roman  names 
for  them  are  botulus  and  tomacidum,  but  these  signify  different 
things,  as  we  gather  from  Petron.  49.  They  were  prepared  as 
among  us,  with  the  blood  of  the  animal,  as  we  learn  from  Aristoph. 
Eg.  208,  and  the  botuli  were  of  this  description,  as  Tertull.  Apol.  9, 
says  :  botulos  cruore  distentos  ad/novetis.  Tomaada,  on  the  contrary, 
were  brain,  liver,  and  other  sausages,  and  were  eaten  warm,  being 


Scene  IX.]  THE  MEALS.  465 

roasted  on  the  gridiron.  Petr.  31  ;  Mart.  xiv.  221.  Hence  they 
were  carried  about  in  small  tin  ovens  for  sale.     Mart.  i.  42,  9, 

.   .  .  fumantia  qui  tomacla  raucus 

Circumfert  tepidis  coquus  popinis. 

where  top.  pop.  means  focos  tepidos.  So  the  botularius  also  cried  out 
his  wares.  Sen.  Rpist.  56.  In  Varro,  R.  R.  ii.  4,  10,  tomacince  are 
probably  the  same  as  tomacida.  As  we  import  hams  from  West- 
phalia, and  brain-sausages  from  Brunswick,  so  the  Romans  obtained 
both  best  from  Gaul.  Comp.  Ruperti  ad  Juven.  x.  355.  [The 
smoked  sausages  were  called  liillce.  Schol.  Cruq.  ad  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4, 
60,  explains  fartum  sattitium.  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  111.  He  mentions 
several  sorts  offarcimina,  e.  g.  Lucana  (Mart.  xiii.  35),  fundolum, 
etc.  Xon.  ii.  410. 

Of  meats  for  roasting,  the  hare,  lepus,  was  much  esteemed.] 
Petron.,  leporem  in  medio pennis  subornation,  id  Pegasus  mderetur. 
[The  epicure's  bit  was  the  shoulder-blade.     Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  44  : 
Fecund»  leporis  sapiens  sectabitur  armos. 

8,  89.  Comp.  Mart.  xiii.  92 ;  Lamprid.  Sev.  Alex.  37.]  On  the 
method  of  fattening  them,  see  Macrob.  Sat.  ii.  9.  and  Plin.  viii. 
55.  The  little  goat,  hcedus,  Mart.  x.  48,  was  obtained  best  from 
Ambracia.  Gell.  vii.  16  ;  Juv.  xi.  65  :  they  also  ate  the  roe,  Hor. 
Sat.  ii.  4,  43  ;  the  rabbit,  cuniculus,  Mart.  xiii.  60  ;  and  even  dor- 
mice, fflires  (although  this  was  restricted  by  a  Censor's  edict,  Plin. 
xxx vi.  1),  Mart.  xiii.  59. 

Tota  mihi  dormitur  hiems,  et  pinguior  illo 
Tempore  sum  quo  me  nil  nisi  somnus  alit. 

They  were  fattened  with  chestnuts.  Plin.  viii.  57,  82  ;  Varro, 
R.  R.  iii.  15.] 

VEGETABLES. 

The  lactuca  [Varro,  L.  L.  v.  104]  was  one  of  the  most  general 
vegetables,  about  the  use  of  which  at  meals,  see  above.  For  its 
varieties,  see  Billerbeck,  Flora  Class.  Here  the  capitata,  headed- 
lettuce,  comes  especially  under  our  consideration,  also  called  laconi- 
ca  (Plin.  xix.  8,  38),  and  scssilis  (Mart.  iii.  47,  8),  and  also  sedens, 
Mart.  x.  48,  9.  Five  sorts  of  this  are  mentioned  by  Colum.  x. 
181,  and  xi.  3,  26  :  two  named  cceciliana,  after  Caccilius  Metellus, 
the  one  green,  the  other  brownish  red,  the  yellowish  green,  cappa- 
doca,  (Mart.  v.  78,  4).  the  whitish,  bcetica,  and  the  ojpria,  also  red 
outside. 

Brassica,  (oleraeea),  green  or  brown  cabbage,  was  likewise  a 
very  favourite  vegetable.     Plin.  xix.  8,  41.    [Varro,  L.  L.  v.  104.] 

II    II 


4G6  THE  MEALS.  [Excursus  I. 

Both  the  larger  stalks,  catties,  cavliculus,  and  the  young  spring 
shoots,  cymata,  cymtB,  were  eaten.  Col.  x.  127,  seqq.  The  stalks 
were  served  up  whole.  Mart.  v.  78,  5.  In  order  that  in  boiling 
it  might  retain  its  green  colour,  saltpetre  was  mixed  with  it.    Mart. 

xiii.  17  : 

Ne  tibi  pallentes  moveant  fastidia  caules, 
Nitrata  viridis  brassica  fiat  aqua. 

Plin.  xxxi.  10.  46.  Columella  enumerates  several  sorts;  Pliny 
mentions  above  others,  the  Cuman,  Arician,  and  Pompeian.  [Com- 
mon cabbage,  olus,  was  the  frequent  food  of  the  poor.  Hor.  Epist. 
i.  17,  13  ;  i.  5,  2,  and  Obbar.  ad  loc.  ;  Sat.  ii.  1,  74  ;  7,  30,  securum 
olus. — Turnips,  likewise,  Mart.  xiii.  16,  rapa,  20  ;  napi  were  very 
common ;  also  asparagus,  21,  asparagi,  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  104  ;  Non. 
xviii.  1.  Mushrooms,  fungi,  were  a  very  favourite  dish,  particularly 
the  boleti.  Juv.  v.  146  ;  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  20  ;  Mart.  xii.  48,  xiii.  48  ; 
Plin.  Epist.  i.  7.  The  emperor  Claudius  was  very  fond  of  them. 
Mart.  i.  21.  Truffles  were  called  tubera.  Plin.  xix.  2,  11  ;  Mart. 
xiii.  50  ;  bulbi,  Mart.  xii.  34.] 

The  eruca,  brassica  eraca,  garden-rocket,  served  not  only  as  a 
spice,  but  was  also  eaten  like  lettuce.  Spreng.  Hist.  R.  Herb.  i.  p. 
97.  It  was  well  known  as  veneris  concitatrix.  Plin.  xix.  8,  44,  xx. 
13  49  ;  Virg.  Moret.  85  ;  and  is  hence  often  called  herba  salax. 
Mart.  x.  48,  10,  iii.  75. 

Porrum,  poree,  a  favourite  dish  of  two  kinds,  porrvm  sectile 
(Schnittlauch),  and  capitatmn  ;  hence  tetrumque  porrum.  Mart.  iii. 
47  8.  The  capitatum  {graves  pom,  ibid.  v.  78,  4)  of  very  good 
quality,  came  to  Pome  from  Aricia,  Colum.  x.  139;  mater  Aricia 
pom,  Mart.  xiii.  19  ;  as  the  sectile  from  Tarentum,  ibid.  18. 
Horace's  condemnation  of  it  (Epod.  iii.)  is  well  known. 

Cicer  fervens,  or  tepidum,  boiled  chick-peas,  a  very  usual  and 
cheap  aliment,  was  hawked  about  for  sale.  Mart.  i.  42,  5,  otiosa> 
vendit  qui  madidum  cicer  corona.  A  dish  of  them  could  be  obtained 
for  an  as  (about  three  half-pence).  Mart.  ii.  104.  10.  Hence  it  is 
especially  the  food  of  the  poorest  class,  and  always  a  mark  of  a 
very  frugal  table.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6, 115,  [ii.  3. 182]  ;  Mart.  v.  78,  21. 
[So  also  beans,  Mart.  x.  48;  v.  78  (liqnni),  and  lentiles  were  a  dish 
of  the  poor.  Heind.  ad  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  6,  63  ;  Mart.  xiii.  7,  Conchis 
faba  ;  lastly,  barley,  groats,  polenta,  Col.  vi.  17  ;  Sen.  Ep.  18, 22  ; 
Plin.  xviii.  7, 18,  alica  ;  Plin.  xviii.  1 1, 29 :  xxii.  25,  61 ;  Mart.  xiii.  6. 

Of  the  various  fruits  notice  has  been  already  taken. 

Further  may  be  added]  Syrian  dates,  caryotcc,  [Mart.  xiii.  27,] 
and  Egyptian,  Thebaicce.  Salmasius  treats  of  them  at  length, 
Exerc^ad  Sol.  ii.  927  ;  [Plin.  xv.  28,  34.]  The  dates  in  Petron. 
are  said  to  be  an  allusion  to  the  sustenance  of  the  boar,  glandes. 


Scene  IX.]  THE   MEALS.  467 

Olives  belonged  both  to  the  gustus  and  to  the  menses  sccunda*. 
Mart.  xiii.  36 : 

Inchoat  atque  oadem  finit  oliva  dapes. 

On  the  albce  and  nigra  and  their  conditura,  see  Colum.  xii.  48.  On 
other  sorts,  Billerbeck,  Flor.  Class,  p.  0.  [Plin.  Ep.  i.  15,  oliveB 
Bceticce. 

Lastly   come    certain  articles,  used  in   cookery,  per    qnce  esse 
solemus.     Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiii.  9.  3.]  e.  g.  honey. 

The  best  was  the  Attic  (Ilymettian),  and  the  Sicilian  from  the 
floriferous  Hybla.  Mart.  xiii.  104,  105.  Third  in  rank  was  that 
from  Calydna,  an  island  on  the  coast  of  Caria.  Plin.  xi.  13.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  worst  ( asperrimum,  Plin.  xxx.  4.  10)  came 
from  Corsica.  Therefore  Ovid  says  of  the  letter  (cera)  of  his  love, 
who  refuses  the  rendezvous  he  entreats  for,  Amor.  i.  12,  9  : 
Quam,  puto,  de  longse  collectam  flore  cicutee 
Melle  sub  infami  Corsica  misit  apis ; 

and  Martial  replies  to  Cpeeilianus,  who  had  requested  epigrams  of 
him  upon  absurd  subjects,  xi.  42 : 

Mella  jubes  Hyblaea  tibi,  vel  Hymettia  nasci, 
Et  thynia  Cecropise  Corsica  ponis  api  ? 

Comp.  ix.  27.  [Here  also  must  be  mentioned  the  various  condi- 
ments, condimenta,  kitchen-herbs  and  spices,  piper,  mads,  laser, 
ligusticum,  allium,  eoriandrum,  careum,  portulaca,  lapathdum,  beta. 
Pauli.  Dig.  xxxiii.  9,  5  :  Plaut.  Pseud,  iii.  2,  21  :  Non.  xvii.  :  Mart, 
xiii.  5,  13  j  Plin.  xix.  4,  7,  8.  Also  cheese,  (caseus,  acoacto  lacte,) 
Varro,  L.  L.  v.  108;  Plin.  xxviii.  9,  xi.  42;  Mart.  xiii.  30—33; 
where  the  Lunensi*  (a  very  large  sort),  Vestinus,  Velabrensis,  Tre- 
bulanus,  are  mentioned.     The  best  came  from  Gaul  and  Bithynia. 

PASTRY   AXD  BREAD. 

The  loaves  were  very  flat,  about  two  inches  thick,  of  a  square 
shape,  (hence  called  quadra  ;  Mart.  ix.  91  ;  Ilor.  Ep.  i.  17,  49  :  Juv. 
v.  2,)  with  six  or  eight  notches  cut  in  them ;  as  is  seen  from 
paintings,  and  loaves,  that  have  been  discovered.  The  best  bread 
was  of  wheat-flour,  siligineus.  Sen.  Ep.  123,  119  ;  Plin.  xviii.  9,  20, 
e  siligine  lautissimus  panis,  ii.  27:  \  op.  Aurel.  48.  It  was  called 
teuer,  niveus,  candddtts,  mundus.  The  commonest  (panis  sordidus 
durus,  Sen.  Ep.  18,  plebeius ;  Sen.  119,  cibarius.  Cic.  Tusc.  v.  34  ; 
Isid.  xx.  2,)  was  of  barley,  pollards,  (hordaceus,  furfurosus,  fur- 
furibus  conspersus,  acerosus.  Plin.  xviii.  11,  26).  Between  these 
there  was  a  middling  quality,  panis  sccundus,  or  secmidarius,  besides 
several  others.    Plin.  xix.  9.  20 ;  Suet  Oct.  76  ;  Hor.  Ep.  ii.  1, 123. 


468  THE    MEALS.  [Excursus  I. 

There  was  the  pants  speusticus,  furnaceus,  artopticius,  siibcinericius, 
clibanitius,  rubidus,  &c,  names  which  refer  to  the  method  of 
making'  the  bread.  Isid.  ib.  ;  Plin.  ib.  ;  Lampr.  Sev.  Alex.  37  ; 
Juv.  v.  G7.  It  is  doubtful  whether  panes  Picentes  are  biscuits  or 
rolls.     Mart.  xiii.  47  : 

Picentina  Ceres  niveo  sic  Hectare  crescit, 
Ut  levis  accepta  spongia  turget  aqua. 

Small  round  rolls,  or  liba,  were  called  pastilli.  Pliu.  xviii.  11,  26  ; 
Fest.  p.  250 ;  scent-balls,  however,  are  likewise  so  called.  Hor. 
Sat.  i.  2,  27,  Pastillos  Rußllus  old.  Mart.  i.  88.  Cakes  and  pastry 
were  made  in  all  shapes  and  sizes.]  First  come  the  porcelli,  Petron. 
40,  which  were  distributed  amongst  the  guests  to  be  taken  away 
by  them  (apophoreta)  ;  they  were  make  of  copta,  or  copto-placenta, 
a  kind  of  pastry,  not  unlike  the  rye-bread  of  Westphalia  :  it  was 
very  hard,  and  was  often  sent  away  to  a  distance.  Hence  Martial's 
joke,  xiv.  68,  copta  Rhodia  : 

Peccantis  famuli  pugno  ne  percute  dentes ; 
Clara  Rhodos  coptam  quam  tibi  misit,  edat. 

See  Petron.  60:  Priapus  a  pistore  f actus  gremio  satis  ample-  omnis 
generis  poma  et  nvas  sustinebat  more  vulgato.  Such  plastic  displays 
of  pastry  were  not  perhaps  confined  to  Trimalchio's  house.  Mart, 
xiv.  69.  Athenreus,  xiv.  details  the  numerous  names  of  such 
pastry.  Hase  merely  gives  a  few  general  remarks  on  the  subject. 
The  pastry  was  filled  within  with  all  sorts  of  ingredients.  Petr. 
69  :  Epidipnis  adlata  turdis  siligineis  uvis  jmssis  nucibusque  farsis. 
[On  laganum  and  artolagamis,  see  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6,  115,  and  Cic.  ad 
Farn.,  ix.  20.]  The  making  of  these  opera  pistoria  was  the  business 
both  of  the  dulciarius  and  the  lactarius. 

[THE    ATTENDANTS 

who  waited  at  the  table  of  the  rich  Romans,  and  cooked  the  meals, 
were  very  numerous.  Of  the  coquiis  mention  has  already  been 
made,  Juv.  ix.  109,  archimagirus.'] 

Pistor  was  the  name  both  of  the  slave  who  baked  the  bread  for 
the  usual  household  supply,  and  of  him  who  made  dulcia,  cakes  and 
pastry  of  all  kinds :  the  latter  was  also  called  dulciarius,  because 
the  two  functions  were  not  always  discharged  by  the  same  person. 
Hence  Appul.  Met.  x.  says  pistor  dulciarius,  qui  panes  et  mellita 
concinnabat  edulia,  where  panes  is  not  to  be  taken  for  common 
bread.    Mart.  xiv.  222  : 

Mille  tibi  dulces  operum  manus  ista  figuras 
Exstmit ;  huic  uni  parca  laborat  apis. 


Scene  IX.]  THE    MEALS.  4G9 

The  lactarius  purveyed  the  regular  pastry,  in  -which  meal  and 
milk  were  the  chief  ingredients.  Lamprid.  Heliog.  27.  The  lacta- 
rius copied  figures  as  well  as  the  didciarius,  and  the  Priapi  sili- 
r/i/iti  were  of  his  making,  ibid.  32.  In  most  cases  the  same 
person  discharged  both  offices,  and  the  name  pistor  was  the  general 
term. 

[The  white  bread  baker  was  called  pistor  sitiyinarius,  or  candi- 
darius.  Orell.  4263, 1810.  The  technical  process  of  hairing  is  seen 
on  the  bas-reliefs  on  the  tomb  of  the  baker  31.  Yergilius  Eurysaces. 
The  obsonator  was  the  person  who  catered  for  the  kitchen.  Sen. 
Ep.  47;  Mart.  xiv.  212.] 

It  does  not  seem  warrantable  to  assume  the  presence  of  a  special 
fartor  in  a  family  for  the  purpose  of  making  pasties,  sausages,  and 
so  forth  :  the  fartor  appears  to  have  been  no  more  than  the  Giriv-iir, 
who  fattened  the  poultry.  In  Ilor.  Sat.  ii.  3,  229,  there  is  no  ground 
for  supposing  a  botularius  to  be  meant,  as  the  fartores  were  not 
confined  to  the  villas  in  the  country,  but  many  followed  the  occu- 
pation in  Rome.     "When  Donat,  on  Ter.  Eun.  ii.  2,  25, 
.   .   .  cupediarii  omnes, 
Cetarii,  lanii,  coqui,  fartores,  piscatores. 
explains  the  word,  qui  farcimina  faciunt,  it  might  bear  that  signi- 
fication, but  the  poulterer  would  be  much   more  befitting  in  the 
company  mentioned;  and  even  in  Plaut.   True.  i.  2,  11,  it  is  not 
necessary  to  suppose  it  to  mean  aXXavToirwXi/c, 

[The  person  in  charge  of  the  triclinium  was  the  trieliniareha, 
Orell.  794,  2952,  or  architriclimts,  Sen.  Ep.  47 ;  Petr.  22,  with  his 
assistants,  the  servi  tricliniares,  also  named  leetistemiator.  Plaut. 
Pseud,  i.  2,  29.  As  regards  the  table  itself,  the  structures  were 
important  functionaries.] 

The  word  structor  has  several  significations,  as  he  had  several 
duties.  The  word  denotes  in  the  first  place,  that  he  was  the 
person  who  arranged  the  food,  set  the  different  dishes  of  sepa- 
rate fercula,  in  order  upon  the  repositoria,  and  took  care  that  the 
dishes  were  served  in  a  pleasing  and  ingenious  manner.  See  Petron. 
35.  In  the  next  place,  by  structor  is  understood  the  scissor,  also 
carptor,  [and  diribitor,  Appul.  Met.  p.  123,]  he  who  carved  the  food. 
His  art  consisted  not  only  in  carving  in  a  skilful  manner,  but  also 
in  dancing,  and  keeping  regular  time  in  his  movements.  See 
Rupert,  on  Juv.  v.  120. 

He  was  also  the  person  who  constructed  artificial  figures,  of 
fruit  and  flesh,  for  the  dessert,  as,  for  instance,  the  cydonia  main 
spiais  confixa,  tit  echinos  ejficerent,  and  again,  the  omnium  genera 
avium,  pieces,  anser  altilis  (Petron.  G9),  which  were  all  made  de  uno 


470  THE  MEALS.  [Excuesvs  I. 

corpore,  de  porco.     See  Mart.  xi.  31,  who  says  of  Ccecilius,  the 
Atreus  cucurbitarum,  or  melon  and  gourd-chopper : 

Hinc  pistor  fatuas  facit  placentas, 

Hinc  et  multiplices  strait  tabellas, 

Et  notas  caryotidas  theatris. 
And  this  seems  to  he  his  office  in  the  passage  of  Lamprid. 
{Heliog.  27)  mentioned  above.     In  most  cases  the  latter  was  the 
duty  of  the  cook,  and  the  former  of  the  scissor. 

It  is  uncertain  whether  the  taking  off  the  sandals,  and  handing 
the  water  for  washing,  were  done  by  the  guests'  own  slaves,  or  by 
the  domestic  slaves  of  the  host.  In  Petron.  31,  the  slaves  of  Tri- 
malchio  certainly  performed  similar  services  for  his  guests.  The 
custom  of  each  guest  having  his  own  slave,  whom  he  had  brought 
with  him,  standing  behind  him,  is  corroborated  by  examples.  Pe- 
tron. 58  and  68 ;  by  which  it  appears  that  Ilabinnas  brought  several 
slaves  with  him.  Mart.  ii.  37;  Anthol.  Pal.  xi.  207.  [On  the  use 
of  the  nomenclator,  see  above.  For  the  purpose  of  serving  the  wine 
there  were  pocillatores,  and  a  cyatho,  later,  prcegtistatores.  Suet. 
Claud.  44;  Orell.  2993.  On  the  attendance  in  general,  see  the  de- 
scriptions in  Juv.  xi.  145,  and  v.  66: 

Maxima  quseque  domus  servis  est  plena  superbis, 

and  Sen.  Ep.  47  and  95  :  Transco  pistorum  turbatn,  transeo  minis- 
tratorum,  per  quos  signo  dato  ad  infercndam  ccenam  discurritur.  Dii 
boni,  quantum  hominum  units  venter  exercet.  Appul.  Met.  ii.  p.  123.] 
The  recitations,  ÜKpoü^aTo,  usual  during  the  ccena  and  comissatio, 
and  the  applauding  cry  of,  ao<pwc  (Mart.  iii.  44,  50,)  raised  in  com- 
pliment to  the  reciter;  [Mart.  v.  78;  Juv.  xi.  177 ;  Plin.  Up.  vi.  31; 
Sidon.  Apoll,  i.  2;  Plut.  Luc.  40;]  the  music  of  the  Symphoniaci, 
[Macrob.  ii.  4;  Petr.  31;]  the  displays  of  the  dancers,  [Macrob. 
Sat.  ii.  10 ;  comp.  Cic.  p.  Mur.  6 ;]  mimes,  rope-dancers  and 
jugglers;  the  scurrce  and  moriones  with  their  jokes,  [Hor.  Sat.  i. 
5,  52],  must  have  sadly  interfered  with  the  conversation  of  the 
guests.     Hence  Martial  says,  ix.  78 : 

Quod  optimum  sit  quseritis  eonvivium  ? 
In  quod  ehoraules  non  venit. 
Pliny,  however  (Ep.  ix.  17)  numbers  the  lector,  lyristes  and  comozdus, 
among  the  becoming  pleasures  of  the  table,  and  worthy  of  a  refined 
taste  ;  hut  the  many  took  no  interest  in  such  things,  and  preferred 
low  ribaldry,  Corn.  Att.  14.  [Suet.  Oct.  74  :  triviales  ex  circo  ludios 
inteiponebat  ac  frequentius  aretalogos,  i.  e.  scurras.  Liv.  xxxix.  6  : 
Tunc  psaltrice  sambucistriaque  et  convivalia  ludionum  oblcctamenta 
addita  epulis.  See  August,  de  Civ.  Dei,  iii.  21 ;  Stuck,  Antiq. 
Conviv.  iii.  20 ;  Ciaccon.  de  Tricl.  p.  75.] 


EXCURSUS  IL    SCENE  IX. 


THE  TRICLINIUM. 

THERE  do  not  seem  to  have  been  any  special  eating-rooms,  or 
triclinia,  in  the  old  Roman  house,  but  large  apartments  for 
general  use  answered  the  purpose ;  in  the  city,  the  atrium,  and  in 
the  country,  the  cars.  Varro,  in  Serv.  ad  Virgil  -En.  i.  037,  in 
atrio  epvlabantur  antiqui.  ^  arro  (De  Vit.  Pop.  Rom.)  is  not  so 
clear  ;  but  at  the  period  with  the  manners  of  which  we  are  better 
acquainted,  the  houses  bad  more  than  one  triclinium,  and  also  large 
halls  (aeci)  for  the  same  purpose ;  for  an  account  of  which,  see  the 
Excursus  on  The  Roman  House. 

The  word  triclinium  did  not  originally  signify  the  room  itself, 
but  the  couch  on  which  they  took  their  seats  at  the  table.  (Bicli- 
nium,  Plaut.  Bacch.  iv.  4,  69, 102,  refers  to  the  particular  case  when 
two  paria  amantum  were  together,  and  for  two  or  three  persons  of 
course  only  one  lectus  was  required).  These  couches  were  not 
known  in  the  earlier  ages,  in  which  they  used  to  eat  sitting,  a 
custom  to  which  the  women  [and  children]  adhered  after  the  men 
had  adopted  that  of  lying.  Isid.  Orig.  xx.  11,9.  We  lind  this 
exemplified  in  many  monuments.  August.  151  ;  Pitt.  d'JErcol.  i.  14 ; 
Zahn,  Ornament.  90.  [The  children  sat  ad  fulcra  lectorum.  Taci- 
tus (Ann.  xiii.  16)  mentions  a  special  table  for  them.  Mos  habe- 
batur  principium  liberos  cum  ceteris  idem  cetatis  nobilibus  sedentes 
vesci  in  aspectu  propinquorum  propria  et  parciorc  mensa.~\ 

The  word  signifies  not  the  single  lectus  tricliniaris,  but  a  con- 
junction of  three  such,  with  three  persons  on  each,  so  that  the  tri- 
clinium comprehended  nine  persons.  On  the  fourth  side,  an  access 
to  the  table  was  left  for  the  placing  of  the  dishes.  AViistemann 
understands  by  it  a  single  lectus,  and  supposes  the  whole  company 
sat  upon  three  lecti ;  but  this  is  untenable,  as  Macrob.  (Sat.  ii.  9, 
Triclinia  lectis  eburneis  strata  fuerunt:  duobus  tricliniis  pontifices 
rubuerunt, — in  tertio  triclinio  Popilia),  can  only  be  understood  as 
referring  to  different  triclinia,  consisting  of  several  lecti;  it  was  in 
order  that  more  than  one  table  with  its  couches  might  stand  in  the 
same  room,  that  the  regular  eating  apartments  were  twice  as  long 
as  they  were  broad,  and  they  had  ceeos  quadratos  lam  ampla  magni- 
tudine,  uti  facilitcr  in  eis  tricliniis  quatuor  si  rat  is,  ministrationum 
ludorumque  opcris  locus  possit  esse  spatiosus.  Vitr.  vi.  10.  It  may 
be  difficult  to  say  how  the  nine  men  distributed  themselves  among 


472  THE   TRICLINIUM.  [Excursus  II. 

two  triclinia,  but  for  fifteen  persona,  and  among  them  four  vestal 
virgins,  to  have  sat  at  one  triclinium,  would  have  been  an  unheard- 
of  circumstance.  The  number,  too,  was  not  complete  ;  for  in  the 
list,  Lentulus,  in  honour  of  whom  the  banquet  was  given,  and 
Metellus,  were  absent;  so  that  there  would  at  Lave  been  at  least 
eleven  or  twelve  persons. 

The  three  lecti,  forming  the  triclinium,  differed  much  in  point  of 
rank,  as  did  also  the  particular  places  on  each.  They  were  called 
summus,  meatus,  and  imus,  but  the  medius  alone  explains  itself. 
Salmas.  ad  Solin.  p.  886.  The  manner  of  arrangement  can  be  ex- 
plained in  two  ways ;  first,  from  Seneca  (Nat.  Qucest.  v.  16),  where 
in  giving  the  points  of  the  wind  he  says,  A  septentrionali  latere  sum- 
mus est  Aquilo,  medius  septentrio,  imus  Thracias ;  but  in  the  wind- 
dial  of  Varro,  which  Seneca  followed,  the  Aquilo  takes  the  place  to 
the  left,  and  the  Thracias  that  to  the  right  of  the  septentrio  ;  and  it 
is  therefore  clear  that  the  lectus  summus  stood  to  the  left  of  the 
medius,  and  the  imus  to  the  right  of  it.  On  the  second  proof  more 
hereafter.  Of  these  couches,  the  most  honourable  was  the  medius, 
then  the  summus,  and  the  imus  the  last  in  rank. 

The  lectus  had  a  railing  along  at  one  end,  where  lay  a  cushion ; 
the  rest  of  the  places  were  separated  by  pillows.     On  this  railing 
the  person  rested  with  his  left  arm,  so  that  the  imus  would  have 
had  the  railing  next  to  the  medius,  whilst  that  of  the  summus  would 
have  been  at  the  exfreme  end  opposite.     The  most  honourable 
place  was  that  next  to  the  railing,  then  the  centre,  and  lastly  the 
lowest  one ;  hence  superius  and  inferius  accumhcre.     But  to  this 
rule  the  medius  was  an  exception ;  for  on  that,  the  lowest  place 
was  first  in  rank,  and  also  the  seat  of  honour  of  the  whole  tricli- 
nium, and  always  left  for  the  most  important  person  ;  hence  called 
consularis.     The  chief  passage  on  the  subject  is  in  Plutarch  (Sym- 
pos.  i.3),  but  it  seems  to  contain  a  contradiction  which  has  escaped 
the  notice  of  commentators.     After  quoting  the  customs  of  other 
nations  with  regard  to  the  rank  of  the  seats,  he  says,  'Pw/iaioiQ  Se 
o  rjjt;  fi'trrriQ    k\ivijq  Te\evralnc,  ov  VTrarixbv   Trpoaayoptvovrrw,  and   ad- 
duces three  reasons  why  this  should  have  been  the  place  of  honour. 
Firstly,  he  thinks  that  the  kings  formerly  took  the  middle  place  on 
the  middle  lectus,  and  that,  on  the  transition  into  a  republic,  the 
consuls  ceded  this  place,  with  a  view  of  obtaining  popularity.    Ac- 
cording to  his  second  reason,  the  lowest  place  on  the  middle  lectus 
was  the  most  honourable  (Heindorf  erroneously  says  the  summus), 
and  next  to  the  lectus  imus,  on  which  the  host  took  the  uppermost 
seat,  in  order  to  be  as  near  as  possible  to  the  most  distinguished 
guest.     The  third  ground  given  was,  that  the  consul  or  general 


IX.] 


THE    TRICLINIUM. 


i  ■) 


could  m  that  place  best  settle  any  matters  of  business,  if,  for  in- 
stance, intelligence  or  papers  requiring  bis  signature  happened  to 
be  brought  to  him.     Plutarch's  meaning  is  apparent.     The  three 


3 

3 

X 

y 

1                2                3 

lecti  were  so  placed,  that  their  inner  lines  formed  three  sides  of  a 
square,  but  where  the  summus  and  imus  joined  the  medius,  an 
angle  occurred  outside,  which  could  however  be  rounded,  if  the 
lecti  were  made  sloping.  If  the  consul  lav  on  the  lowermost  seat  of 
the  lectus  medius,  the  messenger  waiting  for  orders  could  put  him- 
self in  this  corner.  There  was,  it  is  true,  at  the  end  another  such 
corner,  but  the  person  lying  there  must  have  looked  backwards  in 
order  to  converse  with  any  one  occupying  it.  The  difficulty  con- 
sists only  in  Plutarch  designating  the  place  iv  i,J  n)g  civripac  kK'ivtiq 
t?j  TTpcöry  avvaTzrovcrrjCf  t)  ywvia  cuiXii^i^a  Troiovrra.  P>v  civTipa  is  to 
be  understood  medius,  but  this  abuts  at  the  point  where  the  locus 
consularis  is,  not  on  the  summus,  but  on  the  imus,  where  the  host 
lies  next  to  the  consularis.  The  words  therefore  contain  an  im- 
possibility, and  contradict  what  Plutarch  himself  had  previously 
said  :  so  that  we  must  make  the  necessary  alteration  of  ri/e  ctvnpag 

K\ut><;  nj  roirij  tSWUTTTWarfQ. 

Were  a  proof  still  wanting  that  the  lectus  imus  was  at  the  right 
of  the  medius,  it  would  be  deducible  from  the  position  of  the 
places  of  the  host  and  consul,  which  adjoined  each  other  ;  the 
former  being  summus  in  imo,  the  iatter  imus  in  medio.  This  arrange- 
ment is  made  clear  by  the  fragment  of  Sallust,  Hist.  i.  3,  in  Serv. 
ad  Virg.  sEn.  698  :  Igitur  discubuere.  Sertortus  inferior  in  medio  ; 
super  eum  L.  Fabius  "**  ;  in  summo  Antonius  et  infra  scriba  Sertorii, 
ei  alter  scriba,  Mceceuas,  in  imo  inter  Tarquitium  et  domi/tum  Perper- 


474  THE    TRICLINIUM.  [Excursus  II. 

nam ;  where  mention  is  made  of  the  banquet  at  which  Sertorius 
was  killed  by  the  treachery  of  Perperna.  Only  two  persons  lay  on 
the  lectus  niedius  and  the  summus ;  as,  when  the  number  of  the 
company  was  not  complete,  the  smaller  number  was  always  allotted 
to  those  couches,  they  being  the  appropriate  seats  for  guests.  Ser- 
torius naturally  took  the  most  distinguished  seat ;  he  lay  inferior  in 
medio,  not  imus,  because  there  was  only  one  other  person  on  the 
same  lectus.  Next  to  him  on  the  right  lay  Perperna,  as  host,  on 
the  imus.  The  outermost  place  on  the  summus  was  occupied  by 
Antonius.  It  is  quite  as  easy  to  assign  each  guest  his  place  at  the 
ccena  Nasidieni.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8.  The  only  deviation  here  was,  that 
the  host  had  resigned  his  place  to  Nomentanus,  who  in  some  degree 
did  the  honours  for  him  ;  and,  for  the  same  reason,  he  himself  lay 
medius  in  into.  At  other  times,  the  mistress  of  the  house  and  the 
children  occupied  the  imus,  or  places  were  left  on  it  for  uninvited 
visitors  (umbra),  introduced  by  invited  guests. 

When  the  use  of  round-tables  became  common,  the  proper  tri- 
clinia no  longer  answered,  and  were  changed  for  semicircular  sofas, 
called  sigma  from  their  form.  The  round-tables  (the  costly  orbes 
citrei)  were  of  no  very  great  size,  and  hence  the  sigmata,  or  stibadia, 
were  arranged  for  less  than  nine  persons.  Such  was  the  hexaclinon 
in  Mart.  ii.  60,  9,  and  the  heptaclinon,  x.  48  : 

Stella,  Nepos,  Cani,  Cerealis,  Flacce,  venitia  ? 
Septem  sigma  capit ;  sex  sumus :  adde  Lupum. 

also  one  for  eight  persons,  xiv.  87,  Stibadia  : 

Aceipe  lunata  scriptum  testudine  sigma. 
Octo  capit,  veniat,  quisquis  amicus  erit. 

[Heliogabalus  placed  this  number  on  a  sofa.  Lamprid.  Hel.  29.] 
On  such  a  sigma,  the  order  of  places  ran  straight  on,  beginning 
where,  in  the  triclinium,  the  locus  summus  in  summo  was.  [In  the 
frescos  in  a  tavern  at  Pompeii  there  are  such  semicircular  lecti 
with  round  tables.  In  a  vault  there  is  a  picture  of  a  long  narrow 
sickle-shaped  table  with  lectus,  and  eleven  persons  assembled  at  a 
funeral  meal.] 

The  lecti  trichniares  were  low ;  all  the  tables  that  have  been  dis- 
covered are  considerably  lower  than  ours.  This  may  be  accounted 
for  by  the  fact  that  a  tall  tray  was  frequently  placed  upon  them. 
See  Bechi,  Mus.  Borb.  iii.  xxx.  They  were  probably  of  the  same 
kind  as  the  cuhicidares :  i.  e.  they  had  girths  and  mattresses,  over 
which  the  gorgeous  coverlet,  generally  purple,  was  spread  ;  but  in 
them  was  more  opportunity  of  display,  and  hence  not  only  cerati, 


Scene  IX.]  THE    TRICLINIUM.  475 

but  argent  ei,  aurati,   etc.,  are  also  mentioned.     Respecting  the 
stragula  and  toralia,  see  the  following  Excursus. 

In  the  middle  of  the  triclinium,  or  sigma,  stood  the  table  on 
which  the  meats  were  served  [ponere  opposed  to  tollere]  ;  but  it  is 
interesting  to  learn  from  Martial,  that  even  then  the  custom  of 
slaves  handing  the  dishes  round  had  been  introduced,     vii.  48 : 

Cum  mensas  habeat  fere  ducentas, 

Pro  meusis  habet  Annius  ministros. 

Transcurrunt  gabatse  volantque  lances. 

Has  vobis  epulas  habete,  lauti : 

Nos  offendimur  ambulante  ecena. 

The  bread  was  always  handed  round.     Petron.  35  :  Circumferebat 
jEgyptius puer  clibano  argenteo  partem.     The  clibanus  was  probably 

one  of  the  absurdities  of  the  house. 

The  usual  expressions  to  denote  taking  the  place  at  tbe  table, 
are,  when  alluding  to  the  whole  company,  discumbere ;  when  of  one 
in  particular,  decumbere,  or  more  generally, accumbere;  where  mensce, 
or  something  else  must  be  supplied  :  aeeubare  ought  properly  to 
apply  to  a  person  already  reclining,  but  it  is  also  interchanged  with 
accumbere,  as  Plin.  Up.  i.  3,  8  :  Lotus  accubat.  Iieeubare,  cubare, 
iacere,  are,  if  used,  to  be  taken  as  more  general  expressions,  having 
no  particular  reference  to  the  table. 


EXCUESUS  TIL     SCENE  IX. 


THE  TABLE  UTENSILS. 

AS  the  triclinium,  with  the  company  reclining,  presented  a  very 
different  appearance  from  our  tables,  surrounded  by  chairs,  so 
the  equipment  of  the  table  very  little  resembled  ours.  Table-cloths 
do  not  appear  to  have  been  introduced  till  very  late,  the  best  proof 
of  which  is,  that  the  language  had  no  word  to  express  them.  Man- 
tele,  mantelibus  sternere,  mantelia  mittere,  which  were  used  for  this 
purpose,  had  originally  a  totally  different  signification.  Lamprid. 
Heliog.  27  ;  lb.  Alex.  Sev.  37 ;  Isid.  Orig.  xix.  26,  6.  Originally 
mantele, or  mantelium,  was  equivalent  to  ^fipojuaicrpoi'.  [Fest.  p.  133, 
frequens  enim  antiquis  ad  mantis  tergendas  usus  fuit  mtentelorum^] 
Varro,  L.  L.  vi.  8,  Mantelium,  ubi  manus  tergentitr.  At  the  period, 
then,  treated  of  by  the  Scriptores  histories  Augusta1,  the  habit  pre- 
vailed ;  and  as  early  as  the  time  of  Hadrian,  too,  if  what  Lamprid. 
says  be  correct :  Quum  ha-c  Heliogabalus  jam  recepisset,  et  ante,  ut 
quidam  predicant,  Adriamis  habuisset.  Even  Mart.  (xiv.  138,) 
Gausapa  villosa  sive  mantele : 

Nobilius  villosa  tegant  tibi  lintea  citrum  : 
Orbibus  in  nostris  circulus  esse  potest. 

may  be  referred  to  this,  although  it  must  not  necessarily  be  under- 
stood of  the  eccna  ;  the  same  applies  to  xii.  29.  But  this  custom 
did  not  prevail  at  the  time  of  Augustus,  as  we  learn  from  Hor. 
Sat.  ii.  8,  10, 

His  ubi  sublatis  puer  alte  cinctus  acernam 
Gausape  purpureo  mensam  pertersit,  etc. 

Had  the  table  been  covered,  it  would  neither  have  been  perceived 
that  it  was  of  maple,  nor  could  it  have  been  rubbed  with  gausape, 
which  operation  appears  to  have  been  generally  performed  between 
the  divisions  of  the  meal.  See  Petron.  (34),  and  to  this  Plautus 
(Mencechm.  i.  1), 

Juventus  noracn  fecit  Peniculo  mihi, 
Ideo,  quia  mensam,  quando  edo,  detergeo. 
also  alludes.     At  that  period,  then,  the  mantele  at  table  was  merely 
a  napkin,  the  same  as  mappa,  a  linen  cloth  usually  fastened  over 
the  breast.     At  least  this  may  be  inferred  from  Petron.  (32),  and 
Pliny,  vii.  2.     [Varro,  L.  L.  ix.  47.] 

We  are  not  acquainted  with  any  passage  that  states  whether 


Scene  IX.]  THE  TABLE  UTENSILS.  477 

these  mappcc  were  handed  to  each  guest  by  the  master  of  the  house, 
except  perhaps  the  rather  indistinct  one  of  Ilor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  81 : 
Vilibus  in  scopis,  in  mappis,  in  scobe  quantus 
Consistit  sumtus  ?  neglectis  flagitiura  ingens. 
But  by  comparing  it  with  the  verses  following,  it  almost  seems  as  if 
mappa  had  some  further  signification  ;  and  that  as  scopes  and  lutit- 
lenta  palma  mean  the  same  thing,  so  also  do  mappce  and  toralia. 
[Horace  certainly  made  the  same  difference  here  between  mappa 
and  toral,  as  in  Ep.  i.  5,  21  : 

Hrec  ego  procurare  et  idoneus  imperor  et  non 
Invitus,  ne  turpe  toral,  ne  sordida  mappa 
Corruget  nares,  ne  non  et  cantharas  et  lanx,  etc. 
The  host  therefore  provided  the  ruappse.]     On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
clear  beyond  doubt  that  each  guest  brought  his  own  mappa  with 
him.     Martial's  epigram  in  ridicule  of  Hermogenes,  who  on  every 
opportunity  stole  the  mappa,  is  well  known  (xii.  29)  : 
Attulerat  moppam  nemo,  dum  furta  timentur ; 
Mantele  e  mensa  surpuit  Hermogenes. 
Just  so  of  Csecilianus,  who  stowed  away  all  the  meats  (ii.  37,  7),  and 
in  a  similar  case  (vii.  19,  13),  Mappa  jam  milk  rumpitur  furtis. 
But  it  could  only  be  his  own  mappa,  in  which  he  packed  up  all  this 
store.     They  who  were  entitled  to  the  latus  clavus  would,  if  vain 
men,  have  their  niappre  and  mantelia  ornamented  in  like  manner. 
We  discover  this,  apart  from  the  passages  in  the  Scriptores  histories 
Augustes,  which  treat  of  the  imperial  tables,  from  Petronius  and 
Martial,  iv.  40,  17  :  Lato  variata  mappo  clavo. 

They  appear  to  have  made  use  of  very  few  instruments  to  con- 
vey the  food  to  the  mouth  ;  and,  however  strange  it  may  seem,  we 
cannot  refute  what  Baruffaldus,  Be  Armis  Convivalibus,  says,  that 
the  bare  finger  was  in  a  great  measure  used.     See  Ovid,  Art.  Am. 

iii.  736 : 

Carpe  cibos  digitis  ;  est  quiddam  gestus  edendi ; 

Ora  nee  immunda  tota  perunge  manu. 

Mart.  v.  78,  G  : 

Ponetur  digitis  tenendus  unctis 
Nigra  caulieulus  virens  patella. 
and  iii.  17. 

The  only  implements  mentioned  (for  the  knife  belongs  to  the 
structor  only,  and  forks  are  never  spoken  of,)  are  cochlear  and  ligula. 
The  first  evidently  takes  its  name  from  cochlea,  but  it  is  ridiculous 
to  refer  this  to  its  shape,  thus  confounding  cochlea  and  concha. 
Martial  (xiv.  121)  says  that  a  double  use  was  made  of  it: 
Sum  cochleis  habilis,  nee  sum  minus  utilis  ovis: 
Nuniquid  scis,  potius  cur  cochleare  vocer  ? 


47  8  THE   TABLE   UTENSILS.       [Excursus  III. 

but  the  very  part  used  to  eat  the  cochlea,  has  least  resemblance  to 
it.  It  was  probably  a  spoon  with  a  point  at  one  end,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  extracting  the  interior  of  the  muscle.  Hence  Pliny  (xxviii. 
2,  4)  says,  Perforare  ovorum  calyces  cochlearibus,  i.  e.  from  supersti- 
tion, to  perforate  the  already  emptied  shells  ;  and  therefore  Martial 
(viii.  71)  names  an  acu  levins  cochlear.  This  point  was  also  used 
for  the  purpose  of  opening  eggs,  and  probably  the  spoon  at 
the  other  end  for  emptying  them.  Petron.  33.  [Three  ancient 
silver  spoons,  about  the  size  of  a  dessert-spoon,  are  copied  in 
Mus.  Borb.  x.  46.  Two  of  them  are  oval,  with  no  points,  one 
round  and  terminating  in  a  point.  The  first  two  are  probably 
lin-ulre,  regular  spoons  without  pointed  ends ;  the  last,  a  cochlear 
with  point.] 

The  meaning  of  ligula  is  not  so  clear.  Baruffixldus  erroneously 
considers  it  to  mean  the  same  as  cochlear.  That  such  was  not  the 
case,  is  sufficiently  demonstrated  by  Martial  (viii.  71), 

Octavus  [anmis]  ligulam  misit  sextante  minorem  ; 
Nonus  acu  levius  vix  cochleare  tulit. 

where  be  relates  how  the  gifts  of  Postuniianus  became  year  by 
year  more  insignificant,  and  (viii.  33)  when  he  had  received  a  very 
light  phiala.  We  see  by  all  these  passages,  that  the  ligula  was 
larger  than  the  cochlear  (although  it,  too,  is  called  gracilis,  Mart.  v. 
18,  2)  ;  but  that  something  similar  is  to  be  understood,  we  learn 
partly  from  the  etymology,  in  conformity  with  which  the  gram- 
marians demanded  (Mart.  xiv.  120)  that  it  should  be  written  lingula, 
and  partly  from  the  glossaries,  which  translate  it  by  fiixirpiov,  a 
spoon. 

The  food  was  not  served  in  single  dishes,  but  each  course  was 
brought  in  by  the  slaves,  standing  on  a  frame,  and  thus  placed  on 
the  table.  These  table-trays  were  called  repositoria  ;  in  the  coma 
Trimalchionis,  this  was  the  case  not  only  with  the  gustus,  but  with 
the  different/cm//«  and  the  mcnsce.  secundce,  Petron.  33,  40,  &c.  The 
apparatus  used  for  serving  up  the  promulsis,  was  called  jiromulsidare 
and  gustatorium.  Petron.  31.  It  is  not  easy  to  conceive  how  pro- 
mulsidare  can  have  been  taken  for  promulsis  itself.  From  Ulpian 
(Big.  xxxiv.  2, 20)  we  find  that  the promtdsidaria  were  distinguished 
from  the  repositoria,  and  the  expression  scidellce  adds  another  par- 
ticular kind,  [i.  e.  saucers,  flat  dishes.]  But  how  the  reading,  in 
Pliny,  xxxii.  11,  49,_/«wi  vero  et  mensas  repositoriis  imponimus,  can  be 
defended,  is  not  clear,  as  several  stories  set  one  upon  another  would, 
in  that  case,  be  meant.  These  trays  were  at  first  simply  of  wood, 
but  at  a  later  period  were  more  in  unison  with  the  splendour  in 
other  things,  and  quite  covered  the  table,  or  even  reached  over 


Scene  IX.]  THE    TABLE    UTENSILS.  479 

the  sides  of  it,  as  must  naturally  have  heen  the  case  when  a  boar 
was  served  up  entire.     Plin.  i.  1,  52. 

The  utensils  on  which  the  food  was  served  appear  to  have  been 
as  numerous  as  with  us.  Patina  [Yarro,  L.  L.  v.  120. — The  patina 
was  more  deep  than  flat,  Hot.  Sat.  ii.  8,  4-'!  ;  Plin.  xxxv.  12,  46; 
Isid.  xx.  4  ;  Non.  xv.  6];  catini  [or  catilli,  Yarro,  v.  120,  a  capiendo. 
Hov.Sat.  i.  3,  90;  6,  115,  ii.  2,  39;  4,  77:  Juv.  vi.  343;  Non.  xv.  26]; 
in/tees  [quite  flat,  and  differing  much  in  shape,  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  40 ; 
Juv.  v.  80;  Plin.  xxxiii.  11,  52;  Pauli.  Dir/,  vi.  1,  6;  quadrata, 
rotunda,  para,  ccelata.  Ulp.  Dir/,  xxxiv.  2, 19]  ;  scuttiUe,  [Mart.  viii. 
71]  ;  gabatce,  [Mart,  above] :  paropsides,  [square,  Isid.  xx.  4  ;  Charis. 
i.  82  ;  Mart.  xi.  27  :  Juv.  iii.  142;  also  called  parapsis,  Suet.  Galb. 
12;  Dip.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2, 19,]  are  named,  all  probably  varying  inform; 
some  flat,  others  hollow,  round,  angular,  and  oval,  with  and  without 
covers  [or  handles].  Xonius  mentions  sixteen,  and  the  catimtsaafy 
without  explanation.  As  regards  material,  see  above.  [Some  more 
names  occur.  Magida  and  languid,  Yarro,  L.  L.  v.  120  ;  mazonomum 
a  large  dish,  Ilor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  80  ;  Pollux  vi.  87  ;  boletar,  a  small  dish 
for  boleti ;  but  also  for  other  viands,  Mart.  xiv.  101,  Boletaria  : 

£him  mihi  boleti  dederint  tarn  nobile  nomen, 
Prototomis,  pudet,  heu,  servio  coliculis. 

the  indispensable  salt-cellar,  salinum,  Isid.  xx.  4 :  Liv.  xxvi.  36  ■ 
Plaut.  Pers.  ii.  3,  15:  Hor.  Sat.  i.  3,  14;  concha  salts,  Od.  ii.  16,  14; 
Pers.  iii.  25 ;  Becker's  Ckaricles,  Eng.  trans,  p.  252 ;  and  the 
vinegar  cruet,  acetabulum,  Isid.  xx.  4 ;  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  20.  See 
Mus.  Horb.  vii.  56,  ix.  44,  v.  15.] 

It  would  be  vain  to  attempt  an  accurate  explanation  of  all 
the  different  drinking-vessels  mentioned  in  Nonius,  Isidorus,  Pollux, 
and  elsewhere,  and  still  less  a  commentary  on  Athenseus.  Besides, 
to  some  of  them,  as  the  poeula,  scypkus,  there  is  no  fixed  shape  ; 
but  many  names  do  refer  to  a  certain  form,  and  will  therefore 
admit  of  explanation. 

The  customary  larger-sized  measure,  according  to  which  thev 
usually  reckoned,  was  the  amphora,  which  is  identical  with  the 
quadrantal.  Fest.  Exc.  133.  The  smaller  measures  into  which 
the  amphora  was  divided  were  the  congius  and  sextariits.  Festus 
s.  v.  publica  pondera,  240,  quotes  from  the  Plebiseitum  Silianum, 
according  to  which  eight  congii  were  equal  to  an  amphora,  and  six 
sextarii  to  a  congius.  In  addition  to  these  we  have  the  uma, 
which  contained  four  congii,  and  the  cyathm,  or  twelfth  part  of  the 
sextarius.  The  cadus  was  not  only  a  Roman,  but  a  Grecian 
measure,  the  amphora  Attica.   IJhemn.  Fann.  De  pond,  et  mens.  84. 


480  THE    TABLE   UTENSILS.        [Excursus  III. 

It  held  three  urnce,  or  twelve  congii.  By  means  of  the  Roman 
standard  measuring  vessels,  that  are  still  extant,  we  are  able  to 
determine  with  certainty  the  relation  of  their  measures  to  those  in 
use  at  the  present  day.  The  Farnese  congius,  preserved  in  the 
Dresden  Gallery,  is  of  particular  importance.  It  is  of  bronze, 
gauged  in  828  A.  u.  C,  and  hears  the  inscription,  Imp.  Ccssare  Vcsp. 
VI.  T.  Cces.  Au(j.  F.  III.  Cos.  mensurce  eocactce  in  capitolio  P.  X. 
This  vessel  was  measured  by  Beigel  with  great  exactness,  and  the 
result,  with  a  history  of  it  by  Hase,  were  communicated  in  the 
Palceologus,  or  Kleine  Aufsätze.     Leips.  1837. 

In  the  same  collection  is  a  sextarius,  concerning  which  the 
treatise  also  gives  information. 

By  the  division  of  the  sextarius  into  twelve  cyatlii,  eleven 
different  measures  arose,  having  the  same  names  as  the  parts  of  the 
as,  only  that  the  single  part,  instead  of  uncia,  was  called  cyathus. 
They  are,  I.  cyathus ;  II.  sextans ;  III.  quadrans ;  IV.  triens ;  V. 
quincunx;  VI.  semis;  VII.  septanx;  VIII.  bes;  IX.  dodrans;  X.  dex- 
tans ;  XI.  dewnx ;  XII.  sextarius.  Of  these,  however,  only  the 
cyathus  and  triens  can  be  considered  real  vessels.  The  trientes, 
which  are  often  named,  were  regular  drinking-vessels,  goblets. 
Mart.  (x.  49)  says,  potare  amethystinos  trientes;  but  mention  is  no- 
where made  of  quincunces  aurei,  or  amethystini,  although  we  have 
quincuncem  Inhere.  The  trientes  were  classed,  it  seems,  among  the 
goblets  of  middling  size  ;  for  they  held  four  cyathi.  The  cyathus, 
however,  was  not  a  goblet,  but  only  a  measure  or  ladle,  to  allot  to 
each  person  the  fixed  number.  See  Heind.  on  Hor.  Sat.  i.  0,  117. 
They  had  regular  pueros  a  cyatho  (Mitsch.  on  Hor.  Od.  i.  29.  8), 
and  hence  we  do  not  find  cyatho  bibere,  although  wo  have  sex, 
septem  cyathis  bibere.  [Mart.  i.  72.]  In  the  Mus.  Horb.  (iv.  1. 12) 
are  four  small  ladle  glasses,  with  longer  or  shorter  handles,  which 
are  declared  to  be  simpida,  or  simpuvia.  They  would  at  once 
appear  to  be  cyathi,  were  they  not  of  different  sizes,  and  were  any 
account  given  of  their  measure:  nevertheless,  we  may  refer  them  to 
the  cyathus,  as  it  is  probable  that  in  the  ladles  the  measure  of  the 
cyathus  was  not  always  adhered  to.  The  engraving  opposite 
represents  two  of  them.  [The  proper  Roman  names  for  these 
small  ladles  were  guttus  and  simpuvium,  instead  of  which  the  Greek 
terms  epichysis  and  cyathus  got  into  vogue.  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  124. 
Paul,  p.  337.  The  urceoli  were  different ;  friyida  or  calda-  was 
brought  in  them  to  the  guests,  hence  called  ministratorii,  Mart.  xiv. 
105  :  Friyida  non  desit,  non  deerit  calda  petenti.  Pomp.  Dig.  xxxiv. 
2,  21.     The  armittum  was  similar.    Varro  in  Non.  xv.  33.] 


SCENK   IX.] 


THE    TABLE    UNTENSILS. 


481 


As  regards  the  sliape  of  the  gohlets  generally,  we  must  especially 
distinguish,  I.  between  flat  saucers  {patera  phialte,  Varro,  L.  L. 
v.  122 ;  Mart.  viii.  33,  iii.  41 ;  Poll.  vi.  4,  6 ;  Isid.  xx.  5.] 

II.  Cups  with  handles  (Virg.  Eel.  vi.  17 : 

Et  gravis  attrita  pendebat  cantharus  ansa. 

Cic.  Verr.  iv.  27,  [Cantharus  was  a  great  goblet  used  by  Bacchus 
and  his  train  ;  Macr.  Sat.  v.  21 ;  Plin.  xxxiii.  11,  53  ;  from  pictures 
it  would  seem  to  have  had  two  handles.  Often  in  Plautus.  Poll. 
vi.  96 ;  Ath.  xi.  p.  473.  The  trulla  was  smaller,  originally  a  scoop). 
Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3,  143 ;  where  Acron  explains  it  calix  rusticanus. 
Cato,  R.  R.  10,  11,  13.  But  it  was  sometimes  of  costly  materials. 
Juv.  iii.  108;  Orell.  3838;  Plin.  xxxvii.  2,  7  ;  Mart.  ix.  97  ;  Scaev. 
Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  36.  The  capis  and  copula  had  handles,  Varro  v.  121 : 
a  capiendo,  quod  ansatcs  ut  prehendi  iwssent.  Non.  xv.  33.  Also 
scyphus ;  for  Pauli,  says,  Dig.  vi.  1,  23  :  si  quis  scypho  ansam  vel 
function  (adjecerit)  ;  in  Ath.  xi.  p.  500,  several  are  mentioned.  Its 
size  is  known  from  the  fact  that  it  was  sacred  to  Hercules,  Petr. 
52,  urnates  scyph.i ;  Miicrob.  v.  21  ;  Serv.  ad  Virg.  Atn.  viii.  278. 
Beautifully  worked  snjphi  are  mentioned  by  Suet.  Ner.  47 ;  Plin. 
xxxvii.  2,  7,  xxxiii.  12.  Tkericleum  was  a  cup  originally  earthen, 
with  two  handles;  it  took  its  name  from  the  Corinthian  potter 
Therikles,  Luc.  Lexiph.  7  ;  Ath.  xi.  470  ;  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  11 ;  Plin. 

I  I 


482 


THE    TABLE   UTENSILS.        [Excdesds  III. 


xvi.  14,  76 ;  Salmas.  JExerc.  Tlin.  p.  734.  Bentleii  Op.  Philol.  pp.  11. 
216.] 

III.  Those  in  the  form  of  chalices  (calices),  -which  must  not 
be  fancied  as  having  stood  on  a  high  foot :  the  glass  vessels  repre- 
sented in  the  following  engravings   taken  from   the  Mus.  Barb. 


(t.13),  are  of  this  kind ;  [also  the  silver  cup  Mus.  Borb.  xi.  45.  Of 
the  calix  Varro  says,  L.  L.  v.  127 :  caldum  eo  bibebant,  and  that  it 
was  named  from  the  calda  ;  the  better  derivation  is  iojAi£.  Macrob. 
v.  21 ;  Ath.  xi.  p.  480;]  they  were  sometimes  of  earthen  ware, 
Mart.  xiv.  102,  Calices  Surrentini: 

Accipe  non  vili  calices  de  pulvere  natos, 
Sed  Surrentinse  leve  toreuma  rotse. 

ib.  108,  Calices  Saguntini: 

Sume  Sagunt.ino  pocula  ficta  luto. 

[of  glass,  ib.  115,  94  :  of  precious  stones,  109.  There  were  several 
sorts,  e.  g.  calices  Vatiniani,  Mart.  xiv.  96,  x.  3  ;  Juv.  v.  46  :  calicem 
nasorum  quatuor;  the  calices  pteroti,  i.  e.  with  handles,  Plin.xxxvi. 
26,  66.  It  is  wrong  to  suppose  that  all  calices  had  handles  ;  this  was 
the  case  only  with  a  few  of  very  peculiar  shape.  Plin.  xxxiii.  23 ; 
Juv.viii.  168 ;  Mart.  xii.  70.  Thermarum  calices ;  see  Forcellinus. 
The  following  are  quite  unknown  to  us :  obba,  generally  of  wood 
or  wicker,  Non.  xv.  14,  ii.  597;  poculi  genus,  Pers.  v.  148,  called 
sessilis  ;  modiolus,  Scsev.  Dig.  xxxiv.  2,  36  ;  cyrnea,  Non.  xv.  29  ;  or 
hirnea  (?)  Plaut.  Amph.  i.  1,  273,  276 ;  Cato  R.  R.  81 ;  culigna, 
vas  potorium,  Pauli,  p.  51 ;  Cato,  R.  R.  132.] 


Scene  IX.]  THE   TABLE    UTENSILS.  483 

Of  the  rest,  there  were,  of  course,  many  varieties,  some  also  in 
fantastic  shapes,  as  shoes,  legs,  [boats,  hence  called  cymbrium, 
Paul.  p.  51 ;  Non.  xv.  21  ;  Isid.  xx.  5;  Mart.  viii.  6;  Plin.  xxxvii. 
34,  113;  Macrob.  v.  21 ;  Poll,  vi,  IG;  Ath.  xi.  p.  481,]  heads  of 
Leasts,  &c. ;  these  latter  were  used  as  drinking-horns,  from  the 
lower  end  of  which  the  wine  escaped  through  an  orifice,  and  was 
caught  in  the  mouth.  Such  a  horn,  in  the  shape  of  a  stag's  head, 
is  to  he  found  in  the  Mus.  Horb.  (viii.  14),  also  three  others,  a 
horse's,  a  dog's,  and  a  swine's  head  (v.  20).  Such  drinking-horns 
were  termed  pvrä.  Athen,  xi.  496.  Perhaps  rhytium  (Mart.  ii.  35) 
means  the  same  thing.  They  occur  most  frequently  on  vases, 
[also  in  frescoes].  See  Boettig.  Kunstymth.  ii.  352.  The  act  of 
drinking  is  seen  in  a  painting  in  Zahn,  Ornam.  etc.  t.  29 ;  Pitt. 
cTBrcol.  v.  t.  46.  [See  Becker's  Charicles,  Engl.  Transl.  p.  259] 
Obscene  shapes  were  selected,  and  indecent  things  engraved  upon 
the  goblets.     Juv.  ii.  95  ;  Plin.  xxxiii.  Praef.  and  xiv.  22. 

We  have  already  spoken  of  the  extraordinary  luxury  which  pre- 
vailed in  respect  to  these  utensils.  But  besides  those  there  de- 
scribed, there  were  others  of  a  more  simple  kind,  and  of  common 
glass  (vitrea),  in  opposition  to  the  crystallina;  of  wood,  fagus, 
btixns,  terebint has,  heclera  (Tib.  i.  10;  Ovid.  Fast.  v.  522)  ;  also  of 
ware  ;  see  above.  [Among  the  table  utensils  we  may  reckon,  in  a 
wider  sense,  those  larger  vessels  which  were  set  on  the  table,  and 
either  contained  neat  wine  or  served  for  mixing  it  in ;  hence  called 
mistarius  or  mistarium,  Lucil.  in  Non.  xv.  30,  longa  geminus  mista- 
rius  ansa.  Out  of  these  the  drink  was  then  poured  into  the  cups 
of  the  guests,  after  the  Greek  custom.  The  crater  or  cratera,  was 
high,  broad,  goblet-shaped,  with  two  handles.  Isid.  xx.  5;  Ovid. 
Fast.  v.  523 : 

Terra  rubens  crater,  pocula  fagus  erant. 
Juv.  xii.   44,  urnai  cratera  capacem.     Mus.  Borb.  ii.  32 ;  vi.  63. 
See  Becker's  Charicles,  Engl.  Transl.  p.  257. 

The  sinus,  lepesta,  galeola,  were  more  paunchy,  and  like  our  tu- 
reens or  bowls.  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  123  ;  Varro  in  Prise,  vi.  p.  714; 
Serv.  ad  Virg.  Belog,  vi.  33  ;  Non.  xv.  34,  35.  Among  the  Greeks, 
the  \c7raT-i1  was  also  used  as  a  drinkmg-cup.  Ath.  xi.  p.  484; 
Poll.  x.  75.  See  Mus.  Borb.  x.  14,  ix.  44,  xii.  45,  vii.  29;  the  last 
of  terra  cotta  with  the  inscription  :  Bibe  amice  de  meo. 

There  were  also  cups  and  jugs,  inscribed,  some  with  small 
mottos  (as  reple,  silio,  bibe,  valeamus,  hide,  etc.)  ;  some  with  the 
name  of  the  owner ;  urna  literata.  Lucian.  Lexiph.  7,  irurripia  ypttfi- 
fznriKÜ.  Ath.  xi.  p.  4C6.  Whole  lines  were  rarely  inscribed  on 
them.  Ath.  ib.  Becker  refers  to  this  the  scyplti  Homerici  of  Nero. 
I   I  2 


484  THE    TABLE   UTENSILS.        LExcursus  III. 

Lastly  come  the  stands  and  platters  on  which  the  amphorae  and 
other  vessels  were  set  at  a  meal.  Paul.  p.  107,  Incitecja  machinula, 
in  qua  constituebatur  in  convivio  vini  amphora,  de  qua  subinde  defer- 
rentur  vina.  Ath.  v.  p.  209,  iyyv6i)icri.  Javol.  Dig.  xxxii.  1.  100, 
ßäaiiQ  —  vasorum  collocandorum.  In  Mus.  Borb.  v.  15,  there  is  a 
stand  for  two  vessels  with  a  handle  in  the  middle.] 

The  echinus  (at  least  by  Voss  and  Heindorf  on  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6, 
117,  adstat  echinus  vilis)  is  explained  to  be  a  bowl  for  washing  the 
goblets  in.  On  vessels  for  warm  drinks,  see  the  next  Excursus. 
[The  observations  made  above  upon  lamps  and  vessels  generally 
apply  also  here  ;  viz.  that  all  the  vessels  that  have  been  discovered 
betray  much  fine  taste  and  sense  of  the  beautiful.  They  will 
always  be  a  standing  testimony  that  the  whole  life  of  the  ancients 
was  thoroughly  penetrated  with  grace  and  art.] 


EXCURSUS  IV.    SCENE  IX. 


THE  DRINKS. 


ALTHOUGH  Roman  authors  name  several  drinks,  prepared 
both  from  grain,  as  zythum;  from  wheat  and  barley,  camum 
and  cerevisia  (ceria,  celia)  ;  from  fruits,  as  the  quince,  cydoneum  ; 
and  from  honey  and  water,  as  hydromeli,  consequently  a  sort  of 
mead ;  yet  the  Romans  knew  (besides  the  apiarov  vlwp)  wine  only 
as  a  drink  ;  and  those  potations  resembling  beer,  cider,  and  mead, 
belonged  only  to  different  provinces,  governed  by  Roman  laws, 
and  are  therefore  taken  cognizance  of  among  other  things,  under 
the  head  de  vino  legato.  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiii.  6,  9 ;  Pliny,  xxii.  25 ; 
Ex  iisdem  (frugibus)  fiunt  et  potus,  zythum  in  Atgypto,  celia  et  ceria 
in  Hispania,  cerevisia  et  plura  genera  in  Gallia  aliisque  provinciis. 

Wine  was,  however,  no  doubt  mixed  with  other  things,  to 
produce  certain  drinks,  the  way  of  preparing  and  taking  which 
was,  in  general,  quite  different  from  ours. 

The  following  are  the  most  important  of  the  numerous  works 
on  this  subject,  Pliny,  xiv.  8,  seqq.  ;  Colum.  xii.,  with  Schneider's 
remarks,  ii. ;  Virg.  Georg,  ii.,  with  Voss'  notes;  Athen,  i. ;  Poll.  vi. 
4 ;  Galen,  De  Antidotis,  i.  9 ;  Dig.  xxx.  6  :  and  of  modern  authors, 
Bacci,  de  vinis  cerevis.  ac  conviv. ;  Beckmann,  Beitr.,  &c,  i.  183 ; 
Boettiger,  Ueber  die  Pflege  d,  Weins,  b.  d.  alt.  Rom. 

Plinv's  remark,  Ac  si  quis  diligenter  cogitet,  in  nulla  parte 
operosior  vita  est,  ceu  non  saluberrimum  potum  aqua  liquorem  natura 
dederit,  can  be  applied  to  our  own  times,  but  the  process  among 
the  ancients  was  much  more  tedious.  The  grapes  hung  upon  the 
trees  till  they  became  ripe  (yinum  pendens)  Plaut.  Trin.  ii.  4,  125 ; 
Cato,  R.  R.,  147),  and  were  collected  in  baskets,  corbidce,fiscellce, 
and  also  in  skins :  legere  and  cogere  are  the  terms  for  this  opera- 
tion.    Cat.  R.  R.,  65,  66 ;  Col.  i.  2,  70. 

The  bas-relief  of  a  marble  basin  in  the  Mus.  Borb.  ii.  t.  11, 
representing  a  vintage  of  the  satyrs,  is  very  amusing  :  some  of  them 
are  carrying  the  grapes  in  skins  of  animals  sewn  together,  others 
press  them  with  a  piece  of  rock  :  in  all  the  figures  there  is  an 
expression  of  life  and  merriment  suitable  to  a  vintage.  [In  another 
relief,  two  figures  carry  the  grapes  in  baskets,  three  others  tread  on 
them,  and  two  fill  the  vessels  with  new  wine.     Passer.  Luc.  Fid. 

4S      Comp.  Varro,  L.  L.  vi.  16,  vinalia.] 


486  THE   DEINES.  [Excursus  IV. 

The  collected  grapes  were  next  trodden  upon  with  the  naked 
feet,  calcare.  Geopon.  vi.  11  ;  Virg.  Georg,  ii.  7  : 
Hue,  pater  o  Leneee,  veni  nudataque  musto 
Tingue  novo  mecum  dereptis  crura  cothurnis. 
After  treading  them  out  twice,  the  husks  were  placed  under  the 
press,  and  hence  the  distinction  between  the  vinum  or  mustum 
calcatum,  and  pressum.  According  to  Pliny  ix.,  the  first  sort  (pro- 
tropum)  was  the  spontaneous  exudation  of  the  grape.  The  second 
sort  was  the  first  flowing  off  during  the  process  of  treading,  ante- 
quam  nimium  calcetur  uva,  and  it  was  used  above  all  others  for 
making  mulsum  (Col.  xii.  41)  ;  and,  lastly,  the  later  draining  off, 
which  partook  more  of  the  roughness  of  the  husk.  [The  wine 
obtained  by  pressing  the  husks  a  second  time,  with  the  addition 
of  water,  was  called  lora ;  which  they  sweetened  and  improved  by 
various  compounds.  It  would  only  keep  a  year  at  furthest,  and 
was  drunk  by  the  slaves,  and  poor,  also  by  the  women.  Varro, 
R.  R.  i.  54 ;  Col.  xii.  41 ;  Cat.  57  ;  Plin.  xiv.  10,  12.] 

In  order  to  allow  the  watery  particles  to  escape,  the  grapes  were 
also  spread  on  trellis-work,  and  left  there  for  seven  days.  This 
was  called  vinum  diachytum.  Pliny,  ita  fieri  optimi  odoris  sa- 
porisque.  If  sweeter  and  stronger  wine  were  desired,  the  grapes 
were  allowed  to  wither  entirely,  uva  ])assa,  vinum  jiassum.  Finally, 
it  was  boiled.  [In  a  fresco,  Cupids  are  seen  pressing  grapes  and 
boiling  the  must ;  a  small  oven  being  near  the  wine-press  for  this 
purpose.]  Pliny,  ibid.  Nam  sirceum,  quod  alii  hepsema,  nostri  sapam 
appellant,  ingenii,  non  natura  opus  est,  musto  usque  ad  tertiam  paHem 
mensurce  decocto;  quod  tibi  factum  addimidium  est,  defrutum  vocatnus. 
Commoner  wines  were  doctored  with  this  boiled  wine  ;  and  even 
in  those  days  the  art  of  improving  cheaper  wines,  by  mixing  them 
with  the  dregs  of  those  of  finer  quality,  had  been  discovered.  Hor. 
Sat.  ii.  4,  55  ;  Colum.  xii.  30. 

The  must  was  immediately  drawn  off  from  the  locus  torcularius, 
into  large  earthen  vessels,  dolia,  (Non.  xv.  6,)  for  the  purpose  of 
undergoing  fermentation,  condere.  Varro,  i.  65.  Wooden  wine- 
vessels  were  not  in  use  in  Pliny's  time,  either  in  Greece  or  Rome, 
as  he  expressly  states,  c.  21.  When  Pallad.  x.  11,  says,  dolium 
ducentorum  congiorum  xii  libris  picetur,  it  appears  scarcely  possible 
that  earthen  vessels,  capable  of  containing  twenty-five  amphorae, 
could  have  been  made ;  but  we  may  suppose  that  these  dolia  were 
of  considerable  dimensions  from  the  comparison  in  Plaut.  Fseud.  ii. 
2,  64,  anus  doliaris.  There  is  also  a  striking  passage  in  Petron.  64  : 
Ecce  aidem  deductus  lacunaribus  subito  circulus  ingens,  de  cupa 
videlicet  grandi  excussus,  demittitur.    When  Boettiger  said,  '  it  was 


Scene  IX.]  THE    DRINKS.  487 

always  considered  preferable  not  to  use  dolia  of  any  very  great 
size,  to  keep  the  better  wines  in,'  be  misunderstood  Pliny,  v.  21, 
according-  to  wbom,  not  large,  but  too  round,  vessels  were  rejected, 
and  longer  ones  of  less  diameter,  recommended  instead.  [The 
pictures  of  dolia  show  tbat  they  were,  on  tbe  contrary,  round  and 
broad.  See  Pass.  Luc.  Fict.  ii.  40.  But  the  vessels  into  which 
the  wine  was  put  for  present  use  were  cf  a  long  narrow  form  ; 
whence  these  have,  necessarily,  handles,  which  is  not  always  the 
case  with  the  former.]  The  sei'ice,  in  Col.  xii.  18;  distinguished 
from  the  dolia,  answered  the  same  purpose. 

The  dolia  were  smeared  with  pitch  before  being  used  :  new  one3 
were  so  treated  at  once,  after  coming  from  the  oven.  Geop.  vi.  4. 
Boettiger's  remark,  '  that  the'  young  wine  was  immediately  poured 
into  these  earthen  vessels,  which  had  been  previously  smeared  with 
wax,  imbuere,'  seems  hasty  ;  for  what  Columella  says  of  ceratura 
(xii.  52,  16),  applies  only  to  the  dolia  olearia,  with  which  Cato  (69) 
agrees,  only  that  he  recommends  the  second  process  with  the 
amurca.  After  this  operation,  for  which  the  best  pitch,  tempered 
with  a  little  wax  (one  twelfth,  Pallad.),  as  well  as  with  aromatics, 
was  used,  the  subsequent  process  is  described  by  Pliny,  c.  21 : 
Picari  oportere  protinus  ä  cants  ortu,  postea  perfundi  marina  aqua 
aut  salsa,  dein  cinere  sarmenti  aspergi  vel  argilla,  ahstersa  myrrha 
suffiri  ipsasque  sapius  cellos.  Geopon.  vi.  9.  [Whence  vinum 
picatum.     Mart.  xiii.  107  ;  Plut.  Sympos.  v.  3. 

They  were  then  filled,  but  never  to  tbe  brim.  Pliny  ;  Comp. 
Geop.  vi.  12.  The  vessels  remained  unclosed  as  long  as  the  fer- 
mentation was  going  on,  [Sen.  Ep.  83.]  and  even  then  were  not 
fastened  either  by  a  cork,  pitch,  or  gypsum.  The  cella  vinaria,  in 
which  the  dolia  were  kept,  was  a  cool  chamber  [towards  the  nortli  , 
entirely,  or  at  least  so  far  above  the  ground,  that  it  could  have 
windows.  But  the  dolia  were  at  times  either  partially,  or  altogether 
let  into  the  ground.  Pliny.  These  are  dola  demersa  (Colum.  xii. 
17,  5),  or  depressa  (Dig.  xxxiii.  6,  3),  also  defossa  (ib.  7,  8). 

Much  wine  was  drunk  direct  from  the  dolium,  or  cupa ;  vinum 
doliare,  or  de  cupa.  Boettiger  is  quite  wrong  in  explaining  the 
words  of  Cicero,  vinum  a  propola  et  de  cupa,  as  follows :  '  to  take 
the  wine  from  the  landlady.'  Even  if  the  form  cupa  for  copa  be 
allowed,  (see  Bentley  on  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  2,  123,  and  Ilgen,  de  Copa 
Virg.),  yet  the  different  prepositions  prove  that  cupa  signifies  a 
larger  wine  vessel,  for  the  same  use  as  the  dolium  [but  more  easy  of 
transport,  and  not  so  immobilis  as  the  dolia.     Ulp.  Dig.  ib.~\ 

Is  was,  however,  the  common  wine  only  which  would  not  bear 
keeping  (eetatem  ferre) ;  the  better  kind,  when  perfectly  settled,  was 


488  THE    DRINKS.  [Excursus  II. 

distributed  into  amphorae,  or  lagenae  (diffundebatur).  Pliny  could 
not  tell  whether  this  took  place  in  more  ancient  times,  c.  14. 
[Orc(S  and  cadi  were,  like  the  amphorce  and  lagence,  long  and  thin 
with  a  narrow  neck,  and  often  ending  in  a  point  below  ;  whence 
they  had  either  to  be  stuck  in  the  ground,  or  in  a  stand,  incitega. 
The  difference  between  these  and  the  dolia  is  clear  from  Proc.  Dig. 
xxxiii.  6,  15 :  Vinum  in  amphoras  et  cados  hac  mente  diffundimus,  ut 
in  his  sit,  donee  usus  causa  probetur  et  scilicet  id  vendimus  cum  his 
amphoris  et  cadis ;  in  dolia  autem  alia  mente  conjicimus,  scilicet  id  ex 
his  postea  vel  in  amphoras  et  cados  dijfundamus,  vel  sine  ipsis  dolus 
veneat.  Persius  says  of  the  orca  (iii.  50),  angustee  collo  non  fallier 
orca.  Varro  in  Non.  xv.  24;  Isid.  xx.  6;  Nonius,  xiv.9,  explains 
cadi  to  be  vasa  quibus  vina  conduntur.  Pomp.  Dig.  xxxiii.  6,  14. 
They  are  often  mentioned  by  Horace  and  Pliny.  Tines  or  tinia 
were  antique  wine-vessels,  the  form  of  which  is  unknown.  Paul, 
p.  365  ;  Non.  xv.  7.  The  same  is  the  case  with  the  diota.  Hör.  Od. 
i.  9,  8,  and  the  cenophorus  or  cenophorum.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  G,  109 ; 
Pers.  v.  140;  Lucil.  in  Non.  ii.  800.  The  amphorae  differed  much 
in  form,  as  is  plain  from  the  grave-lamp.  Passer.  Luc.  iii.  51. 
The  skins,  utres,, Vetron.  34,  cannot  be  discussed  here.  Other  arti- 
cles besides  wine  were  stored  in  these  amphorae,  cadi,  lagenae,  e.g. 
honey,  muria,  and  other  salsamenta,  oil,  olives,  dried  figs,  etc.  Hor. 
Sat.  ii.  4,  66  ;  Plin.  xv.  21 ;  Martial,  xiv.  116,  i.  44.  On  the  sealing 
of  the  vessels,  see  above.]  The  size  of  the  amphora  and  cadus  has 
been  already  discussed.  These  vessels  resembling  the  amphora  were 
generally  made  of  clay,  [hence  rubens  ruber,  M  art.  i.  56 ;  iv.  66 ; 
fragilis,  Ovid,  Met.  xii.  243;  seldom  of  stone,  Plin.  xxxvi.  12,43,] 
and  fastened  up  by  a  bung  (cotiex,  suber),  and  then  covered  with 
gypsum,  or  pitch,  to  prevent  any  effects  from  the  air.  [Col.  xii.  23; 
Plin.  xiv.  27,  xxiii.  24.]  Petron.  34.  On  the  amphora  of  earthen- 
ware the  name  of  the  wine  and  consul  was  written  on  the  vessel 
itself,  to  mark  the  date  ;  but  labels  (notce,  tituli,  tesserce,  pittacia), 
with  the  name,  were  hung  on  those  of  glass.  Comp.  Beckman, 
Beitr.  ii.  482  ;  [ Juv.  v.  33 : 

Cras  bibet  Albanis  aliquid  de  montibus,  aut  de 
Setinis,  cujus  patriam  titulumque  senectus 
Delevit  multa  veteris  fuligine  testae. 

See  Hor.  Sat.  i.  10,  24,  nota  Falerni;  Col  um.  xii.  19;  Plaut.  Pom. 
iv.  2,  14,  literatas  fictiles  epistolas.  Several  such  labels  have  been 
found,  one  with  the  inscription,  RVBR.  VET.  V.  P.  CII ,  i.e.  ru- 
brum vetus  vinum  picatum,  No.  102.]  It  is  interesting  to  learn  by 
pictures  from  Pompeii  (Mus.  Borb.  iv. ;  Relaz.  de  Scao.  t.  A.  and 
V.  t.  48)  [Gell.  Pomp.  81,]  the  manner  of  conveying  wine  which  had 


Scene  IX.]  THE   DRIXK>.  489 

been  purchased.  Both  the  pictures  are  alike  ;  they  represent  two 
carriages,  consisting  of  a  light  rack-shaped  body,  and  the  whole 
interior  of  which  is  filled  by  a  single  large  skin.  This  skin  has  in 
front  a  wide  opening,  which  is  tied  up,  and  through  which  the  wine 
was  evidently  poured,  whilst  behind,  it  is  produced  into  a  narrow 
bag,  from  which  the.  wine  was  suffered  to  run  out.  Two  men  are 
busily  letting  off  the  contents  into  long  two-handed  vessels, 
amphorae.     It  was  therefore  not  must,  but  wine. 

The  amphora  was  next  placed  in  the  apotheca,  which  was  quite 
different  from  the  cclla  vinaria,  and  in  the  upper  story :  the  best 
position  for  it  was  above  the  bath,  so  that  the  smoke  might  be 
conducted  thither,  and  so  forward  the  wine.  Colum.  i.  6,  20 ; 
comp.  Heind.  on  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  5,  7  ;  and  Hör.  Od.  iii.  8,  9 ;  from 
which  we  may  learn  the  whole  process  : 

Hie  dies  anno  redeunte  festus 
Corcicem  adstrictum  pice  demovebit 
Amphorae,  fumum  bibere  institute 
Consule  Tullo. 

Hence  such  expressions  as  Descende  testa  (iii.  21,  7),  and  Parcis 
deripere  horreo  amphoram  (28,  7)',  may  be  explained. 

After  this  process  the  wine  still  retained  a  good  deal  of  lees, 
and,  if  wanted  for  use,  had  to  be  cleared.  This  was  effected  in 
various  ways.     The  gourmand,  who  (Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4, 51) : 

Massica  si  coelo  suppones  vina  sereno, 
Nocturna,  si  quid  crassi  est,  tenuabitur  aura, 
Et  decedet  cdor  nervis  inimieus  ;  at  ilia 
Integrum  perdunt  lino  vitiata  saporem. 

communicates  the  result  of  his  experience  about  the  kitchen  and 
cellar,  states  the  best  means.  The  method  of  purifying  wine  by 
eggs  was  known.     Ibid.  55  : 

Surrentina  vafer  qui  miscet  fsece  Falerna 
Vina,  eolumbino  limum  bene  colligit  ovo  ; 
Quatenus  ima  petit  volvens  aliena  vitellus. 

It  was  in  general,  however,  strained  through  the  saccu-s  vinartus 
and  the  colum,  a  kind  of  metal  sieve,  with  small  holes  in  it.  Num- 
bers of  such  cola  have  been  discovered  at  Pompeii.  In  the  Mus. 
Borb.  iii.  t.  31,  are  five  smaller  ones,  all  of  which  had  handles,  and 
were  consequently  held  in  the  hand  during  the  straining.  In  ii. 
t.  60,  is  a  larger  one  with  two  handles,  by  which  it  was  probably 
hung  over  a  vessel,  into  which  wine  was  running.  A  copy  of  it  is 
given  here.  A  silver  bowl  with  beautiful  ccclatura,  and  also  a 
silver  colum,  may  have  served  a  like  purpose.     Ibid.  viii.  t.  14. 


490 


THE    DRINKS. 


[Excursus  IV. 


[Plin.  xxiii.  24.]      The  saccus,  on  the  contrary,  was  a  filter-bag  of 
linen,  and  the  worst  means,  as  by  being  strained  through  it  the 
wine  became  wretched  (vappa).    Hence  in  Horace  : 
Integrum  perdunt  lino  vitiata  saporem. 
The  relative  position  to   each  other  of  colum    and   saccus,  is 


Scene  IX.]  THE    DRINKS.  491 

shown  by  comparing  two  epigrams  of  Martial,  xiv.  108,  Colum 
nivarium : 

Setinos  moneo  nostra  nive  frange  trientes ; 
Pauperiore  mero  tingere  lina  potes. 
and  xix.  104,  Saccus  nivarius  : 

Attenuare  nives  norunt  et  lintea  nostra, 
Frigidior  colo  non  salit  unda  tuo. 

But  the  saccus  was  used  also  for  good  wine.  Mart.  viii.  43.  It  was 
customary  to  fill  the  colum  and  saccus  with  snow,  upon  which  the 
wine  was  poured  for  the  purpose  of  being  cooled.  With  this  view, 
the  snow  was  carefully  preserved  till  summer-time,  just  as  is  now 
the  case  in  Naples,  cestivce  nives.  Mart.  v.  64,  ix.  23,  8, 91,  5;  Pliny, 
xix.  4,  19.  This,  however,  was  not  enough,  for  by  a  still  greater 
refinement  a  difierence  was  discovered  between  snow  and  water 
boiled,  but  afterwards  reduced  to  freezing  point  by  being  mixed 
with  snow.  Plin.  xxxi.  3,  23  ;  Neronis  prineipi»  invention  est, 
decoquere  aquam  vitroque  demissam  in  nives  refrigerarc.  Mart.  xiv. 
107,  and  10(3,  Lagena  nivaria  : 

Spoletina  bibis,  vel  Marsis  condita  cellis : 
Quo  tibi  decoctae  nobile  frigus  aquae. 

In  this  way  the  water  sometimes  cost  more  than  the  wine,  as 
Martial  says,  Ep.  108.  They  had,  besides,  another  object  in  this 
straining — to  moderate  the  intoxicating  power  of  the  old  heavy 
wine.  Pliny,  xiv.  22  ;  comp,  xxiii.  1,  24.  This  was  termed  cas- 
trare  vinum  (Pliny;  xix.  4,  19),  but  the  general  expressions  were, 
defcecare,  liquare,  colare,  saccare. 

The  colour  of  most  wines  was  probably  dark,  as  is  now  the  case 
with  all  the  southern  wines.  There  were,  however,  also  wines  of 
a  lighter  tint ;  and  as  we  distinguish  between  white  and  red,  so  did 
they  between  alburn  and  atrum.  Plaut.  Menccch.  v.  5,  17.  Pliny 
names  four  colours  (xiv.  9),  albus,  fulvus,  sanguineus,  nigcr.  Nigrum 
and  atrum  denote  the  darkest  red,  and  album  the  bright  yellow, 
which  we  also  call  white.  The  celebrated  Falernian  was  evidently 
of  this  colour,  from  the  finest  amber  having  been  named  after  it. 
Plin.  xxxvii.  3,  12. 

From  what  we  know  concerning  the  treatment  of  wines,  it  is 
clear  that  old  wines  were  considered  preferable,  and  even  a  com- 
mon wine,  if  of  some  age,  was  more  grateful  than  young  Falernian. 
Mart.  xiii.  120 : 

De  Spoletinis  quae  sunt  cariosa  lagenis, 
Malueris,  quam  si  musta  Falerna  bibas. 

[Plaut.  Cas.  Prol.  5  ;  Cic.  Ccel.  19 ;  Ath.  i.  p.  26.]     Perhaps  as 


492  THE    DRINKS.  [Excursus  IV. 

much  deception  was  practised  then  as  in  the  present  times  ahout 
the  age  of  wines.     Mart.  iii.  62  : 

Sub  rege  Numa  condita  vina  bibis. 
and  xiii.  111. 

The  amphora?  on  the  table  of  Trimalchio  bore  the  label,  Faler- 
num  Opimianum  annorum  centum,  in  which  there  is  a  double 
absurdity  :  first,  in  assigning  a  fixed  age  to  wine,  which  every  year 
became  older,  and  then  in  calling  the  Opimianum  a  century  old,  as 
that  period,  the  most  illustrious  in  the  annals  of  Italy,  belonged  to 
A.u.c.  633,  and  the  wine  must  therefore  at  that  time  have  been  at 
least  160  or  170  years  old,  and  we  may  easily  conceive  that  at  a 
still  later  period  it  was  supposed  to  be  drunk,  long  after  it  had,  in 
fact,  ceased  to  exist. 

The  different  growths  are  detailed  by  Pliny,  xiv.  6.  Comp. 
Schneid.  Ind.  Script.  411 ;  Mart.  xiii.  106—122.  [Vitruv.  viii.  3, 12 ; 
Ath.  i.  p.  26.]  According  to  Pliny,  the  Cacubum,  Hör.  Od.  i.  20; 
Strab.  v.  p.  161,  had  from  ancient  times  held  the  first  rank  among 
western  wines.  Like  all  the  best  wines,  it  grew  in  Campania,  in 
the  Sinus  Caietanus,  near  Amyclse.  In  the  time  of  Pliny,  the  vine- 
yards had  been  ruined  principally  by  the  canal  of  Nero,  but  at  an 
earlier  period  Augustusiiad  assigned  the  palm  to  the  Setinian,  which 
also  maintained  its  superiority  after  the  Caecubuin  was  lost.  The 
Falemian  was  second  in  rank,  and  the  best  description  of  it,  the 
Faustianum,  grew  between  Sinuessa  and  Cedia,  and  is  supposed  to 
have  received  its  name  from  Sylla  (Faustus).  [Hor.  Epist.  i.  5,  5, 
at  Sinuessa,  A  capital  wine  grew  on  Vesuvius.  Flor.  i.  16,  amicti 
vitibus  monies,  Gaums,  Falermis,  Massicus,  Vesuvius.1^  The  third 
place  was  contended  for  by  the  Albanum,  St/rrentinum,  and  Massi- 
cum,  as  well  as  by  the  Calenum  and  Fundanum.  After  the  time 
of  Julius  Csesar,  the  fourth  place  was  held  by  the  Mamertimtm, 
from  the  neighbourhood  of  Messana,  and  Taurominitanum  was  fre- 
quently sold  for  it.  The  middling  kinds  were  the  Trifolinum,  from 
the  hill  Trifolium,  in  Campania  (in  Mart.  xiii.  14,  scptima  vitis)  ; 
Siffninum,  Sabinum,  [Hor.  Od.  i.  20],  Nomentanum,  and  others.  The 
commonest  were  Vaticanum  (frequently  mentioned  by  Mart.  e.ff.  vi. 
92,  Vaticana  bibis  f  bibis  venenum.  x.  45).  To  render  it  more 
drinkable,  good  old  wine  was  sometimes  intermixed ;  Mart.  i.  19 : 
Quid  te,  Tueca,  juvat  vetulo  miseere  Falerno 

In  Vaticanis  condita  viua  cadis. 
Veientanum,  from  the  vicinity  of  Veii,  which  gained  the  epithet 
rubellum,  from  its  colour  having  a  reddish  tint.  Mart.  i.  104.     Be- 
sides these,  there  were  the  Felignum,  Mart.  i.  27,  xiii.  121 ;  (Care- 
tanum,  xiii.  124  ;)  the  Laletanum  (from  Spain),      27;  vii.  53  ;  and 


Scene  IX.]  THE    DR1XKS.  493 

the  Massilitanum,  x.  36,  xiii.  123.  Much  adulteration  was  prac- 
tised, not  only  in  mixing  different  -wines  [Ilor.  Sat.  i.  10,  24],  and 
adding-  sapa  and  defrittum,  and  foreign  wines,  especially  from 
Tmolus,  but  also  deleterious  substances.  See  Beckmann,  Beitr.  i.181. 

Next  to  these  western  wines  came  the  transmcrina,  or  Greek, 
which  Pliny  esteemed.  The  best  were  the  Thasium,  Chium, 
Lesbium,  Sicyoniitm,  Ct/prium,  and,  in  the  time  of  Pliny,  the  Clazo- 
meniutn  especially.  [Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  15.  Chiummaris  expers.~\  Not 
only  the  vessels  were  sprinkled  with  sea-water,  but  it  was  put 
into  several  wines.  [See  Becker's  Charities,  Engl.  Transl.  p.  256. 
Plin.  xiv.  9,  23,  24,  xxiii.  24.;  Ath.  i.  p.  32.  Vappa  was  any  sort 
of  wine  spoilt.  Plin.  xiv.  20,  25  ;  Acron  ad  Hor.  Sat.  i.  1,  104, 
ii.  3,  144.] 

Still  they  were  not  content  with  this  variety,  but  the  wines  from 
a  very  early  period  (Plin.  13,  15)  were  doctored  with  all  kinds  of 
aromatics  and  bitters,  as  myrrha,  aloes,  and  the  like.  Pallad.  xi.  14. 
Even  costly  essential  oils  were  mixed  with  the  wines,  which  also 
were  drunk  out  of  vessels  that  had  held  them.  Plin.  xiii.  1,  5. 
Martial  calls  this  foliata  suis,  because  the  nardinum  was  also  called 
simply  foliatum.     Comp.  Juv.  vi.  303. 

Next  to  wine,  the  mulsum  was  a  very  favourite  drink ;  different 
accounts  are  given  of  the  manner  of  preparing  it.  According  to 
Colum.  (xiii.  41),  the  best  must  was  taken  direct  from  the  locus, 
ten  pounds  of  honey  were  then  mixed  with  an  urna  of  it,  and  it 
was  at  once  poured  into  lagence,  and  covered  up  with  gypsum. 
After  thirty-two  days  these  vessels  were  to  be  opened  ;  and  the 
drink  poured  into  others.  This  way  of  making  it,  however,  was 
not  general,  as  is  proved  by  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  4,  24  : 

Aufidius  forti  miscebat  mella  Falerno, 
Mendose,  etc. 
by  Macrob.  Sat.  vii.  12,  [Plin.  xxii.  24,  53.  Mulsum  ex  vetere 
vino  utilis$imvm,~]  and  other  passages.  In  Geopon.  (viii.  25,  26), 
the  two  plans  of  making,  viz.  from  four-fifths  of  wine  and  one  of 
honey,  and  also  from  ten-elevenths  of  must  and  one  of  honey,  are 
taught.  Pallad.  xi.  17.  The  Greek  name  for  it  was  oivofukt ; 
which  word,  however,  has  another  meaning  also,  among  the 
Eomans,  a3  we  see  from  Ulp.  Dig.  xxxiii.  6,  9.  The  different 
kinds  of  honey  are  mentioned  in  note  30,  p.  61.  The  mulsum 
was  principally  drunk  at  the  prandium  and  the  gustus.  Sack 
sometimes  supplied  its  place.     Mart.  xiii.  106. 

The  calda,  the  only  warm  drink  among  the  ancients,  consisted 
of  warm  water  and  wine,  perhaps  with  the  addition  of  spice. 
Calda  was  drunk  most  in' winter,  but  likewise  at  other  seasons, 


494 


THE    DRINKS. 


[Excursus  IV. 


Mart.  viii.  67.  See  Rup.  on  Juv.  v.  63.  Boettiger  says,  (Sab.  ii. 
35),  '  It  is  quite  credible  that  the  ancients  had  something  to  match 
our  tea  and  coffee  services  ; '  and  in  corroboration  of  this,  we  call 
the  attention  of  the  reader  to  an  ancient  vessel,  which  evidently 


served  for  preparing,  or  keeping  warm  the  calda.  It  is  of  very 
elegant  form,  resembling  a  tureen,  and  is  made  of  bronze.  The 
engraving  of  it,  given  here,  is  copied  from  the  Mus.  Horb.  iii.  63. 

In  the  centre  is  a  cylinder  reaching  to  the  bottom,  which  held 
the  coals  for  warming  the  liquids  around  it,  and  underneath  this 
cylinder  is  an  orifice  for  the  ashes  to  fall  through.  The  conical 
cover  cannot  be  taken  off,  but  there  is  underneath  a  second  flat 
cover,  which  is  moveable,  and  only  covers  the  parts  containing  the 
fluids,  leaving  the  remainder  open.  On  the  upper  rim  is  a  sort  of 
cup,  united  by  a  pipe  with  the  interior  of  the  vessel,  so  that  it 
might  be  filled  without  the  lid  being  removed.  On  the  opposite 
side  a  tap  is  fixed,  for  the  purpose  of  letting  the  liquid  run  out. 

The  use  of  this  vessel  is  undoubted,  but  a  Roman  name  can 
hardly  be  assigned  to  it,  and  from  among  those  named  by  Poll.  x. 
(36,  \_tiepfiavTt]p}  not]  iirvokißrig,  after  Lucian  (Lexiph.  828),  seems  the 


Scene  IX.]  THE    DRINKS.  495 

only  probable  one.  The  most  natural  name  would  certainly  be 
caldarium,  but  for  that  we  have  no  authority.  We  must  not  sup- 
pose that  such  a  vessel  was  always  used  for  the  calda,  as  in  general 
the  water  was  brought  in  jugs  or  cans,  named  by  Martial,  xiv.  105, 
urceoli  mintstratorii.  [A  much  more  simple  vessel  for  calda  is  now 
in  the  possession  of  the  king  of  Denmark.  It  is  like  an  amphora, 
with  two  handles  and  a  double  bottom.  The  outer  partition  most 
likely  held  the  warm  water,  which  kept  the  calda  warm,  in  the 
middle.] 


EXCUESUS  I.     SCENE  X. 


r 


THE  CHAPLETS. 

T  is  not  our  intention  to  discuss  in  its  fullest  extent  and  several 
relations  the  use  made  by  the  ancients  of  chaplets, — a  subject 
entering  deeply  into  civil  and  religious  life,  as  the  simple  ornament 
of  leaves  became  a  symbol  of  martial  renown  and  civil  virtue. 
There  is  no  lack  of  works  upon  the  subject.  Paschalius,  in  his 
Coronce,  gives  a  tolerable  collection  of  badly  elaborated  materials ; 
the  work  of  Lanzoni,  de  Coronis  et  Unr/uentis  in  ant.  Conv.,  confines 
itself  to  the  banquets  ;  and  still  less  important  is  that  of  Schmeizel, 
De  Coronis.  The  notices,  however,  given  directly  by  ancient 
authors  are  of  more  consequence.  As  the  work  upon  chaplets  by 
iElius  Asclepiades,  and  the  writings  of  the  physicians  Mnesitheus 
and  Callimachus,  are  lost,  our  information  is  mainly  derived  from 
Atheneeus  (xv.),  Pliny  xxi.,  1,  4,  and  other  scattered  passages. 
See  Salmas.  Exercitt.  ad  Solin. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  assign  any  year  or  period  when  the  use 
of  chaplets  at  meals,  or  rather  at  the  carousal,  was  first  introduced 
at  Rome ;  but  we  learn  from  Pliny,  that  as  early  as  the  second 
Punic  war  chaplets  of  roses  were  worn.  The  walls  of  the  triclinium 
onlv  were,  however,  privy  to  this  decoration,  which,  although  so 
harmless  in  itself,  was  considered  incompatible  with  sobriety  of 
character,  and  he  who  appeared  in  public  so  adorned  was  liable  to 
punishment.  Two  examples  of  such  punishment  are  related  by 
Pliny,  (56,  L.  Fulvius  argentarins  hello  Punico  secundo  cum  corona 
rosacea  interdiu  e  pergida  sua  in  forum  prospexisse  dictus,  ex  aucto- 
ritate  senatus  in  carcerem  abductus,  non  ante  finem  belli  emissus  est. 
P.  Munatius,  cum  demtam  Marsyce  coronam  eflorihus  capiti  suo  im- 
posuisset  atque  ob  id  duci  eum  in  vincula  triumviri  jussissent,  appel- 
lavit  tribunos  jrfebis.  Nee  intercessere  Uli) ;  but  it  was  perhaps  only 
the  flowers  that  drew  down  this  condemnation,  because  at  that 
period  of  misfortune  such  an  open  display  of  luxury  seemed  to 
have  a  dangerous  tendency.  On  the  other  hand,  it  would  appear 
that  fillets  were  worn  round  the  head  even  before  this  time,  to 
counteract  the  effects  of  the  wine.  Hence  arose  by  degrees  the 
chaplets  of  leaves  and  flowers,  to  which  however  the  name  coronce 
was  not  given  till  later,  as  in  earlier  times  it  was  reserved  for  reli- 
gious usages  and  warlike  distinctions.  Pliny  agrees  with  Athenseus 
(xv.  674),  who  follows  the  old  writers  concerning  the  early  Grecian 
customs.  The  chaplets  which  superseded  the  simple  fillets  were 
not,  however,  considered  as  mere  ornaments,  but  it  was  believed,  or 


Scene  X.]  THE    CHAPLETS.  497 

at  least  pretended,  that  certain  leaves  and  flowers  exercised  a  bene- 
ficial influence  against  the  intoxicating  power  of  wine.  Thus,  in 
Plutarch  (Bymp.  iii.  1),  the  physician  Tryphon  defends  the  use  of 
chaplets  at  wine  against  the  imputations  of  Ammonius.  He  praises 
the  i-ifiiXfia  and  icoKwapia  of  former  times,  which  had  discovered 
in  the  chaplets  an  antidote  to  the  influence  of  wine ;  and  Athenasus 
(  675  )  mentions  the  same  thing. 

A  simple  branch  of  green  served  for  a  chaplet  at  the  games, 
and  probably  for  the  corona  convivalis  also  in  the  first  instance, 
flowers  being  a  later  intrusion.  When,  however,  Pliny  says  that 
Pausias  and  Glycera  were  the  first  to  weave  chaplets  of  flowers,  it 
is  only  an  instance  of  persons  celebrated  in  a  manufacture  being 
set  up  as  the  inventors  of  it,  as  we  can  cite  statues  with  chaplets 
of  flowers  of  a  date  far  earlier  than  Pausias.  The  Greeks  wove 
numerous  kinds  of  flowers  into  chaplets ;  but  with  the  Romans 
it  was  different.  Besides  the  green  leaves  of  the  ivy,  myrtle,  and 
opium,  they  used  but  few  garden-flowers  for  chaplets,  and  of  these 
chiefly  the  violet  and  rose.  Plin.  s.  10.  But  they  did  not  stop 
with  these  natural  materials,  especially  as  chaplets  were  required 
in  winter  also,  when  roses  could  be  obtained  only  at  a  very  great 
expense  ;  hence  imitations  were  made  of  various  materials.  "What 
Pliny  says  (s.  3)  of  the  gold  and  silver  garlands,  applies  only  to 
the  public  games,  but  the  words  coronis — quce  vocantur  sEgyptice  ac 
delude  hiberna;,  refer  to  the  coronce  convivales.  No  further  intelli- 
gence is  given  about  the  Egyptian  ones  (see  Boettig.  Sab.  i.  231) ; 
but  as  they  are  distinguished  from  the  hibernce,  they  woidd  seem 
not  to  have  been  artificial.  The  hiberna?  were  made  of  thin  leaves 
of  horn  dyed ;  and  such  might  be  understood  in  Martial  (vi.  80), 
did  not  the  Nova  dona,  and  the  antithesis,  nis  Pcestanum,  and  horti 
Memphitici,  point  to  natural  flowers. 

Pliny  (s.  8)  relates  that  the  luxury  in  them  went  still  further. 
Chaplets  were  made  of  single  rose-leaves  by  fastening  them  to  a 
strip  of  bast,  but  we  must  not  think  that  corona-  sutiles  are  always 
to  be  taken  in  this  sense,  as  the  chaplets  of  nardus  are  also  called 
sutiles,  and  the  sericce  versicolores  likewise,  although  thev  were 
probably  only  imitations  of  flowers.     See  Lucan,  Phars.  x.  164 : 

Accipiunt  sertas  nardo  florente  coronas 

Et  nunquam  fugiente  rosa, 
where  the  rosa  numquam  fugiens  refers  probablv  to  the  sericce. 
Mart.  xiii.  51,  Texta  rods  vel  divite  nardo  corona.  The  chaplets  in 
those  passages  denominated  sertce  and  textce  are  simply  sutiles,  just 
as  in  Horace  ( Od.  i.  38,  2),  the  nexce  philyra  coronce,  but  there  is 
no  reason  to  suppose  chaplets  e  mero  folio  rosce.     Chaplets  were 


498  THE    CHAPLETS.  [Excursus  I. 

frequently  found  on  monuments,  with  leaf  lying  over  leaf,  and  rose 
on  rose  ;  and  it  is  possible  that,  in  such  cases,  the  roses  were  fastened 
on  a  strip  of  bast,  philyra ;  they  would  then  be  rightly  termed 
sutiles.     These  are  meant. in  Ovid.  Fast.  v.  335 : 

Tempora  sutilibus  cinguntur  tota  coronis 
Et  latet  injecta  splendida  mensa  rosa. 
Ebrius  incinctis  philyra  conviva  capillis 
Saltat. 
and  Martial  x.  94,  Sutilis  aptetur  decies  rosa  crinibus,  which  seems 
to  mean  a  chaplet  of  ten  roses.     The  sutiles  are  again  mentioned  in 
Mart.  v.  65,  ix.  91 ;  andpa7rroi  arktpavoi,  in  Hesychius  and  Salm.  on 
Jul.  Cap.  Anton.  4.  Salin.  Fixere,  ad  Sol.  703,  appears  rightly  to  ex- 
plain the  coronee  tonsee,  or  tonsiles,tohe  cbaplets  made  of  single  leaves. 

Respecting  the  nature  of  the  cbaplets  called  pactiles  by  Pliny, 
we  can  presume  nothing  certain,  not  even  whether  they  are  to  be 
distinguished  from  the  coronee plectiles  of  Plautus  (Bacchid.  i.  1.  37) ; 
and  what  he  says  (s.  i.)  is  also  obscure.  We  may  in  general  assume 
three  main  distinctions ;  they  were  either  woven  of  longer  twigs, 
as  of  ivy,  or  of  shorter  sprigs,  as  of  the  apium,  or  were  fastened  to 
a  band. 

At  the  ccena  itself  cbaplets  were  not  generally  used ;  they  be- 
longed, like  the  ungnenta,  to  the  regular  comissatio,  or  to  the 
compotatio,  succeeding  the  main  course.  They  were  distributed  when 
the  mensa  secunda  was  served,  or  perhaps  later.  See  Plut.  Symp. 
iii.  1 ;  Athen,  xv.  685  and  669  ;  Mart.  x.  19,  18  ;  Petron,  60,  corona 
aurece  cum  alabastris  unguenti.  It  appears  to  have  been  usual  for 
the  host  to  give  cbaplets,  and  sometimes  to  have  them  handed 
round  repeatedly ;  and  we  cannot  infer  from  Ovid  (Fasti  i.  403)  : 

Vina  dabat  Liber,  tulerat  sibi  quisque  coronam. 
that  the  ancient  custom,  according  to  which  each  guest  took  his 
own  garland,  was  adhered  to. 

They  also  hung  festoons  of  flowers  over  their  neck  and  breast, 
called  by  the  Greeks  viroQvjiifcc.  Plut.  Symp.  iii.  1,  3;  Athen.  678 
and  688.  This  does  not  seem  to  have  been  usual  amongst  the 
Romans,  but  the  custom  is  mentioned  in  Cic.  Verr.  v.  iii.  Ipse  aidem 
coronam  habebat  tinam  in  capite,  alteram  in  collo.    Catull.  vii.  51 : 

Et  capite  et  collo  mollia  serta  gerat. 
and  Ovid,  Fasti  n.  739.  In  Petronius  there  are  further  instances  of 
various  ways  of  garlanding  (65  and  70).  Comp.  Boettig.  Sab.  i.  240. 
At  Rome  the  dietetic  signification  of  the  chaplet  was  lost  sight  of, 
and  it  was  only  regarded  as  a  cheerful  ornament  and  symbol  of  fes- 
tivity, giving  occasion  to  many  a  joke  and  game,  such  as  the  bibere 
coronas.    Plin.  9. 


EXCURSUS  IL      SCEXE  X. 


THE  SOCIAL  GAMES. 

TT7E  must  not  omit  to  mention  those  games  which  were  pursued, 
"  "  not  only  as  a  recreation,  hut  also  with  the  hope  of  gain. 
The  game  of  hazard  had  hecome  a  most  pernicious  mania  at  Rome-; 
and  severe  legal  prohihitions  could  not  prevent  the  ruin  of  the 
happiness  and  fortunes  of  many  hy  private  gambling  with  dice. 
They  had  also  other  and  more  innocent  games,  success  in  which 
depended  wholly  on  the  skill  of  the  players,  like  the  game  of  chess 
at  the  present  day,  and  other  tahle-games.  We  shall  mention  all 
these  games,  hut  the  matter  is  so  intricate,  and  the  inquiry  so  inti- 
mately connected  with  that  into  the  Grecian  games,  that  we  cannot 
treat  upon  it  fully ;  hut  for  a  more  detailed  account  the  reader  is 
referred  to  Becker's  Antiqtiitates  Plautince. 

The  older  writings  upon  the  subject  by  Bulenger,  Meursius, 
Souter,  Senftieben,  Calcagnino,  are  to  be  found  in  Gronovii,  Thes. 
Antt.  Grcec.  viii.  Next  come  Salinas,  on  Vopisc.  Procul,  13,73(3 ; 
and  Exercitt.  ad  Sol.  p.  795 ;  Pfader  on  Mart,  passim  ;  AYernsdorf 
on  Saleius  Bass. ;  Wüstem,  Pal  des  Scaur. 

In  the  game  of  dice,  alea,  two  kinds  of  dice  were  used,  tali  or 
äurpäyaXot,  and  tesswce  or  Kvßoi.  Herodotus  (i.  94)  ascribes  the 
invention  of  the  game  to  the  Lydians ;  but  Athenasus  (i.  19)  cites 
anterior  instances  of  it.  Xitzsch,  Anm.  zu  Horn.  Odyss.  i.  p.  27. 
The  tali  (the  chief  passages  about  which  are  Eustath.  on  Odyss.  i. 
p.  397;  Poll.  ix.  99)  were  originally  made  of  the  knuckles  of  animals; 
.afterwards  of  different  materials  :  they  had  only  four  flat  surfaces ; 
on  the  other  two  sides  they  were  uneven  or  rounded,  so  that  the 
die  could  not  easily  rest  upon  either  of  them.  One  and  six  were 
marked  on  two  opposite  sides,  and  three  and  four  on  the  other. 
The  numbers  two  and  five  were  wanting.  Eustath.  p.  1397 ;  Poll, 
as  above.  The  manner  of  playing  is  described  in  Cic.  De  Divin.  i. 
13  :  Quatuor  tali  jacti  casu  Venereum  efficiunt.  Num  etiam  centum 
Venereos,  si  quadrinymtos  talos  jeceris,  casu  futuros  putas? 

The  four  dice  were  thrown  out  of  a  cup  of  horn,  box- wood,  or 
ivory,  which  had  graduated  intervals  inside,  that  the  dice  might  be 
better  mixed.  This  cup  was  narrower  at  the  top  than  below,  and 
from  its  shape  was  called  pyrc/us  or  turricula,  also phimus,  and  most 
commonly  fritillus.     Sidon.  Epist.  viii.  12  j  Mart,  xiv.,16.     Phimtts 


500  THE    SOCIAL   GAMES.  [Excursus  II. 

is  used,  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  7,  17.  Etym.  Magn.  <£>ipo's  KvßevTucä  opyava. 
Poll.  vii.  203 ;  x.  150.  Orca,  Pers.  iii. ;  and  in  a  fragment  of  Pom- 
ponius,  it  is  also  so  explained.  [Salmasius,  Böttiger,  and  Orelli 
rightly  assume  a  difference  of  form  between  the  fritillus  (as  cup) 
and  phimus  (as  tower)  ;  the  latter  had  graduated  intervals  inside. 
So  Cedren.,  i.  p.  125,  names  to  \^/>j(p6ßo\ov  (fritillus),  and  distin- 
guishes from  it  tov  nvpyov.     See  Vales,  ad  Harpoer.  v.  <pt/xoi'.] 

The  dice  were  thrown  on  a  table  made  for  the  purpose,  alveus, 
alveolus,  abacas,  with  a  slightly  elevated  rim  to  prevent  them  from 
falling.  The  best  throw  was  called  Venus  or  Venereus  (ßö\oc, 
jactus),  the  worst  canis.     Prop.  iv.  8,  45  : 

Me  quoque  per  talos  Venerera  quserente  secundos, 
Semper  damnosi  subsiluere  canes. 

These  names,  and  a  passage  in  Pollux,  have  led  to  the  idea  that 
the  dice  were  not  numbered,  but  had  figures  which  stood  for 
certain  numbers.  But  it  is  doubtful  whether  Pollux,  by  the  ex- 
pression oxnua  tov  TTTwfiaToc,  meant  a  mark  on  the  dice,  or  the 
casual  combination  produced  by  the  throw,  as  when  three,  four,  four, 
six,  or  one,  three,  six,  six,  were  turned  up.  Eustathius  names  the 
four  sides  ftoväSa  Kai  i^äca,  TpiäSa  Kai  rerpaSa,  and  indeed  there 
were  separate  names  for  each  turn  up.  Some  throws  appear  to 
have  counted  more  than  were  actually  turned  up.  So  says  Eust.  on 
Iliad,  xxiii.  87,  and  also  Pollux.  Four  dice  only  could  have  been 
played  with,  because  with  five  the  Venus  would  never  have  been 
thrown,  and  these  four,  even  though  seniones,  could  only  count 
twenty-four. 

The  most  fortunate  throw  was  when  all  four  dice  presented 
different  numbers ;  as  is  clear  from  Lucian,  Amor.  884 ;  Mart.  xiv. 
14,  Tali  eborei : 

Cum  steterit  nullus  vultu  tibi  talus  eodem 
Munera  medices  magna  dedisse  tibi ; 
it  was  called  the  Venus  or  Venereus.     Whether  Kyog  had  the  same 
signification,  or  meant  seniones,  is  doubtful. 

The  worst  throw  is  supposed  to  have  been  when  all  four  dice 
presented  the  same  number,  but  this  is  not  quite  correct.  It  was 
not  the  same  thing  whether  four  p.ovähc,  or  four  Terpäctc,  and  so 
on,  were  turned  up ;  and  there  was  no  canis  except  all  four  pre- 
sented an  ace.  [Isid.  xviii.  16,  unum  enim  significat  sc.  canis.]  This 
is  shewn  by  Suet.  Aug.  71,  where  the  word  canis  is  applied  to  the 
ace,  as  senio  to  the  six ;  (here  the  rule  of  the  game  was,  that  any 
one  who  turned  up  a  single  ace  or  a  single  six  out  of  the  four  dice 
thrown,  had  to  put  an  additional  denarius  into  the  pool,  in  singulos 
talos  singtdos  dmarios  conferebat,)  and  so  says  Pollux,  Kai  to  fiiv 


Scene  X.]  THE   SOCIAL   GAMES.  501 

yoväSa  SrjXovv  kvhjv  KaXilrm.  In  Plaut.  Cure.  ii.  3,  75,  it  is  impro- 
bable tbat  volturii  quatuor  denote  cards,  or  that  the  basilicus  is 
equivalent  to  Venereus.  The  game  was  not  always  played  so  that 
the  winning  or  losing  depended  on  the  Venereus  or  canis,  but  on 
the  number  of  pips  or  fioväSeg.  The  Greeks  called  this  TrXturro- 
ß  XivSa  TraiZiiv.  Poll.  ix.  95.  Perhaps  this  was  played  more  fre- 
quently with  the  regular  six-sided  dice,  tessera;  or  Kvßoi,  but  the  tali 
were  also  used  for  it.  Poll.  ix.  117.  Comp.  Athen,  x.  444.  The 
tesserae  were  just  like  our  dice,  the  sides  were  numbered  1  to  6,  and 
the  two  opposite  sides  always  counted  together,  seven.  [Isid.  xviii. 
63,  64,  65.]  Though  four  dice  were  required  in  the  game  of  äorpä- 
yakoi,  only  three,  and  later  two,  tesserae  were  used.  Hesych. :  fj 
rpiQ  'it,  i]  Tptlg  Kvßüi,  Trapoijiia  tirl  tCov  iTtiTvy\av6vrwv .  [But  Hesych. 
has  misunderstood  the  proverb,  for  nvßoi  here  denotes  the  pips  and 
not  dice,  as  he  goes  on  to  say.  It  means,  therefore,  either  three 
sixes  or  three  aces,  i.e.  all  or  nothing.]  Mart.  xiv.  15,  Tessera  : 
Non  sim  talorum  numero  par  tessera,  dum  sit 
Major,  quam  talis,  alea  ssepe  mihi. 

We  do  not  learn  whether  this  game  always  depended  upon  turning 
up  the  most  pips,  or  whether  doublets  counted  extra,  but  the 
simple  ■n-XeiffToßoXii-Sa  nai&iv  was  at  any  rate  most  common.  The 
game  with  the  tesserae  was  always  played  for  money  or  something 
representing  it,  whilst  the  tali  were  used  in  other  ways  also.  The 
manner  of  playing  it  is  related  in  Suet.  Aug.  71,  and  Poll.  ix.  95. 
That  enormous  sums  were  lost  at  play  is  seen  from  Juvenal,  i.  89 : 

Neque  enim  loculis  comitantibus  itur 
Ad  casum  tabulae ;  posita  sed  luditur  area. 
Prselia  quanta  illuc  dispensatore  videbis 
Armigero  !  simplexne  furor,  sestertia  centum 
Perdere  et  horrenti  tunieam  non  reddere  servo  ? 

And  hence  all  play  for  money  was  from  an  early  period  interdicted, 
with  the  single  exception,  tibi  pro  virtute  ccrtamenfit.  Plaut.  Mil. 
ii.  2,  9,  mentions  this  law.  No  attention  was  paid  to  the  complaints 
of  persons  who  allowed  gaming  in  their  houses,  not  even  in  cases  of 
robbery  and  actual  violence.  Paul  Dig.  xi.  5,  2.  See  an  instance 
of  condemnati  de  alea  in  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  23.  This  law,  as  may  be 
easily  imagined,  was  not  only  transgressed  in  private  more  than 
any  other,  but  became  null  and  void  under  some  of  the  emperors, 
who  were  passionately  devoted  to  play,  as  Claudius,  who  wrote  a 
book  upon  gaming.  By  others,  again,  it  was  vigorously  enforced  ; 
this  seems  to  have  been  the  case  with  Domitian  ;  and  to  this  cir- 
cumstance Martial  often  alludes.  The  game  was  only  allowed  as  a 
pastime  during  meals,  as  we  see  from  Paul.  Dig.  xi.  5,  4;  [Sidon. 


502  THE   SOCIAL   GAMES.  [Excursus  II. 

Ap.  Ep.  i.  2.]  and  during  the  Saturnalia  alone  were  all  restrictions 
removed.     Mart.  xi.  G  : 

Unctis  falciferi  senis  diebus 
Kegnator  quibus  imperat  fritillus. 

v.  84.  In  the  concealment  of  the  popina  it  was  doubtless  fre- 
quently indulged  in.     Mart.  iv.  14  : 

Dum  blanda  vagus  alea  December 
Incertis  sonat  hinc  et  hinc  fritillis, 
£t  ludit  popa  nequiore  talo. 

Where  perhaps  by  nequior  talus  loaded  dice  are  meant :  in  Aristot. 
Problem,  xvi.  12,  we  have  ps[i6kvßdu>iikvovQ  aarpayaXovc.  How  much 
these  games  became  the  fashion  at  a  later  period  is  shewn  by  Jus- 
tinian's interdict,  by  which  he  allowed  lost  money  to  be  demanded 
back.  Cod.  iii.  43.  [De  Pauw  de  alea  veterum.~\  Similar  decrees 
were  in  force  against  betting,  which,  however,  we  must  not  suppose 
to  have  been  such  a  mania  as  is  described  by  Bulwer,  in  his  Last 
Days  of  Pompeii.  No  bets  were  allowed  upon  games  which  were 
entirely  of  chauce.     Marcian.  Dig.  xi.  5,  3. 

Other  games  in  which  success  did  not  depend  on  luck,  but  in  a 
great  measure  on  skill,  were  not  illegal.  Foremost  among  these 
stand  the  board-games,  two  of  which  are  known  to  have  been  in 
vogue  at  Rome,  ludus  latruncidorum,  and  duodecim  scriptorum. 
Martial  seems  to  have  alluded  to  them  (xiv.  17,  Tabula  lusoria)  : 

Hie  mihi  bis  seno  numeratur  tessera  puncto  ; 
Calculus  hie  gemino  discolor  hoste  perit. 

The  first  line  alludes  to  the  duodecim  scripta,  the  second  to  the 
latrunculi.  The  tabula  lusoria  appears  to  have  been  a  table  on  either 
side  of  which  one  of  these  games  could  be  played. 

The  chief  passage  describing  the  first  of  these  games  is  in  Sal. 
Bassus,  Paneg.  in  Pis.  180  : 

Callidiore  modo  tabula  variatur  aperta 
Calculus  et  vitreo  peraguntur  milite  bella, 
Et  niveus  nigros,  nunc  et  niger  alliget  albos. 
Sed  tibi  quis  non  terga  dedit  ?  quis  te  duce  cessit 
Calculus  ?  aut  quis  non  periturus  perdidit  hostem  ? 
Mille  modis  acies  tua  dimicat :  ille  petentem 
Dum  fugit,  ipse  rapit ;  longo  venit  ille  recessu 
Qui  stetit  in  speculis  :  hie  so  committere  rixse 
Audet  et  in  prsedam  venientem  decipit  hostem. 
Ancipites  subit  ille  moras  similisque  ligato 
Obligat  ipse  duos :  hie  ad  majora  moretur, 
Ut  citus  et  fracta  prorumpat  in  agmina  mandra. 
Clausaquas  dejecto  populetur  incenia  vallo. 
Interea  sectis  quamvis  acerrima  surgant 


Scene  X.]  THE   SOCIAL   GAMES.  503 

Prcelia  multibus,  plena  tamen  ipse  phalange, 

Aut  etiam  pauco  spoliata  milite  vincis, 

Et  tibi  eaptiva  resonat  manus  utraqne  turba. 

See  also  Ovid,  Art.  Am.  iii.  35,  and  Trist,  ii.  477 : 
Discolor  ut  recto  grassetur  limite  miles, 
Cum  medius  gemino  calculus  hoste  perit. 

Comp.  Art.  Am.  ii.  207.     Pol.  ix.  7 :  Eustath,  p.  1397. 

We  learn  from  the  above-named  authors  that  the  game  was  like 
our  chess,  or  perhaps  more  of  a  besieging  game  ;  for  the  mandra, 
mentioned  by  Bassus,  and  of  which  Martial  speaks  (vii.  72),  can 
only  be  stones  which  served  as  a  kind  of  intrenchment.  The  calculi 
were  probably  of  different  values,  longo  venu  ille  recessu,  qui  stetit  in 
speculis ;  and  perhaps  a  piece  of  this  kind  may  be  compared  to  a 
bishop  in  chess.  Such  is  the  opinion  of  Isidor.  Orig.  xviii.  67, 
calculi  partim  orcline  moventur,  partim  vage.  Ideo  alios  ordinarios, 
alios  vagos  appellant.  At  vero,  qui  moveri  omnino  non  possunt, 
incitos  dicunt.  But  we  have  no  proof  that  they  were  of  different 
shape.  The  mandrce  perhaps  differed  from  the  latrones,  as  the 
calculi  were  also  called  latrunculi,  milites,  bellatores.  They  were 
generally  made  of  glass,  vitreo  peraguntur  milite  bella,  and  vitreo 
latrone  clausus.  Also,  Mart.  xiv.  20.  They  were  also  made  of  more 
costly  materials. 

The  art  of  the  player  consisted  either  in  taking  his  adversary's 
pieces,  or  rendering  them  unable  to  move.  The  first  took  place 
when  he  brought  some  of  his  adversary's  pieces  between  two  of  his 
own,  medius  gemino  calculus  hoste  perit ;  they  also  sacrificed  a  piece 
occasionally  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  some  greater  advantage. 
The  second  was  called  figure,  alligare,  obligare,  and  such  pieces 
were  said  to  be  inciti,  ciere  being  the  proper  expression  for  '  to 
move.'  Plaut.  Pom.  iv.  286.  Ad  incitas  redactus  meant  one  who 
could  make  no  other  move.  The  fewer  number  of  pieces  lost  the 
greater  was  the  victory  j  and  we  see  from  Senec.  De  Tranq.  14, 
what  importance  was  attached  to  this.  Ludebat  (Canitts)  latrun- 
culis,  cum  centurio  agmen  periturorum  traliens  et  ilium  quoquc  citari 
jubet.  Vocatus  numeravit  ea/culos  et  sodali  suo,  Vide,  inquit,  tie  post 
mortem  meani  mentiaris  te  vicisse.  Turn  annuens  centurioni ;  Testis, 
inquit,  eris,  uno  me  antecedere. 

The  Indus  duodecim  scriptorum  appears  to  have  somewhat  re- 
sembled our  backgammon ;  see  Salmas,  and  Boulenger,  cap.  61 ;  at 
least  so  far  as  the  dice  decide  the  move.  Petron.  33.  The  board 
was  marked  with  twelve  lines  on  which  the  pieces  moved.  Ovid. 
Art.  Am.  iii.  363.  Moving  the  pieces  was  called  dare.  Cic.  in  Non. 
ii.  p.  170 :  Itaque  tibi  concedo,  quod  in  duodecim  scriptis  olim,  ut 


504  THE    SOCIAL   GAMES.  [Excursus  II. 

calcidum  reducas,  si  te  aliciy'us  dati  pcenitet.  Ovid.  Art  Am.  ii.  203. 
Comp.  Trist,  ii.  475.  Quinct.  Inst.  xi.  2.  [Cic.  de  Or.  ii.  50.  Ter. 
Ad.  iv.  7,  21.]  This  game  does  not  appear  to  have  borne  any 
affinity  to  the  -ntTTÜa  inl  irtvrt  ypa^/twv  of  the  Greeks,  which  per- 
haps was  more  like  that  mentioned  by  Ovid,  Trist,  ii.  481. 

The  äpTiactfibg,  äpTiaZ,nvf  ctpria  ij  Trtpirra  ira\Z,tiv  or  «w«»',  ludere 
par  impar,  seems  not  to  have  been  uncommon  at  Rome.  Poll.  ix.  7, 
101.  Aristotle  frequently  mentions  it,  as  Rhet.  iii.  5,  4  ;  De  Divin. 
per  sotnn. ;  compare  Meurs.  p.  948,  and  Schneid,  on  Xenoph.  de 
Off.  mag.  5,  10.  Among  Roman  authors,  it  is  mentioned  by  Hor. 
Sat.  ii.  3,  248 ;  Nux.  Eleg.  79  : 

Est  etiam,  par  sit  numerus,  qui  dicat,  an  impar, 

Ut  divinatas  auferat  augur  opes. 

Suet.  Aug.  71.  The  game  consisted  in  one  person  guessing  whether 
the  pieces  of  money,  or  whatever  it  was  that  his  adversary  held  in 
his  hand,  were  odd  or  even ;  it  is  represented  in  works  of  art,  as, 
for  instance,  where  a  boy  is  pressing  the  hand  containing  his  gains 
to  his  breast.  See  Boettig.  Amalth.  i.  175.  The  astragalizontes 
of  Polycletus  may,  however,  have  been  real  dice-players.  August. 
t.  106.  The  game  mentioned  by  Ovid,  (Art.  Am.  iii.  361,  pike 
reticulo  fusee)  has  been  already  noticed. 

Some  speak  of  the  Romans  having  adopted  the  KorTaßog,  of 
which  the  Greeks  were  so  passionately  fond,  and  which  is  fully 
described  by  Athenseus,  xv.  See  Jacob's  Att.  Mus.  iii.  473.  Not- 
withstanding the  numerous  modifications  of  this  game,  we  can  only 
assume  two  sorts  of  it.  The  first,  when  a  person  had  to  pour  wine 
into  a  vessel  without  spilling  any  of  it.  The  second  was  this :  a 
balance  was  suspended,  and  under  one  of  the  scales  a  basin  with 
water,  and  the  enigmatical  Manes,  were  placed  in  it :  the  wine  was 
to  be  poured  into  the  scale,  so  that  it  sank  down  into  the  basin, 
and  touched  the  Manes.  Still  there  is  an  entire  absence  of  proof 
that  this  game  got  into  vogue  among  the  Romans.  The  passage  in 
Plautus  Trin.  iv.  3,  4,  is  unquestionably  a  joke  borrowed  from  Phi- 
lemon.    See  Becker's  Charicles,  Eng.  Trans,  p.  265. 


EXCUBSUS.     SCENE  XII. 


THE  IXTERMEXT  OF  THE  DEAD. 

A  MOXG  the  most  ceremonious  observances  of  the  Eomans  were 
-£*-  the  solemnities  in  honour  of  the  dead.  Instead  of  simply  con- 
signing the  corpse  to  the  earth,  such  pomp  and  ceremonial  had 
gradually  got  into  vogue,  that,  though  full  of  deep  import  in  its 
promptings,  yet  in  outward  appearance,  at  least,  it  looked  mere 
vain  show ;  nay  more,  nonsensical  and  ridiculous. 

The  custom  has  been  already  illustrated  very  satisfactorily  bv 
Alex,  ab  Alex.  Gen.  dd.  iii.  7 ;  [by  Meursius,  Guther,  Laurentius, 
Quensted  in  Greev.  Thes.  and  Gronov.  Thes.~] ;  more  largely  by 
Kirchmann,  De  funeribus  Somanorum  ■  also  by  Xieupoort,  Ant. 
Rom.  de  ritu  funerum.  See  also  Baehr's  chapter  on  the  subject,  in 
Kreuzer's  Abriss.,  which  is  more  useful  still. 

The  topic  has  been  so  often  discussed,  that  the  chief  points  only 
will  be  mentioned  here. 

The  following  passages  from  ancient  authors  are  important. 
Virg.  jEn.  vi.  212,  sqq.  Tib.  iii.  2.  Prop.  i.  17;  ii.  3 ;  iv.  7.  Ovid. 
Trist,  iii.  3.  Petr.  71.  Appul.  Flor.  iv.  19.  Also  particularly. 
Cic.  de  Legg.  ii.  21.     Polyb.  vi.  53,  54;  and  Herodian,  iv.  2. 

The  scrupulous  conscientiousness  observed  in  discharging  the 
funeral  rites,  was  intimately  connected  with  the  religious  notion 
concerning  the  future  state ;  but  it  is  very  probable  that  this  bebef 
was  originated  and  fostered  by  prudential  motives,  to  counteract,  in 
less  civilised  times,  the  evil  effects  which  would  have  resulted  from 
the  neglect  of  sepulture.  At  a  very  early  period  the  beHef  was 
rooted  in  people's  minds,  that  the  shades  of  the  unburied  wandered 
restlessly  about,  without  gaining  admittance  into  Hades ;  so  that 
non-burial  came  to  be  considered  the  most  deplorable  calamity  that 
could  befal  one,  and  the  discharge  of  this  last  service  a  most  holv 
duty.  This  obligation  was  not  restricted  to  relatives  merely,  and 
near  connexions  ;  it  was  performed  towards  strangers  also ;  and  if 
one  happened  to  meet  with  an  unburied  corpse,  he  at  any  rate  ob- 
served the  form  of  throwing  earth  thrice  upon  it.  Hör.  Od.  i.  28,  22 : 

At  tu,  nauta,  vagae  ne  parce  malignus  arenae 

Ossibus  et  capiti  inhumato 
Particulam  dare : 


and  then, 


licebic 
Injecto  ter  pulvere  curras. 


506  INTERMENT    OF   THE   DEAD.         [Excursus. 

[Varro,  L.  L.  v.  23.]  ;  Petr.  114.     And  this  was  considered  suffi- 
cient, as  we  see  from  Propert.  iii.  7,  25  : 

Reddite  corpus  humo,  positaque  in  gurgite  vita, 
Psetum  spoute  tua  vilis  arena  tegas. 

Comp.  Claud,  in  Rufin.  i.  371. 

The  usage  was  rendered  still  more  binding  by  a  regulation  that 
the  heir,  or  family  generally,  a  member  of  which  had  remained 
unburied,  should  yearly  offer  the  propitiatory  sacrifice  of  a  porca 
prcecidanea,  and  not  till  then  was  the  familia  pura.  Varro  in  Non. 
ii.  p.  1G3 ;  and  for  the  explanation  of  the  word,  Paul.  p.  223. 
The  annual  repetition  is  expressly  mentioned  by  Marius  Victor, 
p.  2470,  Putsch.  Comp.  Cic.  Leg.  ii.  22.  And  bence,  in  cases 
where  the  corpse  was  not  obtainable,  they  held  the  exequies  not- 
withstanding, and  built  an  empty  monument  (nnotap/iium),  which 
was  also  done  by  the  Greeks,  as  we  know  from  Plato's  Menexenus. 

As  a  duty  binding  upon  everybody,  the  burial  with  its  usages 
was  called  by  the  Romans  justa,  justa  faecre,  or  ferre,  also  (hbita 
(Hör.  Od.  ii.  6,  23),  as  among  the  Greeks  rä  cucaia,  vofufia,  vojxilö- 
Htva,  and  in  Plato's  Menexenus,  rk  TrpoaiiKovra. 

If  not  an  universal,  still  it  was  not  an  uncommon  habit,  appa- 
rently, to  give  the  dying  a  last  kiss,  in  order  to  catch  the  parting 
breath.  The  passages  from  which  this  is  inferred,  are  Cic.  Verr. 
v.45,  Matres  .  .  .  ab  extremo  complexu  liberum  exclusce :  quce  nihil 
aliud  orabant,  nisiut  filiorum  extremton  spiritum  ore  excipere  sibi li- 
ceret;  Virg.  2En.  iv.684,  extremus  siquis  super halitus  errat,  ore  legam. 

The  same  person,  perhaps,  closed  the  eyes  of  the  departed,  con- 
dere  ocidos  (Ovid,  Trist,  iii.  3,  44),  or  premere,  Ovid,  Am.  iii.  9, 49. 
The  assertion  that  the  signet-ring  was  also  immediately  pulled 
off  the  finger,  and  put  on  it  again  at  the  funeral  pile,  seems  totally 
groundless.  The  passage  quoted  in  support  of  this  notion  (Plin. 
xxxi.  1,  6)  alludes  to  the  dishonesty  of  the  slaves,  who  stole  the 
rings  from  the  finger.  A  second  passage  (Suet.  Tib.  93)  is  also 
misunderstood.  Spart.  Hadr.  20,  proves  nothing ;  neither  can  we 
deduce  from  Propert.  iv.  7,  9, 

Et  solitam  digito  beryllon  adedcrat  ignis, 

anything  more  than  that  the  ring  was  burnt  with  the  corpse,  not 
that  it  was  then  first  replaced  on  the  finger. 

After  this,  those  present  called  on  the  deceased  by  name,  or  set 
up  a  loud  clamour  and  bewailing,  for  the  purpose  of  recalling  the 
person  to  life,  if  he  should  be  only  in  a  trance,  conclamabatur.  The 
chief  passages  thereon  are  Quinct.  Decl.  viii.  10 ;  and  Amm.  Marc, 
xxx.  10 :  Post  conclamata  imperatoris  suprema  corpusque  curatum 


Scene  XII.  j  INTERMENT   OF   THE    DEAD.  507 

ad  seputturam.     From  which  we  learn  that  this  took  place  pre- 
vious to  the  curatura ;  and  hence  also  Ovid,  Trist,  iii.  3,  43  : 
Nee  mandata  dabo,  nee  cum  clamore  supremo 
Labentes  oculos  condet  arnica  mamis. 
They  then  said  conclamatum  est,  a  formula  also  applied  to  other 
occurrences  in  life,  when  no  more  hope  remained.     See  Terent. 
JEun.  iii.  56.    The  corpse  was  thereupon  taken  down  from  the  bed, 
deponebatur.     See  Ovid,  supra,  v.  40  : 

Depositum  nee  me  qui  neat  ixllus  erit, 
and  washed  with  hot  water,  perhaps  to  try  to  restore  it  to  life. 
The  funeral  was  next  ordered  of  the  Ubitinarius.  These  people, 
who  were  named  from  Venus  Libitina,  in  whose  temple  their  ware- 
houses were  situated,  undertook  to  provide  everything  requisite  for 
the  interment.  Plut.  Quast.  Rom.  23,  Aid  W  r«  Trpbg  rüg  rafäg 
TnrrpaaKuvmv  iv  t<£  Aij3iriv>ig,  j'o^/^ojtec  ' A(ppoSirr)r  elvai  rr)v  AtßiTii>t}V. 
The  law  required  that  they  should  have  due  notice  of  a  death,  and 
receive  a  certain  impost,  j  ust  as  when  births  were  reported  in  the 
temple  of  Juno  Lucina.  Dion.  Halic.  iv.  15.    Suet.  Ner.  39.    Hence 

in  Liv.  xl.  19,  Pestikntia in  urbe  tanta  erat,  id  Libitina  tunc 

vix  mfficeret.  The  libitinarii  furnished  the  pollinctores,  vespillones, 
prmficce,  and  so  forth — indeed,  all  that  was  necessary  for  either 
the  humblest  or  grandest  interment,  at  a  certain  rate  of  payment. 
The  poUinctor,  a  slave  of  the  Ubitinarius,  next  cared  for  the  corpse. 
Ulp.  Dig.  xiv.  iii.  5 ;  Plaut.  Asin.  v.  2,  60.  JEcquis  currit,  pollinc- 
torem  arcessere  ?  MortuiC  st  Demcenetus,  and  Pan.  Prol.  63.  Their 
business  was  chiefly  to  anoint  the  dead,  and  to  remove  anything  that 
might  be  calculated  to  create  unpleasant  impressions.  Fulgentius, 
de  Serm.  ant.  3  :  Dicti  autem  pollinctores  quasi  pollutorum  unetores. 
Servius,  on  the  contrary,  (Virg.  Atn.  ix.  483),  derives  the  word  a 
polline,  quo  moHuis  os  oblinebant,  ne  livor  apparcret  exstincti.  This 
being  done,  the  corpse  was  clad  in  the  garment  suitable  to  his  rank, 
but  a  free  person  always  in  the  toga,  even  out  of  Rome,  in  the  pro- 
vincial towns,  where  it  was  not  generally  worn  in  life.  Juv.  iii.  171 : 

Pars  magna  Italise  est,  si  verum  admittimus,  in  qua 

Nemo  togam  sumit,  nisi  mortuus. 

But  of  course  its  description  was  regulated  by  the  position  and  pro- 
perty of  the  deceased.  Magisterial  persons,  who  wore  the  toga  prce- 
texta,  were  always  buried  in  it.  Liv.  xxxiv.  7.  It  is  very  uncertain 
whether  viri  triumphales  were  dressed  in  the  tunica  palmata,  or  toga 
picta.  The  passage  from  Suet.  Ner.  50:  funeratus  est  stragulis  a/bis 
auro  intextis,  quibus  usus  fuerat  Kalendis  Januariis,  refers  just  as 
little  to  the  dress,  as  do  the  purpurea  vestes  velamina  nota,  in  Virg. 
JEn.  vi.  221.     It  is  the  torus  Attalicus  of  Prop.  ii.  13,  22.     Still 


508  INTERMENT  OF   THE   DEAD.         [Excursus. 

the  waxen  image  lying  on  the  coffin  of  Augustus,  and  representing 
his  corpse,  is  thus  attired.    Dio  Cass.  lvi.  34 :  eIkujv  Si  S))  Tig  avrov 

Kt)pivt)  iv  fTTlVlKiifi  <tto\?j  i£f(f>aiviro. 

The  custom,  so  prevalent  in  Greece,  of  putting  a  chaplet  on  the 
corpse,  was  not  followed  at  Rome,  at  least  not  generally.  The  case 
was  somewhat  different,  when  the  deceased  had,  while  alive,  gained 
a  crown  as  the  reward  of  merit.  To  this  refer  the  words  Cic.  de 
Legg.  ii.  24,  coronam  virtute  partam  .  .  .  .leximpositamjubet.  The 
same  applies  to  Plin.  xxi.  3,  and  Cic.  p.  Flaeco,  31.  Nevertheless, 
the  lectus  and  roc/us  were  adorned  with  leaves  aud  flowers,  as  is  seen 
from  Dion.  xi.  39 ;  and  Pliny  mentions  that  flowers  were  strewed 
before  the  bier  of  Scipio  Serapio,  a  thing  which  often  happened. 
The  business  of  the  pottinctor  being  finished,  the  corpse  was  laid 
on  a  kind  of  bed-of-state,  lectus  fiincbris,  [unquestionably  in  the 
atrium].  Kirchmann  (i.  12)  says  the  vestibulum,  but  he  appears  to 
misunderstand  that  term.  Sueton.,  it  is  true,  writes,  (c.  100,) 
equester  ordo — intulit  atque  in  vestibulo  domus  collocavit ;  but  the 
phrases  ex  cedibus  efferri,  efferri  foras,  shew  that  the  corpse  did  not 
lie  before  the  janua  ;  besides,  in  that  case,  what  need  would  there 
have  been  of  the  cypress  outside,  to  shew  that  it  was  a  domus  funesta? 
On  the  situation  of  the  corpse,  see  Plin.  vii.  8  :  Ritu  natures  capite 
hominem  gigni  mos  est  pedibus  efferri.  The  usual  opinion  is,  that  a 
piece  of  coin  was  put  in  his  hand,  as  a  vav\oi>,  on  the  shore  of  the 
Styx.  But  it  may  be  doubted  whether  this  was  a  regular  Roman 
custom.    The  few  passages  where  it  is  mentioned,  as  Juv.  iii.  2G7 : 

Jam  sedet  in  ripa  tetrumque  novieius  horret 
Porthmea,  nee  sperat  ccenosi  gurgitis  allium 
Infelix,  nee  habet,  quem  porrigat  ore  trientem  ; 

and  Prop.  iv.  11,  7  : 

Vota  movent  superos ;  ubi  portitor  sera  recepit, 
Obserat  herbosos  lurida  porta  rogos ; 
give  no  sufficient  proof;  for  both  the  poets  might  very  easily  ac- 
commodate themselves  to  the  foreign  way  of  describing  the  thing, 
so  often  used  by  other  poets.  Virgil,  in  his  description  of  the  scene 
at  the  Stygian  lake,  mentions  the  inops  inhumataque  turba  (sEn.  vi. 
325),  yet  not  a  word  about  the  passage-money,  though  he  had  such 
ample  opportunity  for  so  doing.  Lastly,  the  coins  discovered  in 
urns  at  Pompeii  are  not  a  cogent  proof  of  it.  [Seyffert,  de  Numis 
in  ore  defunct.  repertis.~\ 

By  the  side  of  the  lectus  a  censer  was  placed,  acerra  (turibuhnn), 
Pest.  Exc.  p.  10;  and  near  the  house  a  pine  or  cypress  was  planted ; 
partly  as  a  symbol  of  the  gloomy  power  who  had  irrevocably  de- 
manded his  victim ;  partly  as  a  warning  sign  to  those  who  were 


Scene  XII.]        INTERMENT    OF   TUE    DEAD.  509 

forbidden  by  religious  grounds  to  enter  such  a  house.  Plin.  xvi. 
10, 18,  ibid.  33,  (cupressus)  :  Diti  sacra  et  ideofunebrisigno  ad  domos 
posita.  Paul.  p.  63.  Serv.  ad  Virg.  JEn.  iii.  64  :  Romani  moris 
erat,  ntpotissimum  cupressus,  quce  excisa  renasci  non  solet,  in  vestibido 
mortui poneretur,ne  quis  imprudens  rem  divinum  facturus  introeat  et 
quasi  attaminatus  suscepta  peragere  non  possit.  [iv.  507,  vi.  216.] 
This  warning  was  particularly  for  the  priests,  as  Servius  goes  on  to 
say :  ne  quisquam  pontifex  per  ignorantiam  pollueretur  ingressits. 
Scaliger  concludes  from  Lucan  (iii.  442),  et  non  plebeios  lectos  testata 
cupressus,  that  the  cypress,  in  earlier  times  a  rare  tree,  was  used 
only  by  the  rich,  or  at  grand  funerals.  The  picea  was,  doubtless, 
substituted  for  it  in  other  cases. 

According  to  Servius  (ad  -En.  v.  64),  the  corpse  remained  lying 
in  state  for  seven  days,  and  was  then  brought  to  the  place  of  inter- 
ment, efferelatur.  The  accuracy  of  this  statement  has  been  already 
impugned  by  Kirchmann,  at  least,  as  regards  the  custom  being  a 
universal  one.  Indeed  it  is  evident  that,  anion«:  the  lower  orders, 
such  ceremoniousness  could  not  have  prevailed,  and  that  they 
buried  their  dead  with  more  simplicity  and  less  delay,  not  being 
able  to  procure  the  preservative  unguenta. 

A  herald,  pr&eo,  used  to  invite  the  people  to  be  present  at  the 
celebration  of  any  grand  burial,  where,  for  instance,  public  games 
formed  part  of  the  spectacle.  This  was  &  fun  us  indictivum.  Fest. 
Exc.  p.  79 ;  Cic.  de  Legg.  ii.  24.  The  formula  used  by  the  prceco 
ran  in  full :  Ollus  Quiris  leto  datus  est,  exsequias  (L.  Titio,  L.filio) 
ire  cui  commodum  est,  jam  tcmpus  est ;  alius  ex  adibus  effertur.  Varr. 
L.  L.  v.  p.  160  ;  comp.  Fest.  p.  217 ;  Terent.  Phorm,  v.  9,  37  ;  and 
Ovid,  Amor.  iii.  6,  1 : 

Psittacus  Eois  imitatrix  ales  ab  Indis 
Occidit :   exsequias  ite  frequenter  aves. 

The  funus  publicum  may  be  considered  of  like  import  with  the 
funus  indictivum,  especially  with  reference  to  Tacit,  iii.  4 ;  but  the 
distinction  drawn  by  Festus  :  Simpludiarea  funera  sunt,  quibus 
adhihentur  ludi  corbitoresque;  indictiva  sunt,  quibus  adhibentur  non 
ludi  modo,  sed  etiam  desultores,  is  uncertain. 

There  are  no  fully  decisive  testimonies  as  to  the  time  of  day 
when  the  burial  took  place.  "We  must  suppose  it  to  have  varied  at 
different  periods,  and  according  to  circumstances.  Servius  (ad 
JEn.  xi.  143 )  says,  that  in  more  ancient  times  the  funeral  was  at 
night,  and  he  derives  the  word  funus  from  funalia  or  faces,  as  ves- 
piliones  from  vespera.  At  a  later  period,  however,  this  was  only  the 
case  with  the  poor,  who  could  not  afford  the  expense  of  a  solemn 
interment.     Festus  under  Vcspce,  p.  158.    But  his  remark  does  not 


510  INTERMENT    OF    THE    DEAD.         [Excursus. 

prove  so  muck  as  the  epigram  on  the  fat  Gallus,  who  had  fallen 
down  in  the  street  at  night,  and  could  not  be  raised  to  his  feet 
again  by  the  single  slave  that  accompanied  him.     Mart.  viii.  75  : 

Quatuor  inscripti  portabant  vile  cadaver, 

Aceipit  infelix  qualia  mille  rogus. 
Hos  comes  invalidus  subraissa  voce  precatur, 

Ut  quocunque  velint,  corpus  inane  ferant. 
Permutatur  onus,  stipataque  tollitur  alte 
Grandis  in  angusta  sarcina  sandapila. 
See  Dionys.  iv.  20. 

But  in  the  case  of  a  solemn  pompa,  and  of  course  an  indictivum, 
the  ceremony  took  place  by  day  :  not  before  dawn,  as  some  suppose, 
though  therein  they  are  contradicted  by  express  testimonies ;  (Cic. 
de  Legg.  ii.  26,  66,  proves  that  the  Roman  and  Attic  customs  were 
quite  opposed  to  each  other.  Plutarch's  words  on  the  funeral  of 
Sylla  prove  notking,)  but  just  at  tkat  time  of  tke  day  wken  tkere 
was  most  stir  in  tke  streets,  as  Horace,  in  kis  picture  of  tke  bustle 
and  excitement  of  tke  city,  says, 

Tristia  robustis  luctantur  funera  plaustris. 

Tkis  occurred  in  tke  forenoon,  as  is  confirmed  by  tke  inscription 
cited  by  Kirckmann,  p.  83  :  Mortmis  est  iii.  K.  Julias,  hora  x.  elatus 
est  hora  iii.  frequentia  maxima. 

The  funera  indictiva  were  not  all  celebrated  with  equal  magni- 
ficence. The  most  splendid  kind  wastke/wwws  censorium,  not  tke 
interment  of  a  censor,  but  graced  witk  tke  distinctions  proper  to 
tkis  person.  Tacit.  Ann.  iv.  15,  of  Lucilius  Longus,  wko  had  never 
been  a  censor,  and  (xiii.  2),  Claudio  censorium  f  units  (decretuni  est). 
Jul.  Cap.  Pertin.  15.  The  author  does  not  remember  any  account 
of  wherein  consisted  this  distinction.  The  words  of  Polyb.  vi.  58, 
only  refer  to  imagines.  Age  too  made  a  difference.  In  the  case 
of  children,  and  of  boys,  till  they  assumed  the  toga  virilis,  fewer 
ceremonies  took  place.  Such  funerals  were  called  acerba  funera, 
i.  e.  immatura.  Tib.  2,  6,  29  ;  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  8,  59.  Nero  in  Tacit. 
Ann.  xiii.  17,  respecting  the  burial  of  Germanicus.  They  were 
buried  ad  faces  et  cereos,  and  therefore,  probably,  in  the  evening. 
Senec.  de  Tranquil.  11 ;  Epist.  122.  No  decisive  proof  has  been 
discovered  by  the  author  of  torches,  which  belonged  to  the  ancient 
practice  of  night-interment,  having  been  kept  up  in  the  case  of 
adult  funerals.  Passages  like  Propert.  iv.  11,  46 :  Viximus  insignes 
inter  utramque  facem,  refer  to  the  torches  with  which  the  funeral 
pile  was  kindled.     He  kad  said  before  (v.  10)  : 

Sic  mcestse  cecinere  tubse,  cum  subdita  nostrum 
Detrakeret  lecto  fax  inimica  caput. 


Scene  XII. ]      INTERMENT   OF   THE    DEAD.  511 

And  thus  are  to  be  understood  all  similar  passages,  where  the  fax 
nuptialis  is  opposed  to  the  feralis.  We  may  here  remark,  that  very 
young  children  were  never  burnt,  but  always  inhumed.  Juven.  xv. 
139  If. : 

Naturae  imperio  gemimns,  cum  funus  adultse 
Virginis  occurrit,  vel  terra  clauditur  infans 
Et  minor  igne  rogi. 

Plin.  vii.  16,  15.  At  a  grand  interment  the  procession  was  arranged 
by  a  designator,  who  was  supported  by  a  Motor  and  an  accensus, 
or  several  lictors,  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  order.  Cic.  de 
Legg.  ii.  24 ;  Hor.  Epist.  i.  7,  5 : 

dum  ficus  prima  ealorque 
Designatorem  decorat  lictoribus  atris. 

Donat.  ad  Ter.  Ad.  i.  2,  7. 

In  front  went  the  tibicines,  the  number  of  whom  was  limited  bv 
the  twelve  tables,  to  ten  ;  or  also  more  powerful  music,  cornua  and 
tuba.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6,  43,  and  Heindorf's  remark.  Something 
perhaps,  of  the  construction  of  these  tubes  may  be  gained  from  Ovid. 
Amor.  ii.  0,  6  : 

Horrida  pro  moestis  lanietur  pluma  capillis. 
Pro  longa  resonent  carmina  vestra  tubse ; 

unless  it  be  only  a  general  epithet. 

Then  followed  the  prceficce,  female  mourners,  also  furnished  bv 
the  libitinarius.     Hor.  Art.  431 : 

Ut  qui  conducti  mcerent  in  funere,  dicunt 

Et  faciunt  prope  plura  dolentibus  ex  animo :   sic 

Derisor  vero  plus  laudatore  movetur. 

It  seems  of  no  consequence  whether  we  read  que?  conduct«  in  this 
passage  or  not,  as  the  gender  can  be  taken  generally.     See  Paul, 
p.  223.     [Varro,  L.  L.  vii.  70.]     They  sang  the  ncenia,  properly  a 
wailing  panegyric  on  the  deceased.     Plaut.  True.  ii.  6,  14 : 
Sine  virtute  argutum  civem  mihi  habeam  pro  praefica 
Quae  alios  collaudat,  eapse  se  vero  non  potest. 

Just  so  Non.  ii.  p.  145  :  Ncenia  ineptum  et  inconditum  carmen,  quod 
adducta  pretio  midier,  quce  prcrfica  dieeretur,  mortuis  exhiberet.  These 
ncenia  were  also  named  mortualia,  and  were  accounted  nugce.  Plaut. 
Asin.  iv.  1,  63 :  lice  sunt  non  nugce,  non  enim  mortualia.  The 
further  signification  of  the  word,  by  which  it  frequently  comes  to 
denote  the  end,  does  not  belong  here. 

Still  stranger  was  the  custom  for  mimiko  join  in  the  procession 
perhaps  next  to  the  prceficee,  who  not  only  indulged  in  sober  reflec- 
tions, and  applied  passages  from  the  tragedians  to  the  present  case, 


512  INTERMENT  OF   THE    DEAD.  Excursus. 

but  actually  formed,  sometimes,  an  odd  contrast  to  the  rest  of  the 
pageantry  of  woe,  by  acting  the  part  of  regular  merry-andrews, 
whilst  one  of  the  number,  probably  always  the  archimimiis,  imitated 
the  person  of  the  defunct.  The  chief  passages  illustrative  of  this 
custom  are  in  Dion.  Hal.  viii.  72;  and  Suet.  Vesp.  19:  In  funere 
Favo  archimimus  personam  ejus  f evens  imitansque,  ut  est  mos,  facta 
et  dicta  vivi  interrogatis palam  procuratoribus,  quantifunus  et  pompa 
constaret.  ut  audiit  H.  S.  centies,  exclamavit :  centum  sibi  sestertia 
darent,  ac  se  vcl  in  Tiberim  projicerent.  The  artifices  scenici  at  the 
funeral  procession  of  Julius  Caesar  were  of  a  soberer  character, 
everything  here  being  calculated  for  tragic  effect  and  excitement. 
Another  passage,  which  is  quoted  in  support  of  the  custom  (Suet. 
Tib.  57),  has  nothing  to  do  with  it ;  for  the  scurra  evidently  does 
not  belong  to  the  pompa,  but  is  among  the  crowd  of  bystanders. 

These  dancers  and  mimes  were  most  likely  followed  by  the 
imagines  majorum.  After  many  extraordinary  notions  having  been 
started  on  this  subject,  Eichstädt's  Dissertt.  de  Imagg,  Horn,  has  at 
length  established  beyond  a  doubt,  that  men  resembling  in  size  and 
figure  the  persous  to  be  represented,  placed  these  waxen  masks 
before  their  faces,  and  marched  along  in  front  of  the  lectus,  clad  in 
the  dress  appropriate  to  each,  with  all  the  insignia  appertaining ; 
whence  also  Hor.  Epod.  viii.  2,  Esto  beata,  funus  atque  imagines 
ducant  triumphales  tuum.  Polybius,  too,  speaks  of  it  in  terms  im- 
possible to  be  mistaken,  vi.  53.  Thus  the  whole  row  of  ancestors 
swept  along,  represented  by  living  individuals  in  proper  costume, 
in  front  of  the  corpse  ;  and  this  was  not  confined  to  those  in  direct 
ascent,  but  the  collateral  branches  also  sent  their  imagines  to  the 
cavalcade ;  as  is  seen  from  Polybius.  This  is  what  Pliny,  xxxv.  2, 
calls  gentilitia  funer  a.  The  spectacle  was  carried  to  greater  length* 
at  the  burial  of  Augustus.  Dio  Cass.  lvi.  34.  Whether  the  ima- 
gines, as  Polybius  relates,  were  always  driven  in  carriages  may  be 
doubted.     Propert.  says,  ii.  13,  19 : 

Nee  mea  tunc  longa  spatietur  imagine  pompa : 

which  word  spatiari,  the  author  never  met  with  used  of  a  person 
riding  in  a  carriage. 

If  the  deceased  had  earned  warlike  renown,  gained  victories, 
conquered  lands  and  towns,  then  doubtless,  as  in  the  case  of  a 
triumph,  tabulce  were  carried  before  him  inscribed  with  his  deeds. 
So  Dion.  Hal.  (viii.  59)  relates  of  Coriolanus,  irpb  rrje  icXivrjc  avrov 
fpipiaQai  KtKtvaai'Ttg  Xcapvpci  n  Kai  CKvXa,  Kai  OTtdtavovQ,  Kai  fiv7]fiag  wv 
il\e  iröXtojv.  Tacit.  Ann.  i.  8,  of  Augustus,  ut  . .  .  tituli,  victarum  ab 
eo  gentium  vocabula  anteferrentur  . . .  censuei'e.  These  were  most  likely 


Scene  XII.]        INTERMENT   OF   THE    DEAD.  513 

carried  in  advance  of  the  imagines,  and  the  latter  did  not  come  after, 
but  preceded  the  corpse,  as  indeed  was  most  natural,  for  they  had 
preceded  the  deceased  in  death,  and  he  completed  their  train.  It 
is,  moreover,  expressly  stated  in  Tacit,  iii.  76,  Viginti  clarissimarum 
familiarum  imagines  antelatce  sunt.  Propert.  (ii.  13,  23)  also  men- 
tions pans  of  incense.  Immediately  after  these  came  the  funus 
itself,  lying  a  little  raised  upon  a  lectica  or  lectus  funebris,  in  the 
case  of  persons  of  distinction  made  of  ivory,  or  at  least  with  ivory 
feet.  Over  it  purple  or  gold-embroidered  coverlets  were  expanded, 
Attalicce  vestes,  on  which  lay  the  corpse.  Dio  Cass.  lvi.  34,  of 
Augustus. 

According  to  Servius  (ad  Virg.  ÄLn.  vi.  222),  the  lectus  was 
borne  by  the  nearest  relations,  or  by  the  slaves  who  had  been  made 
free  by  the  will.  Pers.  iii.  106,  At  ilium  hesterni  eapite  inditto  subiere 
Quirites ;  and  in  the  case  of  men  of  particular  merit  and  renown, 
even  by  knights,  senators,  and  magistrates.  Now  the  latter  cer- 
tainly did  take  place  in  some  individual  cases  (see  Kirchni.  ii.  8), 
but  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  former  was  an  universal  custom. 
Velleius,  it  is  true,  relates  it  of  Metellus  (Macedonicus),  i.  11,  7, 
Mortui  ejus  ledum  pro  rostris  sustulerunt  quatuor  filii,  etc. ;  and  the 
same  account  is  given  by  Pliny,  Cicero,  and  Valerius  Maximus,  but 
they  always  adduce  it  as  something  particular.  Plut.  (Qucest.  Horn. 
14)  says,  roiiQ  yoviiQ  iKtcofii^uvaiv  oi  fiev  viol  GvyKeKakvfifih'aig,  ai  ck 
Gvyarepeg  yupvdiq  Talg  KEfyaXalQ,  but  iKKOfuZtiVj  like  efferre,  is  used  of 
the  interment  generally. 

The  lower  classes,  at  least,  made  use  of  regular  bearers,  hired 
by  the  libitinarius,  v<sperones  or  vespillones.  Of  course,  at  such  a 
funus  plcbeium  or  taciturn,  the  pomp  we  have  been  describing  was 
entirely  omitted.  Those  who  were  poorer  still,  and  slaves,  were 
carried  by  the  vespillones,  to  the  place  of  interment,  in  a  covered 
bier  or  coffin,  sandapila.  Fulgent,  de  Senn.  Ant.  1.  It  is  often 
mentioned  by  Martial,  who  also  calls  it  (x.  5)  orciniana  sponda. 
This  is  also  meant  by  Hor.  Sat.  i.  8,  9,  cadavera  vili  portanda 
locabat  in  area.  [Poor  persons  often  belonged  to  burial-clubs 
(collegia  tenuiorum),  which  on  the  death  of  any  sodalis  advanced  a 
certain  sum  towards  the  expenses  of  his  funeral,  funeraticium. 
(Orell.  4107.)  Such  were  the  Collegium  sF.sculapii  et  Hygice. 
Orell.  2417,  the  Coll.  Jovis  Cerneni;  and  the  Coll.  cult.  Dianes  et 
Antinoi ;  the  statutes  of  which  were  discovered  on  a  stone-tablet  at 
Lanuvium,  in  1816.     Mommsen,  de  Colleg.  et  Social.  Jiom.~\ 

As  the  images  of  his  ancestry  came  before  the  lectus,  so,  after  it, 
followed  the  heirs  and  relations  of  the  deceased,  also  the  freedmen, 
viz.  those  who  had  just  been  7nanu?nissi  by  the  will,  with  their 

L  L 


514  INTERMENT    OF   THE   DEAD.        [Excursus. 

hats  on,  to  mark  tlieir  acquired  freedom,  pileati,  unless,  as  some 
suppose,  the  latter  preceded  the  lectus.  See  Kirchm.  ii.  7.  Besides 
these,  friends  also  and  persons  from  the  crowd  attached  themselves 
to  the  procession.  Terent.  Andr.  i.  1,  88.  But  many  only  accom- 
panied the  procession  as  far  as  the  city-gate,  where  they  left  it. 
The  shade  of  .Cynthia  charges  Propertius  with  this,  iv.  7,  29  : 

Si  piguit  portas  ultra  procedere  ;  at  illud 
Jussisses,  lectum  lentius  ire  meum. 

Not  only  the  family  were  dressed  in  mourning,  but  also  the 
whole  convoy,  and  even  the  lictors.  Death  itself  being  supposed 
to  be  muffled  in  black, iitkafi-tTrXoc  (Eurip.  Alcest.  860),  black  was 
the  colour  of  mourning  from  the  earliest  times.  Iliad,  xxiv.  94. 
So  also  of  the  Greeks  generally.  Eurip.  Phcen.  295,  aire-Xog  faplwv 
XevKwv,  and  339.  [Becker's  Charicles,  English  translation,  p.  295], 
and  the  custom  was  general  among  the  Romans.  Hence,  Tacit.  Ann. 
iii.  2,  atrata  plebes,  and  Juv.  iii.  213,  pullati  proceres.  x.  245.  It 
is  mentioned  most  definitely  with  respect  to  the  women.  See  Varro, 
de  Vit.  p.  R.  [Dionys.  viii.  62.]  Tibull.  i.  3,  6,  mossti  sinus,  and  iii. 
2,  16: 

Ossa  iucincta  nigra  Candida  veste  legant. 

It  was  not  till  under  the  Emperors  that  white  garments  were 
substituted  for  black  ones,  with  the  women.  Plut.  Qucest.  Rom. 
26 ;  Stat.  Silv.  iii.  3,  3  : 

Hue  vittata  comam,  niveoque  insignis  amictu, 
Mitibus  exsequiis  ades  (Pietas). 

The  reason  may  have  been,  as  Kirchmann  remarks,  that  white 
robes  were,  in  common  life,  replaced  more  and  more  by  coloured 
ones,  so  that  to  dress  in  white  at  that  time  was  quite  as  much  an 
abstinence  from  the  usual  garb,  as  formerly  it  was  to  appear  in 
black  or  sombre  habiliments.  [Other  exterior  signs  of  mourning 
were,  tearing  the  garments,  especially  among  the  women  ;  it  is  also 
mentioned  of  the  men.  Suet.  Cess.  33 ;  Ner.  42,  veste  discissa ;  comp. 
Stat.  Tlieb.  iii.  125,  ix.  354 ;  also  laying  aside  their  ornaments. 
Liv.  xxxiv.  7,  Quid  aliud  in  luctu,  quam  purpitram  atque  aurum 
deponunt  ?  quid,  quum  elu.rerunt,  summit  (midieres)  ?  Dionys.  v.  48, 
viii.  62.  Men  let  the  hair  of  their  head  and  beard  grow;  Suet.  Oct. 
23,  barba  capüloque  summisso;  Cses.  67 ;  Liv.  xxvii.  34,  (but  par- 
ticularly in  luctus  pullicus,)  and  abstained  from  dinner-parties,  the 
baths,  and  the  theatre.  Tac  Ann.  iii.  3  :  Tiberius  atque  Augusta 
publico  abstinuere.     Cic.  ad  Att.  xii.  13.] 

The  procession  went  first  to  the  forum,  in  front  of  the  rostra, 
where  the  lectus  was  set  down.  Dion.  Hal.  iv.  40.  [xi.  39.]     Hence 


Scene  XII.]        INTERMENT    OF   THE    DEAD.  515 

also  in  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6,  43,  concurrantoue  foro  tria  funera.  Here  the 
bearers  of  the  imagines  took  their  seats  cettis  curidibus.  Polyb.  vi. 
53,  9.  Usually,  one  of  the  relations  mounted  the  tribune,  and  pro- 
nounced the  laudatio  fimebris,  \6yog  t-nawc,  over  the  dead.  The 
first  person  of  whom  this  is  related  is  Poplicola,  who  pronounced 
the  laudatio  on  Brutus.  Pint.  9.  The  custom,  a  genuine  Roman 
one,  was  however  perhaps  of  older  date.  Dion.  Hal.  v.  17.  [ix.  54.] 
After  the  panegyric  on  the  deceased  was  ended,  the  speaker  went, 
in  a  similar  manner,  over  all  the  forefathers,  whose  imagines  were 
present,  and  recounted  their  individual  merits.  See  Polyb.  above. 
The  author  dwells  on  the  political  importance  of  these  public  recog- 
nitions of  the  merits,  not  of  one  individual  only,  but  of  a  whole 
family.  Still  it  is  easy  to  conceive,  that  these  laudationes  did  not 
always  contain  the  truth,  and  that  the  speaker  would  pass  over  the 
dark  side  of  his  friend's  character,  whilst  he  described  the  brighter 
one  in  too  glowing  colours.  Hence  Cic.  Brut.  16,  His  laudationibus 
historia  rerum  nostrarum  est  facta  mendosior ;  and  Liv.  viii.  40, 
Vitiatam  memortamfunebribus  laudibus  reor. 

The  same  honour  might  be  paid  to  women  also,  but  only  as  a 
particular  distinction.  It  took  place  first  after  the  Gallic  war.  Liv. 
v.  50  :  Matronis  gratia-  actcr,  honosque  additus,  ut  earum,  sieut  viro- 
rum,  post  mortem  solemni*  laudatio  esset.  Plutarch,  Camill.  8. 
Latterly  it  must  have  ceased  entirely,  or  occurred  very  rarely.  Cic. 
de  Orot.  ii.  11.  The  knowledge  even  of  the  previous  instances  had 
been  lost. 

After  this  solemnity,  the  lectus  was  again  raised,  the  train  got  in 
motion  in  the  same  order  as  before,  and  directed  its  course  to  the 
place  of  interment. 

The  custom  of  burying  is  said  to  have  been  older  than  that  of 
burning  (Cic.  de  Legg.  ii.  22),  and  there  were  certain  families, 
which  adhered  to  it  down  to  a  late  period ;  e.  g.  the  patrician  gens 
Cornelia.  Sylla  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  of  it,  who  caused 
himself  to  be  consumed  by  fire.  Plin.  vii.  54:  veritus  taKonem, 
endo  C.  Marü  cadavere.  But,  in  reality,  inhumation  always  took 
place,  even  in  the  case  of  burning  the  body,  for  then,  instead  of 
the  grave,  the  funeral-vault  was  substituted,  in  which  was  placed 
the  cinerary. 

Both  methods  are  distinguished  in  the  twelve  tables  (Cic.  23)  : 
Hominem  mortuum  in  Urbe  nes  epelito,  neve  urito.  The  two  kinds 
of  burial  are  placed  in  juxtaposition,  and  the  erematio  is  expressly 
opposed  to  the  sejntftura,  if  Cicero's  explanation  be  correct.  Pliny, 
on  the  contrary,  in  the  passage  cited  above,  understands  the  matter 
differently,  and  perhaps  more  correctly,  which  is  important,  as  he  pro- 


516  INTERMENT    OF   THE   DEAD.         [Excursus. 

bably  had  Cicero's  passage  before  bis  eyes.  He  says :  sepultus  vero 
intelligatur  quoquo  modo  conditus,  humatus  vero  kumo  eontectus.  The 
meaning  of  the  law  would  therefore  be,  that  no  sort  of  burial  might 
take  place  in  the  city,  any  more  than  burning  might ;  for  this  latter 
could  happen,  and  still  the  corpse  be  consigned  to  a  sepulchrum  out- 
side the  city.  At  an  earlier  period,  it  seems  that  the  deceased  was 
frequently  buried  in  his  own  house.-  [Comp.  Virg.  JEn.  iv.  494: 
Tu  secreta  pyram  tecto  interiore  sub  auras  Erige.  504.  Serv.  ad 
Virg.  JEn.  vi.  152,  xi.  205.]  Isid.  Orig.  xv.  11 :  prius  quisque  in 
domo  sua  sepeliebatur,  postea  vetitum  est  legibus  :  a  statement  which 
must  not  be  taken  very  generally;  as  they  were  most  frequently 
buried  in  agro.     Liv.  vi.  36. 

Still,  there  were  individual  exceptions  to  this  prohibition  :  e.  g. 
whan  a  triumphator  died.  Plut.  Qucsst.  Rom.  79.  [Dio  Cass.  xliv. 
7.]  So  also  many  families  retained  the  right  of  burial  in  the  city, 
on  the  strength  of  being  descended  from  illustrious  men.  Cic.  above. 
The  vestal  virgins  also  were  an  exception,  and,  afterwards,  the 
Emperors.  Indeed,  the  law  seems  to  have  often  been  transgressed, 
and  hence  the  interdict  required  renewal. 

A  sepultura,  therefore,  always  took  place,  even  when  the  body 
had  been  burnt,  and  hence  the  word  is  used,  in  a  general  sense^  for 
crematio  also.  See  Drakenb.  Liv.  viii.  24.  Thus  also  the  Greeks 
distinguish  between,  and  connect,  naiuv  and  Ocitttuv.  Dion.  Hal.  v. 
48,  concerning  Poplicola ;  Fest.  Exc.  26 ;  [Serv.  ad  Virg.  /En.  xi. 
201,  iii.  22] ;  Stallb.  ad  Terent.  And/:  i.  1, 101 ;  Böttig.  Vasengem, 
i.  42. 

At  no  time  were  there  universal  burial-places  for  all  classes. 
Whoever  could  afford  it,  selected  or  acquired  a  spot  outside  the  city, 
in  the  most  frequented  situation,  as  on  high- ways,  and  here  a  family- 
sepulchre  was  erected.  The  very  lowest  class  only,  viz.  slaves  and 
condemned  criminals,  had  a  common  burial-ground  on  the  Esqui- 
linus,  up  to  the  time  of  Augustus.     Hor.  Sat.  i.  8,  10  : 

Hoc  miserse  plebi  stabat  commune  sepulcrum, 
Pantolabo  scurrse,  Nomentanoque  nepoti. 
Mille  pedes  in  fronte,  trecentos  cippus  in  agrum 
Hie  dabat :  heredes  monumentum  ne  sequeretur. 

See  the  verses  following,  and  Heindorf's  note.  [But  on  the  Esquili- 
nus  families  of  note  were  also  buried.  Cic.  Phil.  ix.  7.  Near  it  lay 
the  larger  piece  of  ground  for  the  corpses  of  the  poor  and  of  the 
slaves,  and  this  only  was  called]  Putieidce,  (Puticoli,  Putiluculi). 
The  chief  passage  is  in  Varro,  L.  L.  v.  5  ;  Fest.  Exc.  p.  118.  What 
Festus  really  wrote  can,  in  consequence  of  the  mutilated  state  of 
the  fragment,  only  be  guessed  at.     There  the  corpses  were  either 


Scene  XII.]       INTERMENT   OF   THE    DEAD.  517 

burnt,  without  any  further  interment,  or  inhumed,  or  thrown  down 
unburied.  Of  course  it  was  not  an  universal  burial-place  for  slaves, 
but  only  for  the  villa  manclpia.  [In  the  municipia  there  were 
similar  spots  inopum  fomenbus  destinatos.~\ 

As  burning  the  corpse  came  very  early  into  use,  the  further 
ceremonies  at  the  humatio  are  little  known.  The  corpses  were 
either  consigned  to  the  earth  in  coffins,  or  placed  in  tombs  built  for 
the  purpose.  The  more  general  names  for  the  coffin,  are  area, 
[Orell.  4396 ;  solium,  Suet.  Ker.  50 ;  Plin.  xxxv.  12,  46] ;  and  in 
Fulgent,  loculus;  the  particular  one,  capulus.  That  this  word  does 
not  mean  a  bier,  feretrum,  has  been  sufficiently  proved  by  Ouden- 
dorp  ad  Appul.  Met.  viii.  p.  544,  capulos  carie  et  vetustate  semitectos; 
and  x.  p.  690,  cooperculo  capuli  remoto.  These  coffins  were  mostly 
of  wood,  but  also  at  times  of  more  costly  materials;  still  the  sarco- 
phagi, as  they  are  called, — so  named  from  the  remarkable  properties 
of  the  lapis  sarcophagus  (Plin.  ii.  96,  xxxvi.  17),  though  also  con- 
structed of  marble  and  other  stone, — must  be  considered  only  as  the 
outer  receptacle  of  the  coffin.  [Orell.  194,  4478  :  corpus  integrum 
condition  sarcophago.  The  coffins  of  the  Scipios  were  of  stone 
(peperino).~\ 

Latterly,  burning  the  corpse  gradually  fell  into  disuse,  and  hence 
the  frequent  mention  of  the  coffins,  even  as  early  as  in  Appuleius. 
See  Macrobius,  Sat.  vii.  7. 

The  pile  on  which  the  corpse  was  laid  varied  in  height,  and  in 
decoration  also,  according  to  the  pecuniary  circumstances  and  con- 
dition of  the  defunct.  The  distinction  which  Serv.  ad  Virg.  jEn. 
ix.  188,  makes  between  pyra  and  rogus, — pyra  est  lignorum  congeries, 
rogus  cum  jam  ardere  cceperit,  is  decidedly  false,  as  is  learnt  from  the 
ordinance  of  the  twelve  tables.  Cic.  de  Legg.  ii.  23 :  rogum  ascia  ne 
polito.  It  is  pure  chance  that  Virgil  first  has  constituere  pyras,  and 
then  circum  accensos  decurrere  rogos ;  the  poet  merely  interchanges 
the  words. 

On  the  other  hand,  when  burnt  down,  the  pile  was  called 
bustum,  and  the  place  of  burning  ustrma.  The  body  was  not  always 
burnt  where  the  monument  stood,  but  sometimes  it  was.  Orell. 
4383.  [Dionys.  viii.  59,  Wa\lav  lv  rip  ai<T(ji  x^ph-"]  Around  the 
pile  cypress-trees  were  planted.     Virg.  Ai.n.  vi.  216 : 

Ingentem  struxere  pyram  :  cui  frondibus  atris 
Intexunt  latera,  et  ferales  ante  cupressos 
Constitnunt,  d.corantque  super  fulgentibus  armis  : 

and  thereon  Servius.      The  corpse  being  placed  on  it,  odores,  i.  e. 
tus,  unguenta,  liquores,  were  scattered,  and  garlands  and  locks  of 


518  INTERMENT    OF   THE    DEAD.        [Excursus. 

hair  thrown  upon  it.  Stat.  Silv.  ii.  1,  162,  and  more  in  detail,  v. 
1,  210,  f  f. 

Quis  carmine  digno 
Exsequias  et  dona  malte  feralia  pompae 
Perlegat?  omne  illic  stipatum  examine  longo 
Ver  Arabum  Cilicumque  fluit  floresque  Sabsei, 
Indorumque  arsura  seges,  prseceptaque  templis 
Tura,  Palsestini  simul  Hebrseique  liquores, 
Coryciseque  comas,  Cinyreaque  germina. 

[Also  comestibles,  Catull.  lix.  Vidistis  ipso  rapere  de  rogo  ccenam. 
Compare  Ter.  Eun.  iii.  2,  28.]  This  was  done,  however,  not  only 
by  the  family,  but  also  by  others,  who  had  joined  in  the  procession. 
See  Kirchm.  iii.  5.  Previously  to  this,  the  dead  person  received 
another  last  kiss,  if  such  passages  as  the  following  can  be  accounted 
a  proof  of  it.     Prop.  ii.  13, 29 : 

Oseulaque  in  gelidis  ponas  suprema  labellis 
Cum  dabitur  Syrio  munere  plenus  onyx. 
And  Ovid,  Amor.  iii.  9,  53. 

After  this,  a  loud  lament  was  again  set  up,  led  by  the  preeßca 
(see  Serv.  above)  ;  Terent.  Andr.  i.  1,  102,  In  ignem  imposita  est, 
fletur,  where  we  can  hardly  suppose  that  a  Greek  custom  only  is 
alluded  to.  While  these  lamentations  were  going  on,  the  nearest 
relations,  or  one  of  them,  averting  his  face,  lighted  the  pile.  It 
probably  consisted,  not  merely  of  large  logs,  but  also  of  combustible 
materials,  as  pitch,  and  perhaps  dried  rushes.  This  seems  meant 
by  Martial  (x.  97)  : 

Dum  levis  arsura  struitur  Libitina  papyro, 
Dum  myrrham,  et  casiam  flebilis  uxor  emit : 

unless,  perhaps,  a  tc-mentum  is  to  be  understood.  Pitch,  however, 
is  expressly  named  in  an  inscription  adduced  by  Kirchmann. 

Concerning  the  gladiatorial  exhibitions  that  sometimes  took 
place  during  the  burning,  see  Creuz,  Abr.  p.  263,  f  f ,  where  the 
following  usages  are  also  amply  explained,  and  will  not  therefore 
be  enlarged  upon. 

After  the  pile  was  burnt  to  the  ground,  the  glowing  ashes  were 
quenched.     Virg.  Mn.  vi.  226, 

Postquam  collapsi  cineres  et  flamma  quievit ; 

Eeliquias  vino,  et  bibulam  lavere  favillam, 

is  cited  to  shew  that  this  was  done  with  wine,  and  Stat.  Silv.  ii.  6, 
90,  quod  tibi  Setia  canos  restinxit  cineres.  Both  passages,  however, 
might  be  referred  to  the  besprinkling  after  the  ossilegium.  Tibull. 
iii.  2,  19.  The  words  of  Pliny  (xiv.  12)  contain  a  more  forcible 
proof :    Vino  rogum  ne  respergito.     It  had,  therefore,  occurred,  and 


Scene  XII.]        INTERMENT    OF   THE    DEAD.  5 1  9 

that  during  Pliny's  time.  Add  to  this  Prop.  iv.  7,  34 :  fracto  hustet 
piare  cado.  Perhaps  Tibullus,  too,  means  nothing  else  ;  and  it  was 
only  in  case  of  great  extravagance  that  not  merely  the  collected 
bones,  but  also  the  whole  rogus,  was  besprinkled  with  wine. 

The  other  succeeding  rites  are  nowhere  better  recounted  than  in 
the  very  passage  of  Tibullus  cited  above. 

Prsefatse  ante  meos  manes  animamque  precatae, 

Perfusseque  pias  ante  liquore  manus, 
Pars  quae  sola  mei  restabit  corporis,  ossa 

Inemcta?  nigra  Candida  veste  legant ; 
Et  primum  annoso  spargant  collecta  Lyaeo 

Mox  etiam  niveo  fundere  lacte  parent. 

Post  hsec  earbaseis  humorem  tollere  velis 

Atque  in  marmorea  ponere  sicca  domo. 

Blue,  quas  mittit  dives  Panchaia  merces 

Eoiqne  Arabes,  piuguis  et  Assyria, 
Et  nostri  memores  lacrymse  fundantur  eodem ; 
Sic  ego  componi  versus  in  ossa  velim. 

The  poet  describes  how  he  wished  to  be  buried,  after  having  been 
changed  into  ashes,  by  Nesera  and  her  brother  (v.  15,  f  f.).  lie 
also  dictates  the  inscription  for  his  monument. 

The  exact  order  of  things,  as  given  by  him,  then,  is  this  :  First, 
the  Manes  of  the  defunct  were  to  be  invoked  :  then,  they  washed 
their  hands,  and  gathered  the  bones  into  the  lap  of  the  mourning- 
robe.  These  were  next  sprinkled  with  wine,  and,  again,  with  milk, 
and  then  dried  on  a  linen  cloth.  All  sorts  of  perfumes  were  then 
mingled  with  the  ashes.     Ovid.  Trist,  iii.  3,  69 : 

Atque  ea  cum  foliis  et  amomi  pulvere  misce, 
where  by  foliis,  perhaps  nardum  is  meant.     Buschke  ad  Tibull.  i. 
3,   7,  has  denied  that  perfumed  liquids,  wiguenta,  liquores,  were 
poured  upon  them.     But  there  is  no  mistaking  Ovid,  Fast.  iii.  561 : 

Mista  bibunt  molles  lacrymis  unguenta  favillae. 
[and  Pers.  vi.  34,  umes  ossa  inodora  dabit]. 

Bottles,  filled  with  perfumes,  were  placed  inside  the  tomb,  which 
was  besprinkled  odoribus.  These  are  the  tear-flasks,  or  lacryma- 
tories,  so  often  mentioned  formerly,  [Orell.  4832,  teretes  onychesfuci 
gracilesque  alabastri].  (See  Bottig.  Vaseng.  i.  p.  GO.)  The  expres- 
sion for  this  consigning  to  the  tomb  were,  condere  and  componere. 
Tibull.  supra;  Prop.  ii.  2,  35, '7m  mea  compones  ossa.  Condere, 
however,  is  said  properly  of  collecting  into  the  uma,  and  compmiere 
of  consigning  to  the  monument.     Ovid,  Trist,  iii.  3,  70 : 

Inque  suburbano  condita  pone  solo. 
Hence  the  buried  were  called   conditi,   eompositi,   siti.      Cic.  de 


520  INTERMENT   OF   THE   DEAD.        [Excursus. 

Legg.  ii.  22.  [Sometimes  one  urn  or  coffin  contained  the  remains 
of  two  persons,  to  indicate  their  affection,  as  in  the  case  of  hus- 
band and  wife,  or  children.      Consol.  ad  Liv.  162  : 

Quod  licet  hoc  certe  tumulo  ponemur  in  uno. 
Miscebor  cinerique  cinis  atque  ossibus  ossa. 

Orell.  2863,  4370,  4624.]  The  burial  being  now  completed,  the  last 
farewell  was  bid  to  the  deceased,  in  the  well-known  formulae  :  ave 
anima  Candida ;  terra  tibi  levis  sit ;  molliter  cubent  ossa,  and  so  forth ; 
and  after  those  assembled  had  been  purified  by  sprinkling  with 
consecrated  water  (lustratio),  and  the  Ilicit  bad  been  pronounced, 
they  separated.  Who  performed  these  two  rites  is  doubtful.  See 
Servius  ad  Virg.  A£n.  vi.  216. 

For  some  questions  of  minor  importance,  as  cutting  off  the 
finger  of  the  corpse  before  burning,  and  the  words  of  the  twelve 
tables,  Homini  mortuo  ne  ossa  legito,  see  Kirchm.  iii.  7. 

[On  the  ninth  day  after  the  burial  came  the  novemdialia  or  f er  ice 
novemdiales,  a  sacrifice  and  funeral  repast.  Schol.  ad  Hor.  epod. 
17, 48 ;  Serv.  ad  Virg.  ALn.  v.  64 ;  Paul,  and  Fest.  v.  vinum  resper- 
sum,  p.  262.  It  consisted  of  simple  dishes;  (pultes,  panem,  merum. 
August.  Confess,  vi.  2 ;  ovum,  Juv.  v.  84 ;  salt  and  so  forth,  Ov. 
Fast.  ii.  628 :  although  he  speaks  of  the  Parentalia  ;  and  was  placed 
upon  the  grave.  Jul.  Obs.  112,  ccena  Dece posita  a  cane  adesa  anti- 
quum delibaretur.  Plut.  Crass.  36 ;  Dio  Cass,  lxvii.  9.  It  was  called 
ccena  feralis,  Juv.  v.  84 : 

Ponitur  exigua  feralis  ccena  patella. 
App.  Florid.  4;  Plin.  x.  10,  28,  ex  funerum  ferculis.  See  Tertull. 
de  Test.  an.  4 ;  de  Resurr.  1 ;  August,  de  Civ.  Dei,  viii.  27 ;  Lips,  ad 
Tac.  Ann.  vi.  5.  The  proper  Roman  name  for  this  meal  was  not 
silicernium,  as  is  usually  supposed ;  for  notwithstanding  Donat.  ad 
Ter.  Ad.  iv.  2,  48,  ccenaque  infertur  diis  manibus,  yet  Varro's  autho- 
rity is  decidedly  against  it.  Non.  i.  235  :  Silicernium  est  proprium 
convivium  funebre  quod  senibus  exhibetur.  Varro  Meleagr.  funus 
exsequiati  laute  ad  sepidcrum  antiquo  more  silicernium  confecimus, 
i.e.  iTtpiöenrvov  quo pransi  discedentes  dicimus  alius  alii  vale.  It 
appears  tben  from  Varro  that  silicernium  was  the  old-fashioned 
meal,  taken  near  the  grave,  (hence  Servius  ad  Virg.  A?.n.  v.  92, 
derives  it  from  siliccenium,  i.  e.  a  meal  near  the  grave-stone),  for 
which  purpose  triclinia  and  halls  were  sometimes  built  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  monument,  as  in  that  of  Naevoleia  Tyche  at  Pompeii. 
It  differed  from  the  ceena  funeris,  Pers.  v.  33,  which  took  place  in 
the  house  of  the  deceased.  In  rich  families  a  great  number  of 
guests  were  invited  ;  sometimes  the  whole  people  :  (Cic.  p.  Mur. 


Scene  XII.]        INTERMENT   OF   THE    DEAD.  521 

36),  or  they  received  a  visceratio,  or  distribution  of  meat.  Liv.  viii. 
22,  xxxix.  46 ;  Suet.  Cces. ;  Sen.  Ep.  73.  Later,  money  was  given 
instead,  though  the  name  visceratio  remained.  Orell.  134,  3858. 
Games  and  shews  of  gladiators  often  attended  this  feast.  Liv.  xli. 
28;  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  2,  85;  Dionys.  v.  17;  Dio  Cass,  xxxviii.8,  xxxix. 
7,  xliii.  22. 

Long  after  the  funeral  they  testified  pious  affection  for  the 
deceased  in  various  ways.  The  Feralia  held  in  February  was  a 
general  festival  in  memory  of  the  dead ;  also  called  Parentalia, 
in  reference  to  the  relations  of  the  deceased.  Varro,  L.  L.  ii.  13  : 
Feralia  ab  inferis  et  ferendo,  quod  ferunt  turn  epulas  ad  sepulcrum 
quibus  jus  ibi  parentare.  Paul.  p.  85 ;  Macrob.  Sat.  i.  9 ;  Ovid, 
Amor.  i.  13,  3  : 

Annua  solenni  csede  parentat  ovis. 
Comp.  Cic.  de  Legg.  ii.  21 :  liostia  maxima  (i.  e.  the  sheep.  Paul, 
p.  126)  ;  parentare,  Phil.  i.  6 ;  Ter.  de  Resur.  c.  2  ;  Testim.  an.  4 ; 
Ov.  Fast.  ii.  533 ;  Auson.  Parent,  prcef.  Victims  were  likewise 
sacrificed,  and  food  placed  on  the  grave ;  which  was  adorned  with 
garlands,  and  sprinkled  with  essences  {profusiones),  also  with  milk, 
oil,  honey.  Orell.  642, 4415.  Lamps  (see  p.  310)  and  other  vessels 
were  put  on  it.  Prop.  iv.  5.  72 :  eurto  vetus  amphora  collo.  Cic.  de 
Legg.  26.  These  are  the  solennia  dona  or  munera.  Ov.  Fast.  ii. 
545;  Catull.  c. : 

Tradita  sunt  tristes  munera  ad  inferias. 

But  all  this  might  be  done  at  any  other  time  as  well  as  at  the 
Feralia ;  hence  parentare  is  used  generally  for  inferias  mittere. 
Orell.  642.  Mention  is  often  made  of  commemorative  banquets, 
in  most  extravagant  style.  Cic.  p.  Flacc.  38 ;  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3,  86, 
243;  Orell.  3999,  4417.  On  the  chaplets,  see  Orell.  707  :  rosas  ad 
monumentum  deferre.  3927,  4084,  4420.  Roses  and  escee,  i.  e.  those 
set  on  the  grave,  are  often  mentioned  together.  Beans  were  a 
standing  dish.  Plin.  xviii.  12,  30,  parentando  utique  assumitur  (faba). 
Funds  were  often  bequeathed  by  the  deceased  for  providing  esces 
and  rosce  on  the  other  days,  besides  at  the  Parentalia.  Orell. 
3927,  4084, 4107  ;  for  instance,  on  the  anniversary  of  his  birth-day. 
Some  beautiful  sepulchre-garlands  of  gold  have  been  found  at 
Egnatia.] 

The  urnec  [or  olles,  Orell.  4507,  4538 ;  olles  ossuaries,  4544  ;  otta- 
ria,  4544  ;  schola  ollurum,  4542  ;  hydria,  4546 ;  vascellum,  4555],  in 
which  the  bones  were  preserved,  were  of  various  shapes  and 
materials,  mostly  testes.  Propert.  says  (ii.  13,  32)  :  accipiat  manes 
parvida  testa  meos :  [but  they  were  also  of  stone  and  metal ;  so  of 


522  INTERMENT    OF   TUE    DEAD.         [Excursus. 

porphyry,  Dio  Cass.  Ixxvi.  15  ;  rarely  of  gold  and  silver.  Eutrop. 
-viii.  5  ;  Arnm.  Marc.  xix.  2].  Glass  ones  have  been  also  found  at 
Pompeii,  inclosed  in  others  of  lead.  The  nature  of  the  tombs,  both 
as  regards  external  form  and  interior  arrangements,  is  known  from 
numerous  monuments  still  extant.  See  Goro  von  Agyagf.  Wand, 
d.  Pompeii :  the  plan  and  view  of  the  street  of  tombs,  the  ground- 
plan  and  section  of  the  tomb  of  Nasvoleia  Tycke,  and  other  monu- 
ments.1 

One  of  the  most  instructive  passages,  respecting  the  environs, 
and  means  of  protecting  the  monument,  apart  from  its  absurdities, 
is  to  be  found  in  Perron.  71,  16:  Ut  sint  in  fronte  pedes  centum,  in 
agrum  pedes  ducenti.  Omne  genus  etiam  pomorum  volo  sint  circa 
cineres  meos  et  vinearum  largiter.  Valde  enim  falsum  est,  vivo  quidem 
domos  cultas  esse,  non  curari  eas,  tibi  diutius  habitandum  est,  et  ideo 
ante  omnia  adjici  volo :  Hoc  monumentum  heredem  non  sequatur. 
Cetei'um  erit  mihi  cures,  ut  testamento  caveam,  tie  mortnus  injuriam 
accipiam ;  prceponam  enim  unum  ex  libertis  sepulcro  meo  custodies 
causes.  [Orell.  4781.]  Among  the  ornaments  which  Trimalchio 
orders  from  the  lapidarius,  are  also,  naves  plenis  velis  euntes,  and 
such  allegorical  reliefs  have  actually  been  found  on  cippi.  See 
Goro,  t.  6.  The  tombs  were  generally  protected  by  a  ring-wall. 
[maceria]  as  that  of  Naevoleia  Tyche.  [Orell.  4373,  4498,  4509.] 
In  the  interior,  i.e.  the  proper  cinerarium  or  ossuarium,  stood  the 
urns  in  niches,  [locidi,  loculamenta,  lecti,  solia.  Orelli,  4428.  But 
these  terms  also  denote  larger  niches  to  contain  the  whole  corpse], 
whence  also  the  whole  receptacle  obtained  the  name  of  columba- 
7-ium.  [Orell.  4544,  4358,  4513.]  Beside  them  were  placed  lamps, 
lucernes  sepulchrales,  and  the  above-mentioned  lacrymatories.  On 
the  cippus  was  always  the  inscription,  titulus.  Ovid,  iii.  3,  77. 
[Orell.  4409,  4424.  An  immense  number  of  Roman  sepulchral 
monuments  have  been  preserved.  On  many  of  them  there  are 
interesting  inscriptions,  and  bas-reliefs,  indicating  the  name,  rank, 
and  family  of  the  deceased.  So  the  monument  of  the  baker,  M. 
Verg.  Eurys. ;  or  of  Cornel.  Successus,  who  was  soldier  and  butcher. 
The  most  interesting  inscriptions  have  been  collected  by  Orelli, 
cap.  xx.  4351-4871.] 

The  proper  name  for  such  a  funeral-monument  is  monumentum, 
only  that  it  can  also  be  erected,  for  form's  sake  only,  as  a  cenota- 
phium,  Cic.  pro  Sexto,  67  :  L.  Opimius  . .  .  cujus  monumentum  cele- 
berrimum  in  foro,   sepulcrum  desertissimum   in  litore  Dgrrhachino 


These  are  given  in  Gell's  Pompeiana. 


Scene  XII.]        INTERMENT    OF   THE    DEAD.  523 

relictum  est.  [By  the  word  monumentum  he  does  not  mean  cenota- 
phium, but  the  basilica  opimia,  or  the  Temple  of  Concord.  Halm. 
ad  Ciceron.  ib.  310.]  Thus  the  beautiful  monument  of  Oalventius 
at  Pompeii  is  a  cenotaphium,  without  ossuarium.  [Lamprid.  Sev. 
Alex.  63;  Cenotaphium  in  Gallia,  Romce  sepulcrum.  But  cenota- 
phium was  also  the  name  of  the  monument  erected  by  a  person 
during  his  life.  Orell.  4519,  4526,  dotnum  ceternam  sibi  vivus 
curavit.  Ulp.  Dig.  xi.  7,  6.]  On  other  occasions,  the  names 
sepulchrum,  bustum,  and  even  tumulus,  are  frequently  used  as 
synonymes. 

These  observations  must  suffice,  respecting  this  very  voluminous, 
subject. 

[Hitherto  no  work  has  been  written,  thoroughly  examining  this 
topic  in  a  religious  and  civil  point  of  view ;  though  much  on  that 
head  is  to  be  found  in  Kirchmann's  work;  Gothofred.  on  Cod. 
Theod.  ix.  17;  and  Dirksen,  Hist.  Script.  Auy.  169.] 


INDEX 


Abaci,  111,  n.  4;   190,  295 

Abulia,  422 

Acerra,  508 

Acetabulum,  479 

Aeipenser,  460 

' AKpod/uara,  470 

Acta  diurna,  134,  n.  1 ;   185 

Actor  in  the  family,  204 

Adversitores,  214 

Ager  Falernus,  57,  n.  1 

Ahenum,  298 

Alabastrurn,  305 

Alse  (in  the  House),  253 

Alea,  499 

Alec,  462 

Alveus,  388 

Alveus,  a  dice-table,  500 

Ambulatio,  405 

Arnica,  169 

Amiculum,  437 

Amphorae,  479,  488 

Ampulla,  305 

Anagnostae,  208 

Annulus  pronubus,  170 

Antae,  240 

Anteambulones,  213 

Antepagmenta,  240 

Antiquarii,  324 

A  pedibus  pueri,  215 

Apodyterium,  383 

Apophoreta,  468 

Apotheca,  489 

Apotheca  tricliuii,  265 

Aquarii,  362 

Aquiminarium,  306 

Arabia,  144,  n.  5 

Area,  106,  n.  8  ;  297 

Area  (coffins),  517 

Arcarii,  298 

Arehetypa,  17,  n.  6 

Argentum  purum  et  caelatum,  301 


Armarium,  106,  n.  8;  297,  323 

Arm-bands,  441 

Armilla?,  441 

Aricia,  50 

Arra,  170 

Asellus,  459 

Ashes  of  the  dead  mixed  with  scents, 
519 

Asseres,  343 

Athens,  the  place  of  education  of 
young  Komans,  197 

Atramentum  librarium,  326 

Atriensis,  205 

Atriolum,  253 

Atrium,  242 

Aurata,  459 

Aureus,  74,  «.9 

Auspices  at  the  celebration  of  mar- 
riage, 163 

Authepsa,  298 

Baiae,  85 ;  its  springs,  86, 71.  4 ;  luxury 

indulged  in  there,  88 
Bd\avos,  282 
Ballon,  399 

Ball-play,  398;  different  kinds  of,  399 
Balneum  distinct  from  Thermae,  389 
Baptisterium,  375,  385 
Basterna,  349 
Bathing  utensils,  393 
Baths,  366 

of  Campania  and  Etruria,  90 

■  at  Baiae,  92,  n.  12 

at  Pompeii,  plan  of,  369 

at  Stabiae,  plan  of,  370 

for  women,  395 

public  baths  at  Eome,  391 

libraries  in  the  baths,  390 

time  of  bathing,  396 

lodgings  over  the  baths,  92, 

n.  12 


526 


INDEX. 


Baths  of  Nero,  painting  of  a  section 

of,  384 
Beards,  428 
Beggars,  50,  n.  20 
Bellaria,  457 
Bellus  homo,  24 
Bene  tibi,  132,  «.11 
Betrothing  in  marriage,  170 
Bibere  in  lueem,  2,  n.  2 
Bibere  nomen,  131,  n.  10 
Bibliopolae,  209,  334 
Bibliothec«,  323 
Bifores,  281 

Birthday,  celebration  of,  78,  n.  15 
Boar,  ccense  caput,  463 
Books,  324 
Booksellers,  334 
Botularii,  465 
Botuli,  464 
Bovillae,  50 
Braces,  423 
Branding  of  slaves,  222 
Brassica,  465 
Bread,  467 
Bulla  aurea,  183 
Burning  the  corpse,  515 
Burial-places,  516 
Bustum,  517 
Byssus,  444 

Cacabus,  298 

Cadus,  479,  488 

Cselatura,  301 

Cselibes,  176 

Calamistrum,  440 

Calamus,  332 

Calceare,  375 

Calceus,  424 

Calculator,  191 

Calculi,  190 

Calda,  493 

Caldarium  in  the  baths,  386 ;  a  vessel 

used  in  preparing  the  calda,  494 
Calices,  482 
Caliga,  427 
Camene,  275 
Camillus  et  Camilla,  166 
Caincense,  grove  of  the,  41 
Campania,  the  springs  of.  90,  n.  8 


Candelabra,  309 

of  what  materials  they 

were  made,  312 

from  iEgina  and  Taren - 

tum,  313 

in  the  form  of  trees,  &c, 

314 

Candelae,  308 

Canis,  at  dice,  500 

Cantharus,  481 

Capis,  481 

Capitium,  417 

Capo,  462 

Capsse,  332 

Capsarii,  their  different  employ- 
ments, 214,  333 ;  in  the  baths,  93, 
«.14;  373 

Capsus,  349 

Capulus,  517 

Carbasus,  444 

Carina;,  71,  n.3 

Carpentum,  346 

Carptor,  469 

Carriages,  341 

Carruca,  348 

Cartibulum,  289 

Caryotae,  466 

Castra  lecticariorum,  344 

Castrare  vinum,  491 

Catellse,  440 

Catenata  taberna,  46,  n.  9 

Cathedra,  292 

Catini,  479 

Caupo,  352 

Caupona,  355 

Causia,  423 

Cave  canem,  242 

Cavum  tedium,  242,  257 

Cedrus,  328 

Ceilings,  275 

Celibacy,  176 

Cellse  penaria?,  265 

Cellse  servorum,  59,  n.  4 ;  65,  n.  18 ; 
264 

Cellse  vinarise,  58,  n.  4 ;  487 

Cella  frigidaria,  in  the  baths,  385 

Cellarius,  205 

Cenotaphium,  506,  522 

Cerevisia,  485 


IXDEX. 


527 


Ceroma,  378 

Chapel,  263 

Chaplets,  496 

Charistia,  22(5 

Charta;  epistolares,  339 

Chests,  297 

Children,  178 

Chirurgi,  208 

Chiysendeta,  302 

Cicer,  466 

Cinerarium,  522 

Ciniflones,  217,  440 

Cippi.  522 

Circuli,  406 

Cisium,  346 

Cistellae,  298 

Citreae,  295 

Citrus,  294 

Clathri,  277 

Claris,  292 

Claris  Laconica,  283 

Clarus  latus,  or  angustus,  417 

Cleaning,  implements  for,  307 

Clepsydrae,  318 

Clients,  227 

Clipeus,  387 

Clocks,  315 

Coecum.  446 

Cochlea;,  461 

Cochlear,  477 

Cocula,  298 

Codicilli,  338 

Coemtio,  167 

Ccena,  455 

nuptialis,  165 

pontificalis,  458 

recta.  4-">7 

Trimalchionis,  110,  n.  1 

feralis.  520 

Ccenaculum,  5,  n.  8;  267 
Coenare  de  die,  456 

Ccenare  in  ducem,  2,  n.  2;  456 
Colum,  299,  489 
Columbarium,  522 
Comissatio,  124,  n.  1 
Compagus,  427 
Compedes,  221 
Compluvium,  257 
Conclamatio,  506 


Concubinatus,  169 

Condere  oculos,  506 

Confarreatio,  157 

Congius,  479 

Conopium,  306 

Conserva,  220 

Constructio  (of  books),  329 

Contubernium  of  the  slaves,  220 

Convenire  in  manum,  156,  167, 168 

Convivia  tempestiva,  456 

Cooking  utensils,  298 

Copta,  Copta  placenta,  468 

Coquina,  264 

Corinthian  brass,  18,  n.  9 

Cornua.  511 

Cornua  of  the  books,  328 

Corona;,  496 

Corona  convivialis,  497 

Cors  of  a  villa,  60,  n.  5 

Cortina,  298 

Cosmetae,  male  slaves,  217 

Covinus,  347 

Crater,  483 

Craticula,  299 

Crematio,  516 

Crepida?,  427 

Crepundia,  183 

Cribrum,  299 

Crucifixion  of  slaves,  223 

Crusta,  302 

Crusta;,  302 

Crystallina,  302 

Cuba,  184 

Cubicularii,  212 

Cul.icula,  260 

Cubital,  424 

Cucullus,  423 

Cueuma,  298 

Culcita,  286 

Culina,  264 

Cumerus,  160 

Cunina,  183 

Cupa,  487 

Cupboards,  297 

Cursores,  213 

Curtains,  252,  276,  306 

Cvatbus,  479 

Cybiom,  459 

Cymbium,  483 


528 


INDEX. 


Cypress  before  the  domus  funesta, 
508 ;  round  the  funeral  pile,  517 

Daetyliotheese,  430 

Datatini  ludere,  400 

Day,  divisions  of  the,  314 

Dead,  interment  of,  505 

Decurise  of  slaves,  203 

Decurio,  206 

Deductio  of  the  bride,  160 

Defrutum,  486 

Delicise  of  the  ladies,  25,  n.  16 

Delphicae  (marble  tables),  111,  n.i 

Demensum  of  the  slaves,  218 

Designator  funeris,  511 

Diaeta,  262 

Diapasmata,  378 

Diatreta  (diatreti  calices),  304 

Diffareatio,  175 

Diffundere  vinum,  487 

Discidium,  175 

Dispensator,  204 

Diversorium,  or  dcversorium,  353 

Divortium,  175 

Dolabra,  1,  n.  1 

Dolia,  486 

Dominium,  178 

Domo  interdicere,  101,  n.  3 

Domus,  as  opposed  to  insula,  231 

Doors,  manner  of  fastening  the,  281 

Dormitoria,  260 

Dress  of  the  men,  409 

women,  431 

Drinks,  485 
Dulciarius,  468 

Ear-rings,  441 
Echinus,  461,  484 
Education,  183 
Edusa,  183 
Elseothesia,  379 
Emancipatio,  181 
Emblemata,  302 
Endromis,  422 
Epichysis,  305,  480 
Epideipnides,  457 
Epistolse,  338 

Ergastulum,  221;  under  ground,  59, 
n.  4 


Eruca,  466 

Essedum,  346 

Etruria,  the  springs  of,  90,  n.  8 

Exedrse,  262 

Expulsim  ludere,  400 

Eaces  nuptiales,  160,  163 

Familia,  its  meaning,  151,  154, 198; 

rustica  and  urbana,  202 
Famuli,  199 
Earreum  (libum),  at  the  confarrea- 

tio,  163 
Fartor,  ciTeu'Hjs,  469 
Fasciae,  286,  424,  432 
Fatua,  460 
Fatui,  moriones,  210 
Fauces,  in  the  house,  256 
Feet,  coverings  of,  424,  438 
Fenestras,  276 
Feralia,  521 

Fercula  of  the  ccena,  456 
Ferise  novemdiales,  520 
Feronia,  temple  of,  55 
Fibula,  433 
Fire  and  water,  ceremony  of,  at  the 

marriage,  162 
Fires  in  Home,  1,  n.  1 
Fish,  459 
Flabella,  438 
Flamingo,  468 
Flammeum  of  the  bride,  165 
Floors,  270 
Focalia,  424 
Follis,  399 
Fores,  240 
Formise,  56 
Foruli,  323 
Forum  Appii,  52 
Frigidarium  in  the  baths,  385 
Fritillus,  498 
Frontes  of  the  books,  329 
Fulcra,  290 
Fullones,  448 
Funales,  349 
Funalia,  309 
Funambuli,  210 
Fundi,  56 
Fungi,  466 
Funiculus,  308 


IXDEX. 


529 


Funus,  publicum,  509 ;  indictivum, 
510;  censorium,  510;  acerbum,  510 

Furca,  carrying  the,  punishment  of 
slaves,  223 

Galeola,  483 

Gallus,  biographical  notice  of,  6,  n.  8 

Games,  social,  499 

Ganeum.  355 

Gardens,  358 

Gramm,  461 

Gau-apa,  295,  419,  443 

Geminse  frontes  of  the  books,  329 

Gestatio,  361 

Glass,  303,  373 

Glutinatores,  329 

Gnomon,  318 

Gobius,  459 

Grabatus,  291 

Graeco  more  bibere,  128,  n.  6;  130, 

n.  9 
Grassatores,  54,  n.  28 
Green-houses,  363 
Gustus,  gustatio,  gustatorium.  156 
Gutturnium,  306 
Guttus,  305,  480 
Gymnastic  exercises,  399 

Hair,  428,  439 

Halteres,  404 

Harpastum,  403 

Hats,  423 

Head,  coverings  for  the,  423 

Heredipeta?,  74,  n.  8 

Hexaclinon,  108,  ».11;  471 

Hexaphoron,  344 

Hippodromus,  361 

Holoserica,  442 

Honey,  the  best  and  worst  kinds  of, 

467 
Horarium,  320 
Horologia  solaria,  318 
Horologium,  320 
Hortulanus,  359 
Hospites,  226 
Household  utensils,  285 
House,  the  Eoman,  230 
Humatio,  517 
Hydromeli,  484 


Hypocaustum,  278 
Hypogsea,  267 

Iatraliptse,  208 

Illumination  of  towns,  81,  n.  19 
Imagines  majorum,  15,  511 

:  clypeatse,  16,  n.  4 

Imbrices,  269 
Imitatio  ruris,  67,  n.  21 
Impluvium,  64,  n.  13;  2o7 
Incitega,  484 
Indumentum,  437 
Indusium  or  intusium,  416 
Infidibula,  299 
Inns,  351 
Instita,  433 
Instrumentum,  285 
Insula?,  5,  n.  8 ;  232 
Interjungere,  51,  n.  22 
Interula,  432 
'l7rroAe'/37;s,  382 

Janitor,  211 

Janitrix,  2 1 1 

Janua,  240 

Jecur  anseris,  462 

Jentaculum,  452 

Jugum,  164 

Jus  lati  clavi.  105,  n.  5 

Jus  osculi.  226 

Justa  facere,  506 

Jus  trium  liberorum,  177 

Kitchen,  264 
K6tto.&os,  504 

Labrum,  306,  388 

Lacerna.  t20,   111 

Lacertus,  459 

Laconicum,  386 

Lacrymatories,  519 

Lactarius,  469 

Lactuca,  456.  465 

Lacunaria,  l'7"i 

Lsena,  422 

Lampadaria,  313 

Lamps,  lucernae,  309 ;  triclinares  and 
cubiculares,  3 1 0;  polymixi,310;  se- 
pulcrales.310,521;inthebaths,372 


M  M 


530 


INDEX. 


Lances,  479 

Lanipendia,  448 

Lapis  specularis,  277,  342    ■ 

Laquearii,  275 

Lararium,  263 

Lar  vialis,  49 

Lasanum,  298 

Laternee,  314 

Laternarii,  lampadarii,  215 

Latrina,  265 

Laudatio  funebris,  515 

Lavatrina,  389 

Lebes,  298,  306 

Lectica,  34;  aperta,  342;  with  win- 
dows and  shutters,  342  ;  when  it 
first  came  into  fashion,  345 ;  fune- 
bris, 513 

Lecticarii,  213 

Lecti  triclinares,  summus,  medhis, 
imus,  rank  of  the  places  upon 
them, 470 

Lectores,  208 

Lectus,  285 

Lectus,  genialis  or  adversus,  247  ; 
cubicularis,  290 ;  lucubratorius, 
291 ;  funebris,  508 

Legs,  coverings  of  the,  423 

Legumina,  452 

Lentiscus,  122,  n.  20 

Lepesta,  483 

Lepus,  465 

Letter,  338 

Levana,  183 

Lex  Oppia,  345 

Libation,  132,  n.  12 

Liberalia,  197 

Libitinarius,  507 

Librarii,  209 ;  for  the  library,  324 ; 
a  studiis,  32,  n.  4 ;  ad  manum  or  ab 
epistolis,  339;  as  bookbinders,  331 ; 
as  booksellers,  335 

Library,  322 

Libri,  325 

Libripens,  71,«.  4 

Licinus,  71,  n.2 

Licita  consuetudo,  169 

Lighting,  manner  of,  308 

Ligula,  478 

Limen,  240 


Linen,  443 
Linostema,  444 
Lintea,  395 
Linum,  444 
Literati,  208 
Lixivium,  449 
Loculi,  298 
Lomentum,  379 
Lora,  486 
Lucerna?,  309 

Lucrine  lake,  pleasure  parties  there- 
on, 95;  oysters  therefrom,  461 
Lucus  Camcenarum,  41,  n.2 
Ludere  par  impar,  504 
Ludi  magistri,  191 
Ludiones,  210 
Ludus  duodecim  scriptorum,  502 

latrunculorum,  502 

Lunula,  426 
Lupanaria,  91 
Lupus,  459 
Lustratio,  183 

of  the  corpse,  520 

Lychnuehi,  309 

pensiles,  314 

Lycoris,  83,  n.  24 

Mseniana,  268 

Magister  convivii,  126,  n.  2 

Malluvium,  306 

Mamillare,  432 

Manalis,  306 

Mancipia  viliora,  201 

Mandrje,  303 

Mango,  200 

Manni,  small  horses,  350 ! 

Mantelia,  476 

Manus,  in  manum  esse,  156 

Mappse,  476 

Marble,  the  different  kinds  of,  16, 

n.  5 
Marriage  among  the  Komans,  155 
Matella,  300 
Materfamilias,  168 
Matrimonium  justum  et  non  justum, 

155 
Matrona,  168 
Meals,  451 
Mediastini,  215 


INDEX. 


531 


Medici,  207;  their  estimation  among 
the  Komans,  207;  ab  oculis,  etc. 
208 

3Ielimela,  36-1 

Membrana,  326,  329 

Men,  dress  of  the,  409 

Mena,  459 

Mensae  citreae,  294 

■  laniariae,  296 

secundse,  456 

Meraeius  bibere,  129,  n.7 

Merenda,  454 

Merum  bibere,  129,  n.  7 

Miliarium,  298 

Mimi,  210;  at  funerals,  511 

Minerval,  195 

Minium,  15,  n.2;  327 

Minturnse,  56 

Mirrors,  296 

Micreco  fj.vdjj.ova  ffvfnrörav,  4,  n.  4 

Mistarium,  483 

Mitra,  440 

Mixing  of  the  wine,  28,  n.  7 

Molse,  265 

Monilia,  440 

Monopodia,  294 

Monumentum,  522 

Moriones,  210,  470 

Mosaic  work,  271 

Moss  in  the  impluvium,  64,  n.  13 

Mugilis,  459 

Mulleus,  427 

Mullus,  459 

Mulsum,  457,  493 

Muraena,  459 

Murex,  460 

Muria,  461 

Murrhina  vases,  304 

Musivum,  271 

Mustum  calcatum,  486 

Naenia,  511 
Nani,  210 
Nanus,  300 
Nardinum,  378 
Nassiterna,  306 
Necklaces,  441 
Negotiatores,  206 
Night,  its  divisions,  314 


Nitrum,  449 

Nodus,  439 

Nomenclator,  212 

Nomina  bibere,  131,  n.  10 

Notarii,  33,  n.  4 

Novemdialia,  520 

Numidse,  213 

Numidian  hens,  60,  n.  6 

Nuncii,  215 

Nundina,  a  Goddess,  183 

Nundinae,  days  of  the  lustratio  and 

ovofxadeaia,  183 
Nuptiae,  159 
Nutrices,  189 

Obices  pessuli,  282 
Obsonator,  469 
Octophoron,  344 
Ocularii,  208 
Odores  on  the  corpse,  517 
GEci,  261 
(Enophorus,  488 
Olera,  452 
Olives,  365,  467 
Olla,  298 
Olus,  466 
'Ovo/xadeffla,  183 
Opisthographa,  328 
Opus  seetile,  271 
Orbes  citrei,  474 
Ore«,  488 
Ordinarii,  204 
Ornatrices,  216 
Ossilegium,  518 
Ostiarius,  2,  211 
Ostium,  240 
Ostreae,  460 

Pacta,  171 
Paedagogi,  188 
Paenula,  418 
Paganica,  399 
Palaestra,  405 
Palimpsestus,  328 
Palla,  434 
Palumbi,  62,  n.  10 
Palus,  404 
Papyrus,  325 
Paragaudae,  446 


532 


INDEX. 


Parasite,  211 

Parchment,  326 

Parentalia,  521 

Par  impar  ludere,  504 

Paropsides,  479 

Passer,  459 

Pastilli,  468 

Patagium,  435 

Paterae,  481 

Paterfamilias,  153 

Patibulum,  223,  281 

Patina,  299,  461,  479 

Patria  potestas,  178 

Pavimentum  sectile,  27fr 

Pecten,  461 

Peetinata,  268 

Peculiurn  of  the  slaves,  2 1 9 

Pedisequi,  212 

Pellex,  169 

PelHs,  342 

Pelorides,  460 

Pelvis,  306 

Peniculi,  307 

Perguhe,  268,  365 

Peristylium,  259 

Pero,  426 

Pessulus,  282 

Petasus,  423 

Petauriste,  210 

Petorritum,  348 

Pheasants,  61,  n.  8;  462 

Phimus,  498 

Phialse,  481 

Phoenicopterus,  463 

Pica  salutatrix,  240 

Pigeons,  61,  «.9;  462 

Pila,  299,  390 

Pila  trigonalis,  402 

Pileatus,  122,  n.  16;  201 

Pilentum,  347 

Pileus,  423 

Pinacotheca,  263 

Piscina  in  the  Baths,  375 

Piscinae,  or  vivaria  piscium,  460 

Pisticum,  242 

Pistores,  452,  468 

Pistrinum,  265 

Plagse,  342 

Plumarius,  288 


Plumate  vestes,  288 

Pluteus,  291 

Pocillatores,  470 

Pocula  grammatica,  483 

Podia,  267 

Pollinctor,  507 

Polubrum,  306 

Pompa,  510 

Pompeii,  description  of  the  baths  of, 
369 

Popina,  354 

Porea  prcecidanea,  506 

Porcelli,  468 

Porcus  Trojanus,  121,  oi.  15 

Porrum  sectile  et  capitatum,  466 

Porta  Capena,  47,  55 

Porta  Metia,  223 

Posca,  a  drink  of  the  lower  classes, 
77,  «.14 

Post,  between  Pome  and  the  pro- 
vinces, 99,  n.  2 

Postes,  240 

Posticum,  242 

Potina,  183 

Pneeo,  201,  509 

Praefectus  vigilum,  1,  n.  1 

Praefericulum,  306 

Prsefiea,  311 

Praeficae,  511 

Praegustatores,  470 

Prandium,  454 

Priapus,  468 

Procurator,  204 

Procus,  170 

Professio  of  children,  484 

Programmata,  44,  n.  8 

Promulsidare,  478 

Promulsis,  456 

Promus,  205 

Pronubse,  160,  166 

Psilothrum,  429 

Pueri  patrimi  et  matrimi,  160 

Pugillares,  338 

Puis,  452 

Pulvini,  111,  n.  3;  garden -borders, 
360 

Pumiliones,  210 

PurjDle  garments,  447 

Pyrgus,  498 


IXDEX. 


533 


Quadrantal,  479 
Quales-quales,  216 

Relatives  of  a  Roman  familia,  227 

Relics,  18,  ».8 

Remancipatio.  1 7G 

Repagula,  283 

Repositoria,  -178 

Repotia,  166 

Repudium,  171,  175 

Restes,  286 

Reticulum,  440 

Rheda,  348 

Rhodian  hens,  60,  n.  7 

Rhombus,  459 

Rhytium,  483 

Rieinium,  438 

Rings,  429  ;  not  taken  off  the  corpse, 

506 
Rogus,  517 
Rosaria,  362 
Roses  for  chaplets,  497 
'Pvtov  (drinking-horn),  483 

Saccus  vinarius,  490 
Sacrarium,  263 
Salinum,  479 
Salutatio  matutina,  227 
Salutigeruli  pueri,  215 
Salve  on  the  threshold,  240 
Sandapila,  513 
Sapa,  486 
Sarcophagi,  517 
Sartago,  299 
Savo,  56 
Scabella,  294 
Seamna.  294 
Scaphium,  395 
Scapi  cardinales,  241 
Scarus,  460 

Schol»,  in  the  baths,  388 
Schools,  186 
Scimpodium,  291 
Scirpus,  308 
Seobis,  122,  n.  18 
Scopse,  122.  «.18;  307 
Scissor,  469 
Scrike,  209,  324 


Scrinium,  323,  332 

Scyphus,  481 

Sedile,  292 

Sella,  292;  gestatoria,  343 

Semicinctium,  432 

Sepultura,  516 

Sera,  281 

Serise,  487 

Serica,  442 

Sericaria,  443 

Sesterces,  their  value,  295 

Sextarius,  479 

Shell-fish,  460 

Sigilla,  302 

Sigma,  474 

Silentiarii  in  the  familia,  206 

Siliceruium,  520 

Siligneus,  467 

Silk,  for  dresses,  442 

Simpulum,  305,  480 

Simpuvium,  306,  480 

Sindon,  444 

Sinuessa,  56 

Sinus  (of  the  toga),  413 

Siphones,  1,  n.  1 

Situlus,  300 

Slave-family,  198 

slave-dealers,  venalitii,  200 
price  of  slaves,  201 
number  of  slaves,  203 
names  and  classes,  204—17 
position  and  treatment,  217 
punishment.  220 
their  apartments,  264 
"iiata,  378 

Social  Games,  499 

Solaria,  267 

Solarium,  318 

Soleae,  421 

Solium,  293,  388 

Solum,  270 

Sordidati,  105,  «.4 

Sparsionea  in  the  theatre,  45,  ». 

Specnlaria.  277,  342 

Sphseristerium,  406 

Spina,  160 

Spoils  on  the  doors,  8,  n.  9 

Spoliatorium,  372 

Sponda  orciniana,  5 1 3 


534 


INDEX. 


Sponda  and  pluteuson  tlielectus,  291 

Spongiae,  307 

Sponsalia,  170 

Sportellae,  230 

Sportula,  228 

Stemmata,  1 5,  n.  3 

Stibadhim,  474 

Stola,  433 

Stork,  463 

Stragula  vestis,  287 

Street-lighting  at  Rome,  80,  n.  19 

Strigiles,  393 

Strophium,  432 

Structor,  469 

Subsellia,  294 

Subserica,  442 

Subucula,  416 

Sudatio,  386 

Suggrunda,  269 

Sulphuratae  institor  mercis,  44,  n.  1 

Sumen,  464 

Supellex,  285 

Superstitions  of   the  ancients,  118, 

n.  12 
Supparus,  417 
Suppromus,  206 
Suspensurae,  386 
Symphoniaci,  210,  470 
Synthesis,  vestis  ccenatoria,  420,  444 

Tabellae,  332,  339 

Tabellarii,  339 

Tabernae,  46,  n.  9;  266 
of  the  librarii,  335 
of  the  tonsores,  429 
diversorise  or  meritoriae,  354 

Tables,  294 

Table-utensils,  476 

Tablinum,  254 

Tabula,  190 

Tabula  lusoria,  502 

Tabulas  nuptiales,  164 

Taedae,  308 

Tali,  499 

Tecta,  269 

Tegulae,  269 

Templum  Feronise,  55,  n.  31 

Tepidarium,  385 

Terracina,  56 


Tessarae,  227,  499 
Testum,  299 
Textrinae,  289 
Textrinum,  448 
Thalassio,  161 
Thericuleum,  481 
Thermae,  389 
Thermopolium,  355 
Tibicines,  511 
Tinae,  488 
Tintinnabula,  241 
Tirocinium  fori,  193 
Titulus,  of  the  books,  329 

of  the  slaves  when  sold,  200 

of  the  imagines,  16,  ?i.  4 

of  the  tomb,  522 

on  the  amphora  of  wine,  488 
Toga,  408 

introduced  by  the  Etruscans,  409 

its  form,  410 

modes  of  adjusting  it,  411 
Toga  meretricum,  435 
Toga  virilis,  when  adopted,  196 

why  libera,  197 
Toga  pretexta,  183,  409 

picta,  288 

Togam  mortui  summit,  507 
Tollere  liberos,  183 
Tomacula,  464 
Tomentum,  286,  517 
Tomus,  330 
Tonsor,  428 
Tonstrinae,  75,  428 
Tooth-picks,  128 
Torus,  286 
Topiarii,  359 
Toralia,  290,  477 
Toreuma,  304 
Toreutse,  19 
Transenna,  278 
Trapezophorae,  296 
Trichorum,  269 
Triclinares  servi,  469 
Triclinia,  261,  469 

thelecti,  471 

rank  of  the  different  places,  472 

position  of  the  host,  473 
Tricliniarcha,  469 
Trientes,  480 


INDEX. 


535 


Trigon,  402 

Tripods,  297 

Triumphator,  8,  n.9;   184,516 

Triumviri  capitales   et  nocturni,  1, 

n.  1 
Trullee,  299 
Trulleum,  306 
Tubse,  511 
Tubera,  466 
Tunica  recta  or  regilla,  164 

of  the  ■women,  432 

of  the  men,  416 
Turdus,  463 

Turres,  61,  re.  9;  66,  n.  19 
Turtures,  62,  n.  10 
Tutulus,  440 

Ulva,  286 

Umbellse,  438 

Umber,  463 

Umbilicus  of  the  books,  328 

Umbo  of  the  toga,  414 

Umbrse,  112,  re.  6;  474 

Unctorium,  379 

Unguentarium,  394 

Urceoli  ministratorii,  488,  495 

Urceus,  300 

Urna,  299,  479 

Urate,  521 

Ustrina,  517 

Usurpatio  trinoctii,  169 

Usus,  168 

Uxor,  168 

Vagitanus,  184 

Valvae,  278,  281 

Varronis  inventum,  29,  n.  3 

Vasa,  300 

Vas  potorium,  395 

Vegetables,  465 

Vela  in  the  theatres,  45,  re.  8 

house,  252,  277,  306 

on  the  carriages,  342 
Velarii,  276 
Ventralia,  424 
Venus,  or  Venereus,  at  dice,  498 


Vernse,  202 
Versipelles,  120 
Veru,  299 
Vespillones,  507 
Vessels  for  holding  liquids,  300 
Vestem  mutare,  417 
Vestes  stragulse,  287 
Vestiarii,  448 
Vestibulum,  237 
Via  Appia,  39;  62,  re.  35 
Viator,  55,  re.  30 
Vicarius,  204 
Vigiles,  1,  re.  1 

Villa  rustica,  plan  of,  58,  re.  4 
rustica  et  pseudo-urbana,  dis- 
tinction between,  58,  n.  3 
Villicus,  359 
Violaria,  362 
Viridarii,  362 
Visceratio,  521 
Vitelliani,  338 
Vivaria  piscium,  460 
Volema,  364 
Volsellae,  429 
Vulgares,  211 
Vulnerarii,  208 
Vulva,  464 

Walls,  272 

Warming,  method  of,  278 

Window-gardens,  365 

Windows,  276 

Wine,  485 

process  of  making  it,  486 

doliare,  or  de  cupa,  487 

process  of  clearing  it,  489 

colour,  491 

the  different  sorts,  492 

how  mixed,  493 
Women,  their  position,  152 

dress  of  the,  431 

Words  of  abuse,  76,  n.  13 

Xystus,  360 

Zythum,  485 


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